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1
Lake, Meredith. "'Such spiritual acres' Protestantism, the land and the colonisation of Australia, 1788-1850 /". Connect to full text, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/3983.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Sydney, 2008.Title from title screen (viewed Apr. 22, 2009) Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the Dept. of History, Faculty of Arts. Includes bibliographical references. Also available in print form.
2
Smith, Catherine Alayne. "Protestants and policy in Northern Ireland : a case of protestant working-class alienation". Thesis, University of Ulster, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.272061.
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3
Lee, Fei-ran. "Evangelical Protestants and Political Trust". Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1337642080.
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4
Plénet, Michel Gutton Jean-Pierre. "Catholiques et protestants en Vivarais aux XVIIe et XVIII modes de vie, modes de croire /". Lyon : Université Lumière Lyon 2, 2007. http://demeter.univ-lyon2.fr/sdx/theses/lyon2/2007/plenet_m.
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5
Rouanet, Romain. "Catholiques et protestants dans la montagne castraise, 1570-1629 : coexistence religieuse et construction des groupes religieux /". [Castres] : Société culturelle du pays castrais, 2009. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb42001236j.
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6
Gailus, Manfred. "Protestantismus und Nationalsozialismus : Studien zur nationalsozialistischen Durchdringung des protestantischen Sozialmilieus in Berlin /". Köln : Böhlau Verl, 2001. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb38828797b.
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Kalu, Ogbu U. "THE PROTESTANTS' PROTEST FOR HUMAN RIGHTS:". Bulletin of Ecumenical Theology, 1991. http://digital.library.duq.edu/u?/bet,1542.
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8
Davis, Andrew Dean. "Protestants Reading Catholicism: Crashaw's Reformed Readership". Digital Archive @ GSU, 2009. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/english_theses/69.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis seeks to realign Richard Crashaw’s aesthetic orientation with a broadly conceptualized genre of seventeenth-century devotional, or meditative, poetry. This realignment clarifies Crashaw’s worth as a poet within the Renaissance canon and helps to dismantle historicist and New Historicist readings that characterize him as a literary anomaly. The methodology consists of an expanded definition of meditative poetry, based primarily on Louis Martz’s original interpretation, followed by a series of close readings executed to show continuity between Crashaw and his contemporaries, not discordance. The thesis concludes by expanding the genre of seventeenth-century devotional poetry to include Edward Taylor, who despite his Puritanism, also exemplifies many of the same generic attributes as Crashaw.
9
Healy, Anthony E. "Living Together: Conservative Protestants and Cohabitation". Digital Archive @ GSU, 2010. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/sociology_theses/27.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Recent research finds that conservative Protestants are cohabiting in no small numbers. Given the strict moral orientation of conservative Protestants, that outcome appears paradoxical. This thesis explains that paradox through the culture in action models of Swidler (1986), given the social and economic location of conservative Protestants. The thesis employs pooled General Social Survey data from 1993 to 2008 in which a question is asked that indicates cohabitation. The thesis finds that the social and economic location of conservative Protