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1
Gretsch, Mechthild. "The Junius Psalter gloss: its historical and cultural context". Anglo-Saxon England 29 (gennaio 2000): 85–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100002428.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Oxford, Bodleian Library, Junius 27 (S.C. 5139), the Junius Psalter, was written, Latin text and Old English gloss, probably at Winchester and presumably during the reign of King Edward the Elder. Junius 27 is one of the twenty-nine complete or almost complete psalters written or owned in Anglo-Saxon England which have survived. (In addition to these twenty-nine complete psalters, eight minor fragments of further psalters are still extant.) This substantial number of surviving manuscripts and fragments is explained by the paramount importance of the psalms in the liturgy of the Christian church, both in mass and especially in Office. Junius 27 is also one of the ten psalters from Anglo-Saxon England bearing an interlinear Old English gloss to the entire psalter. (In addition there are two psalters with a substantial amount of glossing in Old English, though not full interlinear versions.) Since our concern in the first part of this article will be with the nature of the Old English glossing in the Junius Psalter, and its relationship to other glossed psalters, it is appropriate at the outset to provide a list of the psalters in question. At the beginning of each of the following items I give the siglum and the name by which the individual psalters are traditionally referred to by psalter scholars. An asterisk indicates that the Latin text is a Psalterium Romanum (the version in almost universal use in England before the Benedictine reform); unmarked manuscripts contain the Psalterium Gallicanum. For full descriptions of the manuscripts, see N. R. Ker, Catalogue of Manuscripts Containing Anglo-Saxon.
2
Deshman (†), Robert. "The Galba Psalter: pictures, texts and context in an early medieval prayerbook". Anglo-Saxon England 26 (dicembre 1997): 109–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100002131.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The ‘Galba Psalter’ (London, British Library, Cotton Galba A. xviii) is a pocket-sized (128 × 88 mm.), early-ninth-century Carolingian book, perhaps made in the region of Liège, that was originally decorated with only ornamental initials. By the early tenth century the manuscript had reached England, where an Anglo-Saxon scriptorium added two prefatory quires (1r–19v) containing a metrical calendar illuminated with zodiac signs, KL monograms and single figures (pls. IX–X), and five full-page pictures. Two miniatures of Christ and the saints on 2v and 21r (pls. X–XI) preface the calendar and a series of prayers respectively, and three New Testament pictures marked the customary threefold division of the Psalms. Facing Ps. I was a miniature of the Nativity (pl. XII), now detached from the manuscript and inserted into an unrelated book (Oxford, Bodleian Library, Rawlinson B. 484, 85r). The Ascension on 120v (pl. XIII) prefaces Ps. CI. A third picture before Ps. LI has been lost, but almost certainly it represented the Crucifixion. The placement of an image of this theme between the Nativity and the Ascension would have been appropriate from a narrative standpoint, and some later Anglo-Saxon and Irish psalters preface this psalm with a full-page picture of the Crucifixion. Obits for King Alfred (d. 899) and his consort Ealhswith (d. 902) provide a terminus post quem for the calendar and the coeval illumination. The Insular minuscule script of the calendar indicates a West Saxon origin during the first decade of the tenth century. On the grounds of the Psalter's style and later provenance, the additions were very likely made at Winchester.
3
Keefer, Sarah Larratt, e David R. Burrows. "Hebrew and the Hebraicum in late Anglo-Saxon England". Anglo-Saxon England 19 (dicembre 1990): 67–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100001605.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
St Jerome's third Latin translation of the Sefer Tehillim or ‘Book of Psalms’ is called the iuxta Hebraeos or Hebraicum, because he based it on the original Hebrew in which it was composed in order to obtain the greatest authenticity possible. Preceded by the so-called Romanum version of c. 384, which was primarily a translation of the Greek Septuagint, and the Gallicanum of c.392 which was a revision of it based on Origen's hexaplaric Septuagint text, the Hebraicum version of c. 400 represents an attempt by Jerome to produce a Latin translation as close as possible to the Hebrew text. However, despite its greater accuracy with respect to the Hebrew original, the Hebraicum was apparently never used in the liturgy, and was preserved solely as a patristic text in bibles or psalters for scholarly use.
4
Pulsiano, Phillip. "The Latin and Old English Glosses in the ‘Blickling’ and ‘Regius’ Psalters". Traditio 41 (1985): 79–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900006863.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In his Studien zum Psalterium Romanum in England und zu seinen Glossierungen, Karl Wildhagen writes of the Blickling Psalter (MS Pierpont Morgan Library m.776): ‘Dass es gegen Schluss des 10. oder Anfang des 11. Jahrhunderts im Süden und zwar in der bischöflichen (über Canterbury?) oder königliehen Kanzlei zu Winchester gewesen sein muss, beweisen die zahlreichen in ihm befindlichen jüngeren ae. Glossierungen aus dieser Zeit, die durchaus mit der damals in Winchester befindlichen Regius-Glosse übereinstimmen und z. T. sicher aus ihr kopiert sind.’ Helmut Gneuss reiterates Wildhagen's claim for the direct dependence of Blickling (M) upon Regius (D) in his description of the psalter in Lehnbildungen und Lehnbedeutungen im Altenglischen: ‘Die spätws. Glossen sind vorwiegend und wohl direkt von Ms. D. abhängig.’ Kenneth and Celia Sisam, in their edition of the Salisbury Psalter, significantly qualify the suppositions of Wildhagen and Gneuss on the relationship between the Old English glosses of M and D: ‘Nearly all these later glosses are of type D; those that are not are either commonplace or, like 118.139 tyrging = “zelus” and 129.3 hwa acymϷ = “quis sustinebit,” they are found earlier in the psalms in D. There seems to be no means of defining the exact relation of this derivative to the extant D.’ All three of these statements are unsupported by a systematic and detailed examination of the Old English glosses in M and D to determine whether the later glosses in M derive directly from D or from an indeterminate D-type gloss.
5
Rush, Rebecca M. "Authority and Attribution in the Sternhold and Hopkins Psalter". Renaissance and Reformation 38, n. 1 (13 giugno 2015): 57–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v38i1.22782.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This essay addresses the vexed question of the genre of the Sternhold and Hopkins psalter by considering the framing of the psalms in the early editions printed in England and on the continent. It is undeniable that all of the producers of the Sternhold and Hopkins psalter were committed to the dissemination of Scripture in the vernacular and that many were concerned with approximating the hebraica veritas. But comparing the title pages, prefaces, and marginal notes included in the sixteenth-century versions of the psalter with those of contemporary prose translations reveals that the editors of the psalter distinguished the metrical psalms from prose translations by carefully marking them as the poetic products of particular authors. In calling on the names and titles of the versifiers as sources of the volume’s authority, the editors of the Sternhold and Hopkins psalter forged an understanding of poetic authorship that would prove influential not only for later psalm translators but for English poets more generally. Indeed, this essay makes the case that the practices of authorial attribution employed in the psalters may have directly influenced the presentation of more celebrated verse anthologies like Tottel’s Songes and Sonettes.
Cet article se penche sur la question controversée du genre du psautier Sternhold and Hopkins, en examinant l’encadrement des psaumes dans les premières éditions anglaises et continentales. Il est indéniable que les éditeurs de ce psautier étaient engagés dans la diffusion des traductions en langue vernaculaire des Écritures et qu’ils cherchaient à s’approcher de la hebraica veritas. Toutefois, en comparant les pages titres, les préfaces, et les annotations marginales des différentes versions du XVIe siècle du psautier avec celles des traductions versions contemporaines en prose, on découvre que les éditeurs du psautier différencient les psaumes métriques des traductions en prose en les identifiant clairement comme le travail poétique d’auteurs spécifiques. En faisant reposer l’autorité de la publication sur les noms et les titres des poètes, les éditeurs du psautier Sternhold and Hopkins ont créé une vision de l’auteur poète qui allait non seulement avoir une grande importance pour les traducteurs suivants de psaumes, mais également pour les poètes anglais en général. En effet, cet article montre également que les pratiques d’attribution d’auteur dans les psautiers ont influencé directement la présentation d’anthologies de poésie plus réputées, telles que les Songes and Sonettes de Tottel.
6
Toswell, M. J. "The Late Anglo-Saxon Psalter: Ancestor of the Book of Hours?" Florilegium 14, n. 1 (gennaio 1996): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/flor.14.001.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In the introduction to her book, The Study of the Bible in the Middle Ages, Beryl Smalley remarks that the Bible was “the most studied book of the middle ages,” and that “the language and the content of Scripture permeate medieval thought” (xi). This concern with the basic text of the Christian faith was felt in early medieval England as much as anywhere else in Christendom. Bede, for instance, highly prized his own commentaries on the books of the Bible, and at the end of his life was translating the gospel of St John into the vernacular. The Codex Amiatinus, the Lindisfarne and Rushworth gospels are all de luxe manuscripts, are all produced in insular scriptoria, and are all beautifully laid out and gloriously illustrated copies of these biblical texts. Perhaps more important, the latter two of these codices were copiously glossed in the vernacular, a process which, to the modern eye at least, disturbs the visual splendour of the manuscript, but which proves that study and understanding of the text was of great importance to the Northumbrian monks who used the manuscripts. Similarly, many of the psalters of Anglo-Saxon England were glossed, illustrated, or otherwise laid out in such a way as to suggest careful study of the text.
7
Henderson, G. D. S. "The West Portal in the Porch at Higham Ferrers: A Problem of Interpretation". Antiquaries Journal 68, n. 2 (settembre 1988): 238–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581500069365.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
SummaryThe thirteenth-century west portal of Higham Ferrers Church, Northamptonshire, despite its rural setting, has claims to represent international and metropolitan taste in its ornament and general layout. The sculptured portal was originally part of a larger decorative and iconographic scheme, the coherence of which was drastically impaired in the rebuilding of the west porch, tower, and spire in the 1630s. Fragments of what seem likely to have been major sculptural groups were then built into the westface of the tower. Thefigurescenes, framed in medallions, which fill the left and rightportion of the tympanum of the portal are among the best preserved thirteenth-century sculptures in England, but the identification of the individual scenes is fraught with difficulty nor is it easy to judge the level at which the sculptures were intended to communicate. Contemporary illustrated Psalters, designed for personal devotional use, may provide the key, but curious symptoms of seventeenth-century interference also require interpretation.
8
Vidas, Marina. "Un Deu Enemi. Jews and Judaism in French and English Medieval Illuminated Manuscripts in the Royal Library". Fund og Forskning i Det Kongelige Biblioteks Samlinger 55 (3 marzo 2016): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/fof.v55i0.118912.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Marina Vidas: Un Deu Enemi. Jews and Judaism in French and English Medieval Illuminated Manuscripts in the Royal Library
The article analyzes images of and texts about Jews and Judaism in five medieval illuminated manuscripts in the collection of the Royal Library, Copenhagen. I begin by examining the references to Jews in a bestiary (MS GKS 3466 8º) composed in the twelfth century by Philippe de Thaon for Queen Adeliza of England and copied a century later in Paris. Then I analyze depictions of Jews in a French early thirteenth-century personal devotional manuscript (MS GKS 1606 4º) as well as in a number of related de luxe Psalters and Bibles in foreign collections. Textual references to Judaism and Jews are examined in a compilation of saints’ lives (MS Thott 517 4º) as well as depictions of individuals of this faith in an Hours (MS Thott 547 4º), both made in fourteenth-century England for members of the Bohun family. Lastly, I analyze images illustrating legends derived from the Babylonian Talmud in a Bible historiale (MS Thott 6 2º), executed for Charles V of France (r. 1364–1380).I argue that images depicting Jews in narrative cycles had a number of meanings, some of which can be interpreted as anti-Jewish. I suggest that the images also played a role in shaping the piety of their audiences as well as the intended viewers’ understanding of their social identity. Indeed, depictions of Jews in the manuscripts seem mostly unrelated to the actually existing Jews. Members of the Hebrew faith were often represented in contexts in which their appearance, beliefs, and activities were distorted to emphasize the holiness, goodness, and perfection of Christ and the Virgin Mary. It is also suggested that their representations may have spurred a reflection on, and sometimes even a criticism of, Christian behavior and attitudes.
9
O'Neill, Patrick P. "Latin learning at Winchester in the early eleventh century: the evidence of the Lambeth Psalter". Anglo-Saxon England 20 (dicembre 1991): 143–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100001794.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Aside from its Old English gloss, the Lambeth Psalter has largely been ignored. Yet this manuscript furnishes valuable evidence about Latin learning in late Anglo-Saxon England, specifically at Winchester. And it can lay claim to be the most important surviving witness to psalter scholarship from this period.
10
Zagórska, Paulina. "The coordinated glosses of the Eadwine Psalter and their source(s)". Biuletyn Polskiego Towarzystwa Językoznawczego LXXVI, n. 76 (31 dicembre 2020): 257–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.6659.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The paper presents the results of an extensive study into double glosses employed in the Old English gloss to the Eadwine Psalter in order to verify the possible sources of this linguistically complex manuscript. The analysis shows that the affiliation of the gloss is complicated, with numerous glosses which do not belong to the established Old English psalter glossing tradition. Additionally, the results shed some light on several of the baffling questions concerning the Old English gloss to the Eadwine Psalter, such as the number of hands and the glossing practice behind the production of this manuscript. Ultimately, the paper shows that contrary to the popular opinion, the Old English gloss to the Eadwine Psalter is a valuable source of linguistic data which moreover provides information on the twelfth-century scribal practice in the post-Conquest England.
11
Toswell, M. J. "Bede's Sparrow and the Psalter in Anglo-Saxon England". ANQ: A Quarterly Journal of Short Articles, Notes and Reviews 13, n. 1 (gennaio 2000): 7–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08957690009598082.
Testo completo
12
Przygodzka, Marta. "Monstrous Races in the Medieval English Psalter World Map". Groundings Undergraduate 15 (15 maggio 2024): 10–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.36399/groundingsug.15.137.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article examines medieval Monstrous Races in the Psalter World Map from the thirteenth-century English Map Psalter (British Library, Add. MS 28681). It suggests the map’s reading as a pictorial expression of liminality situated in a to- and fro-ing between conceptions of Us/the Self and Them/the Other. I consider how the map exiles the Monstrous Races through spatially articulated geographical distance; inserts Them into notions of Us via inclusion in God’s salvation plan; and gestures towards a category crisis in the Us-Them divide by celebrating England’s own peripheral placement on the mappa mundi’s border. The border-space which constitutes the nexus of my investigation extends to encompass the Psalter World Map’s materiality and the self-definition by means of difference enacted by the reader-viewer in corporeal terms.
13
Dawson, Jane E. A. "‘Satan's bludy clawses’: how religious persecution, exile and radicalisation moulded British Protestant identities". Scottish Journal of Theology 71, n. 3 (agosto 2018): 267–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930618000327.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractThe study examines the radicalisation experienced by one group of religious exiles in the middle of the sixteenth century. The English-speaking congregation in Geneva formed in 1555 produced a Bible, metrical psalter and order of worship that shaped the Anglophone Reformed tradition. Study of the congregation's output shows how watching the martyrdoms in England generated a dynamic anger and fresh interpretations of persecution, tyranny and resistance. Conveyed by the worship texts, this radical legacy passed into the identities of Reformed Protestants in the British Isles, the Atlantic world and subsequently across the globe.
14
Lis, Kinga. "Richard Rolle’s Psalter Rendition: The Work of a Language Purist?" Studia Anglica Posnaniensia 50, n. 1 (1 marzo 2015): 45–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/stap-2015-0016.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract Richard Rolle’s Psalter rendition, as any of the medieval English Psalter translations, is thickly enveloped in a set of assertions, originating in the nineteenth century, whose validity has been accepted unquestioned. It is the purpose of the present paper to investigate one such claim concerning the vocabulary selection, according to which Rolle’s rendition would employ almost exclusively lexical items of native origin, except for the instances where no proper item with native etymology presents itself in a particular context and Rolle is forced to use a Latin-derived word. The assertion generates at least two problematic issues. Firstly, it identifies Rolle’s translation as most exceptional in relation to the remaining 14th-century English Psalter translations: the Wycliffite Bibles and the Middle English Glossed Prose Psalter of which the former are asserted to be overtly influenced by the Latin text they render and the latter deeply indebted both syntactically and, more importantly, lexically to a ‘French source’. Secondly, it ascribes Richard Rolle the ideas nowadays covered by the term linguistic purism. Therefore, it seems necessary to analyse the lexical layer of the text in search of evidence, or lack thereof, which sets Rolle’s translation lexically apart from other renditions and sheds some light on the issue of Rolle’s supposed linguistic purism. Such a study is conducted on the basis of the nominal layer of the first fifty Psalms of the four relevant texts analysed in relation to their common Latin source text as only the juxtaposition of all of these enables one to (dis)prove the claim cited above. To provide a wider context from which to view them, the findings will be presented in relation to an overview of the contemporary theory of translation and set against a broadly sketched linguistic map of contemporary England.
15
Sandler, Lucy Freeman. "Psalter illustration and the rise of coronation imagery in medieval England". Journal of Medieval History 46, n. 3 (27 marzo 2020): 251–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03044181.2020.1743743.
Testo completo
16
Stanton, Anne Rudloff, e Michael Camille. "Mirror in Parchment: The Luttrell Psalter and the Making of Medieval England". Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies 31, n. 3 (1999): 444. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4052963.
Testo completo
17
Stanton, Anne Rudloff. "The psalter of Isabelle, Queen of England 1308–1330: Isabelle as the audience". Word & Image 18, n. 4 (ottobre 2002): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02666286.2002.10404973.
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18
Vidas, Marina. "Resemblance and Devotion: Image and Text in a Parisian Early Fourteenth–Century Book of Hours Made for a French Noblewoman". Fund og Forskning i Det Kongelige Biblioteks Samlinger 53 (2 marzo 2014): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/fof.v53i0.118820.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Marina Vidas: Resemblance and Devotion: Image and Text in a Parisian Early Fourteenth-Century Book of Hours (Copenhagen, Royal Library, Ms Thott 534 4º) Made for a French Noblewoman
The focus of this article is Ms Thott 534 4º, a small Parisian early fourteenth-century illuminated Book of Hours in the collection of the Royal Library, Copenhagen, about which up until now, very little has been published. Firstly, the textual and pictorial contents of the manuscript are listed. Secondly, the specific elements in the book which indicate that it was made for a woman are analysed. The article pays particular attention to the representation of the book’s owner and to other images of women in Ms Thott 534 4º. Additionally, possible readings of the juxtaposed images and texts relevant to the original owner of the manuscript are explored. Thirdly, the significance of the presence of Norman saints in the Calendar and memoriae, as well as of hagiographic material invoking saints that had a cult following in France and England are discussed. Fourthly, the components which reveal that the original book owner had connections to Paris are enumerated and analysed. It is shown that there are stylistic and iconographic similarities between Ms Thott 534 4º and two other Parisian personal devotional manuscripts, the Psalter and Hours of Blanche de Bourgogne (New York, New York Public Library, Ms Spencer 56) and a Psalter-Hymnal (Baltimore, Walters Art Gallery, W. 115) which, in all likelihood, was made for Blanche de Bretagne (c. 1270–1327). These similarities suggest that the three manuscripts are likely to date from around the same time. Drawing on the hagiographic and pictorial material in Ms Thott 534 4º, it is concluded that the Book of Hours was executed around 1310 for a lady with connections to Paris, Evreux, and possibly England. More specifically, Marguerite d’Artois, Countess of Evreux (1285–1311), is proposed as a possible candidate as the original owner of the manuscript.
19
Maizuls, Mikhail R. "THE RHYTHMS OF EVIL IN THE 14TH CENTURY ENGLISH PSALTER". RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. "Literary Theory. Linguistics. Cultural Studies" Series, n. 4 (2023): 29–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2686-7249-2023-4-29-54.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In medieval iconography, one of the main properties of evil is its multiplicity and changeability. As we know from the works on medieval demonology published by Alexander Makhov, such fluidity of forms was often equated with disorder and contrasted with an orderly hierarchy of the sacred. The author demonstrates that this applied not only to demons, but also to figures of non-Christians, primarily Jews and Romans in scenes of the Passion of Christ. The author of the present article takes the case of the Fitzwarin Psalter, one of the most extraordinary manuscripts illuminated in England in the 14th century. He shows that the variations of forms and colors in the figures of demonized enemies of Christ were sometimes organized in the rhythmic sequences which gave disorder a partial ordering. However, even in images of saints, in which symmetry and hierarchy dominated for a long time, variations were constantly introduced. They complicated (made more “live”) the static composition and led the viewer’s gaze. These observations suggest that many of the transformations of markers of otherness that researchers have long noted should be seen not only as visual figures of evil, but also as particular instances of the desire for varietas characteristic of medieval aesthetics in general
20
Goldberg, P. J. P. "Mirror in Parchment: The Luttrell Psalter and the Making of Medieval England. Michael Camille". Speculum 77, n. 1 (gennaio 2002): 155–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2903809.
Testo completo
21
Dennison, Lynda. "An Illuminator of the Queen Mary Psalter Group: The Ancient 6 Master". Antiquaries Journal 66, n. 2 (settembre 1986): 287–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581500028092.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This study traces the career of a single illuminator (the Ancient 6 Master) who was active in England from c. 1310 to 1335. For much of this time it can be shown that he worked in collaboration with the artist of Queen Mary's Psalter, one of the most profusely illustrated English manuscripts in existence Although a large number of books have been grouped under the heading of the ‘Queen Mary’ style, they have never received a proper classification, nor has any detailed attention been given to the problem dating. This paper attempts both to isolate the works in which the two artists participated and to propose a sequence ofproduction. Since most of these manuscripts are devoid of internal documentary evidence for dating, a chronology has been devised on the basis of the Ancient 6 Master's artistic development; this has involved an investigation of minor aspects of style. As a result, it has been possible to learn about the career of the Queen Mary Artist, and by virtue of the few firmly datable manuscripts, viewed in the light of the chronology proposed, dates have been suggested for the others within this group.
22
Paviot, Jacques. "England and the Mongols (c. 1260–1330)". Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 10, n. 3 (novembre 2000): 305–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s135618630001292x.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
As regards the Mongols, our knowledge of their history, of their customs, of their way of life, our relations with them, England presents an interesting case. We do not know the extent of the material lost on the Continent, but, in this (for the Mongols) remote corner of Europe, (in places safe from their devastation) documentation is to be found. A monk of Saint Albans, the chronicler Matthew Paris who died in 1259, is an important source. He was the only person to preserve Ivo of Narbonne's confession (which reveals that an Englishman was one of the first envoys of the Mongols to King Bela of Hungary), the report of Bishop Peter of Russia given at the council of Lyons in 1245 and information about André of Longjumeau's mission after the council. Incidently, twice at the end of hisChronica Majora, in an entry for the year 1257, Matthew Paris refers to a manuscript concerning ‘Tartarorum immunditias, vitam (spurcissimam) et mores (…) necnon et Assessinorum furorem et superstitionem’. It is the same work which is mentioned by John of Oxnead, in his Chronka under the year 1258, as a written command (mandatum scriptum) sent to Simon de Montfort, containing letters the length of a Psalter, and entitledDe vita et moribus Tartarorum(…)et de eorum fortitudine etguerra, et de adquisitionibuswhich was to be found in the book of Additions. Unfortunately this work has not survived. (Nevertheless it is tempting to see here a mention of William of Rubruck's report of his journey, which has the form of a letter and which was written in 1257, but which has little information about the Assassins. Later another Englishman, the Franciscan friar Roger Bacon († 1294) met William of Rubruck and became interested in the Mongols.)
23
Brantley, Jessica. "The iconography of the Utrecht Psalter and the Old English Descent into Hell". Anglo-Saxon England 28 (dicembre 1999): 43–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100002258.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The Old English Descent into Hell fits uneasily into the poetic corpus remaining to us from Anglo-Saxon England. The poem is an oddity both thematically and genetically, and (insofar as it has attracted any attention at all) the history of its criticism has been an unrewarding search for sources. The Descent presents a sourcing problem at its most basic, for its parts are so disparate that it is difficult even to construct a horizon of expectations from which to read the work. I hope to suggest here a new analogue, as well as a new way of thinking about sources and analogues in Old English literary studies, that may prove fruitful. The more rewarding context for comparative study of the Descent into Hell is not textual, but pictorial; I argue that visual exegesis of the psalms reveals both the source and the nature of the connection between the poem's two primary topics. In particular, iconography derived from the enormously influential Utrecht Psalter (Utrecht, Universiteitsbibliotheek, 32) provides a structural model, if not for the composition of the text in the most direct sense, then certainly for both medieval and modern understanding of it.
24
Kraebel, A. B. "Middle English Gospel Glosses and the Translation of Exegetical Authority". Traditio 69 (2014): 87–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900001926.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The non-Wycliffite Middle English commentaries on the Synoptic Gospels in MSS London, British Library Egerton 842 (Matt.), Cambridge, University Library Ii.2.12 (Matt.), and Cambridge, Corpus Christi College Parker 32 (Mark and Luke) are important witnesses to the widespread appeal of scholastic exegesis in later fourteenth-century England. They appear to have been produced by two different commentators (or teams of commentators) who worked without knowledge of one another's undertakings but responded similarly to the demand for vernacular biblical material. The commentary on Matthew represents a more extensive effort at compilation than the Mark and Luke texts, and, in his elaborate prologue, the Matthew commentator translates the priorities of scholastic Latin criticism even as he tailors his writing to meet the perceived needs of his English readers. Especially when considered alongside the WycliffiteGlossed Gospels, these texts illustrate further the variety and richness of vernacular biblical commentary composed in the decades following the important precedent of Richard Rolle'sEnglish Psalter.
25
Prestwich, M. "Shorter notice. Mirror in Parchment. The Luttrell Psalter and the Making of Medieval England. Michael Camille". English Historical Review 114, n. 458 (settembre 1999): 955–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/enghis/114.458.955-a.
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Prestwich, M. "Shorter notice. Mirror in Parchment. The Luttrell Psalter and the Making of Medieval England. Michael Camille". English Historical Review 114, n. 458 (1 settembre 1999): 955–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/114.458.955-a.
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Griffin, Lauren Horn. "The St. Albans Psalter: Painting and Prayer in Medieval England by Kristen Collins, Peter Kidd, and Nancy K. Turner". Comitatus: A Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies 45, n. 1 (2014): 226–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cjm.2014.0053.
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Trocme-Latter, D. "Der Genfer Psalter in den Niederlanden, Deutschland, England und dem Osmanischen Reich (16.-18. Jahrhundert). By Judith I. Haug." Music and Letters 93, n. 1 (1 febbraio 2012): 138–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ml/gcr105.
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Ruud, Marylou. "The World of the Luttrell Psalter. By Michelle P. Brown. (London, England: The British Library, 2006. Pp.96. $19.95.)". Historian 70, n. 4 (1 dicembre 2008): 823–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6563.2008.00227_49.x.
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Davis, James. "The Christian Brethren and the Dissemination of Heretical Books". Studies in Church History 38 (2004): 190–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400015813.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The illicit influx of William Tyndale’s vernacular New Testament and other reforming works into England in the late 1520s was considered an affront to the ecclesiastical authorities and an encouragement to lay heretical thought. No one was more vitriolic in condemnation than Thomas More, the lawyer-turned-polemicist, who was to become Chancellor from 1529. He declared, ‘Nothynge more detesteth then these pestylent bokes that Tyndale and suche other sende in to the realme, to sette forth here theyr abomynable heresyes.’ As Chancellor, More was renowned for his zealous persecution of heretics and booksellers, which he justified as a moral and legal imperative in order to uphold the Catholic faith. He also wrote several works, initially at the request and licence of Bishop Tunstall in March 1528, and thereafter in reply to the treatises of Tyndale and other Antwerp exiles. These writings provide tantalizing insights into the activities of Tyndale and the Christian Brethren as seen through the eyes of their chief protagonist. It was not only the New Testament, emanating from Cologne and Worms, that worried More, but Tyndale’s polemical works from the printing press of Johannes Hoochstraten in Antwerp, especiallyThe Parable of the Wicked Mammon, The Obedience of a Christen Man, andThe Practice of Prelates. Fellow exiles, such as George Joye, John Frith, and Simon Fish, were also writing popular and doctrinal works, includingA Disputation of Purgatorye, The Revelation of Antichrist, David’s Psalter, andA Supplication for the Beggars. Thomas More regarded William Tyndale, the Antwerp exiles, and their ‘Brethren’ in England as the most active producers and distributors of vernacular heretical books. However, his perceptions of the Brethren, their sympathizers, and their organization have been under-utilized by historians, who often rely more on the post-contemporary reflections of John Foxe. There perhaps remains the suspicion that More was conveniently coalescing all sedition under a single banner as a rhetorical device, or due to prejudice and unfounded conspiracy theories. Indeed,The Confutation of Tyndale’s Answeroutlined a smuggling network as an attempt to demoralize Tyndale’s supporters, by describing how various individuals had renounced their doctrines and betrayed their fellows. These were his tools of polemics, but More’s testimonies should not be dismissed as the mere delusions of a staunch anti-heretical zealot. He had studied the reforming works and interrogated significant figures in the Brethren. His conspiracy theories, it can be argued, were based on fact.
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Stanton, Anne Rudloff. "Illuminators and Patrons in Fourteenth-Century England: The Psalter & Hours of Humphrey de Bohun and the Manuscripts of the Bohun Family by Lucy Freeman Sandler". Catholic Historical Review 103, n. 1 (2017): 125–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2017.0023.
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Stanton, Anne Rudloff. "Michael Camille. Mirror in Parchment: The Luttrell Psalter and the Making of Medieval England. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. 1998. Pp. 411. $40.00. ISBN 0-226-09240-2." Albion 31, n. 3 (1999): 444–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0095139000070678.
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Osberg, Richard H. "Illuminating the Book: Makers and Interpreters. Essays in Honour of Janet Backhouse, and: Mirror in Parchment: The Luttrell Psalter and the Making of Medieval England ed. by Michelle P. Brown and Scott Mckendrick". Arthuriana 10, n. 4 (2000): 66–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/art.2000.0072.
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Curschmann, Michael. "Kristen Collins, Peter Kidd, and Nancy K. Turner, The St. Albans Psalter: Painting and Prayer in Medieval England. Los Angeles: J. Paul Getty Museum, 2013. Paper. Pp. 104; 94 color and 2 black-and-white figures. $25. ISBN: 978-1-60606-145-9." Speculum 89, n. 3 (luglio 2014): 762–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0038713414000967.
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Dennison, Lynda. "Lucy Freeman Sandler, Illuminators and Patrons in Fourteenth-Century England: The Psalter and Hours of Humphrey de Bohun and the Manuscripts of the Bohun Family. London and Toronto: British Library and University of Toronto Press, 2014. Pp. xxi, 383; 242 color and black-and-white figures and 1 CD-ROM. $70. ISBN: 978-1-4426-4847-0." Speculum 92, n. 1 (gennaio 2017): 303–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/689897.
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Larsen, Lars Krants. "Thorkild Dahls daggerter". Kuml 56, n. 56 (31 ottobre 2007): 191–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kuml.v56i56.24681.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Daggers from the Middle AgesOn entering the front door to Moesgård’s 226 year old main building, some of the first objects to meet one’s eyes are two magnificent white mineral cabinets in Louis XVI style. These beautiful cabinets are among the oldest pieces of furniture at Moesgård. They originate from Christian Frederik Güldencrone’s time (1741-88) and contain now – as then – a mineralogical collection (fig. 1). In a lower drawer of one of the cabinets there are, however, two daggers that have nothing to do with this collection and which must have been added on a later occasion.The types of dagger which will be dealt with here are the kidney dagger and the so-called lansquenet dagger mentioned below. They have their origins in the Middle Ages and they are, due to their form, closely linked with the military equipment, especially the plate armour, increasingly in vogue during the 14th century. When the dagger became part of the knight’s armament it was in order for it to be used in hand-to-hand fighting. With its strong and rigid blade, the dagger could be pushed between the plates of a fallen knight’s armour, enabling the final and decisive coup de grâce to be given (fig. 2). The military zenith of the dagger was in the 14th-15th centuries.Daggers are often difficult to date. Many have been recovered from bogs and lakes and a great number do not have any associated information about their origin. As a consequence, the typological chronologies that have been produced are rather coarse-grained and are mainly based on pictorial sources and collections of historical weapons (fig. 3).One of the daggers is a double-edged kidney dagger, listed as No. 6 in the catalogue (fig. 4). The length of the dagger is 30 cm, of which 10.5 cm comprises the grip and 19.5 cm the blade. The grip is made of root wood, while the blade is of iron. The blade is rather slender, no more than 1.4 cm at its widest. No smith’s stamp or mark is visible. Below each kidney, traces of a now missing quillon-plate can be seen; this was often curved or wing-shaped. The guard had been attached to the kidneys by way of two sprigs. At the end of the hilt, a knob or boss has been carved out of the root wood and between the boss and hilt runs a bead which is now somewhat effaced. X-radiography reveals that the dagger has no real tang.The kidney dagger was quite often depicted in medieval times. An illustration in the so-called “Kristina Psalter”, thought to have been produced in Paris about AD 1230, is usually recognised as the oldest image of a kidney dagger. The dagger referred to is, however, very difficult to recognise as a kidney dagger; it is more probably of the high medieval dagger type – the cultellus. More certainty surrounds another rendition of a kidney dagger – that seen on Duke Christopher’s sepulchral monument from the AD 1360s in Roskilde Cathedral. This is usually regarded as Denmark’s oldest, securely dated kidney dagger (fig. 5). Another example to which attention is always drawn is the dagger shown at Valdemar Atterdag’s side on a fresco from about AD 1375 in St Peder’s Church in Næstved (fig. 6). The Moesgård dagger is dated to the period from the last quarter of the 14th century to the end of the 15th century.The kidney dagger has an interesting cultural history, not exclusively involving the art of war. Daggers become part of the rather dandified men’s fashion of the 15th century where the dagger was worn at front, hung on a belt. As can be imagined, it is no longer the kidneys one thinks about when seeing the dagger! This was also clear at the time; in England the dagger was referred to as the ballock dagger and in France dague á couilettes (fig. 7).The other dagger from the Moesgård cabinet is a so-called lansquenet dagger, listed as No. 17 in the catalogue. Like the kidney dagger this is a double-edged weapon (fig. 8). It is reminiscent of a small sword with short, straight or slightly bent quillons. The length of the dagger is 36.5 cm, of which the grip comprises 11 cm and the blade 25.5 cm. At the end of the tang a cone-shaped pommel with spiral grooves can be seen; this feature is repeated in the quillon terminals. Between quillon and tang, and between pommel and tang, narrow bronze casings can be seen – the last remnants of the lost grip. The double-edged blade, which has a maximum width of 2.1 cm, has a very strongly accentuated back; the cross-section between back and blade is almost concave.During the 15th century the composition and structure of armies gradually changed so that, with time, the heavily armoured cavalry were replaced by lighter infantry, armed with spears, swords and halberds. The infantry became more professional and in Germany, in the 15th century, were referred to as mercenaries; it is probably here that this type of dagger originated. There are several types of the so-called lansquenet dagger; variation is seen primarily in the shape and construction of the guard, but also the shape of the grip. Information from better preserved examples of the type, to which the Moesgård dagger belongs, suggests that the missing grip was probably of wood and was baluster-shaped. The sheath for a this type of dagger was often rather special, being made of wood and having a circular or oval cross-section and often several rows of horizontal beading. Some examples are iron-plated and heavy, and could be used as clubs in self-defence. The Moesgård dagger is dated to the 16th century, probably towards the end of the century.One further dagger, or rather the grip from a dagger, will also be dealt with here. This artefact was not, however, found in Dahl’s mineral cabinets but during an excavation alongside Århus Å in 2002. The degraded grip is made from a bovine metatarsal, carved to resemble twisted rope. It is listed in the catalogue as No. 7 (fig. 9). The grip is 10.3 cm long. The bone has been split lengthways and only the hint of one kidney is preserved. The artefact is dated to the latter half of the 15th century. The actual prototype for this piece is to be found among the magnificent daggers with grips fashioned from twisted bars of precious metal. In the earlier literature this type is dated to the 14th century but the evidence now indicates that it belongs to the latter half of the 15th century.Is a catalogue of the kidney and so-called lansquenet daggers from the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, which are either kept at museums in the Århus area or were found within Moesgård Museum’s area of archaeological responsibility. The main part of the collection is kept at Den Gamle By in Aarhus, and some of these daggers were previously published by A. Bruhn in 1950. Eighteen kidney and mercenary daggers are catalogued; further to these are six daggers, which cannot be assigned more precisely to type. Seven daggers are of unknown origin. It should be noted that 10 out of the remaining 17 daggers were found either in a lake, watercourse or bog. This significantly high proportion is probably not just due chance but no real investigation has ever been carried out into this phenomenon. Only two of the daggers were found during actual archaeological excavations.Lars Krants LarsenMoesgård Museum
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Opalińska, Monika, Paulina Pludra-Żuk e Ewa Chlebus. "The Eleventh-Century ‘N’ Psalter from England: New Pieces of the Puzzle". Review of English Studies, 13 dicembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/res/hgac081.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract This paper presents an analysis of two recently found fragments of a Latin psalter with a continuous Old English gloss. The fragments were used as endleaf guards in an early modern book from the collection of Samuel Meienreis, currently held at the C. Norwid Library in Elbląg. We argue that the newly found parchment pieces match four other membra disiecta from the same eleventh-century codex produced in England. Since the formerly identified fragments were removed from the bindings of unknown books, their provenance and the origin of the manuscript from which they were removed have not been established, so far. The new findings partially fill this gap. In this paper we explore palaeographical and linguistic evidence, and the historical context of the manuscript waste found in Elbląg in an attempt to reconstruct the history of the so-called N Psalter to which all the extant pieces once belonged.
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"Mirror in parchment: the Luttrell Psalter and the making of medieval England". Choice Reviews Online 36, n. 08 (1 aprile 1999): 36–4278. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.36-4278.
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Binski, Paul. "Illuminators and Patrons in Fourteenth-Century England: The Psalter and Hours of Humphrey de Bohun and the Manuscripts of the Bohun Family, by Lucy Freeman Sandler". English Historical Review, 17 ottobre 2016, cew198. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cew198.
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Whatley, Laura. "Laura J. Whatley. Review of "Illuminators and Patrons in Fourteenth-Century England: The Psalter and Hours of Humphrey de Bohun and the Manuscripts of the Bohum Family" by Lucy Freeman Sandler." caa.reviews, 10 novembre 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3202/caa.reviews.2017.160.
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"Rezensionen". Das Mittelalter 20, n. 1 (1 giugno 2015): 177–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mial-2015-0011.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
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Kontakte – Konstellationen – Funktionalisierungen – Wirkungen (Mittelalter-Forschungen 39). Stuttgart, Thorbecke 2012. 668 S. (Sören Kaschke: Köln, E-Mail: soeren.kaschke@uni-koeln.de) Anna-Maria Blank/Vera Isaiasz/Nadine Lehmann (Hgg.), BILD – MACHT – UnORDNUNG. Visuelle Repräsentationen zwischen Stabilität und Konflikt (Eigene und Fremde Welten 24). Frankfurt am Main, Campus 2011. 317 S. (Anja Rathmann-Lutz: Basel, E-Mail: anja.lutz@unibas.ch) Karl-Heinz Braun, Mathias Herweg, Hans W. Hubert, Joachim Schneider u. Thomas Hotz (Hgg.), Das Konstanzer Konzil. Essays. Darmstadt, Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft 2013. 248 S. 60. (Thomas Woelki: Berlin, E-Mail: woelkith@geschichte.hu-berlin.de) Erhard Brepohl, Theophilus Presbyter und das mittelalterliche Kunsthandwerk. Gesamtausgabe der Schrift ‚De diversis artibus‘ in einem Band, 2. Aufl. Köln/Weimar/Wien, Böhlau 2013. 511 S. 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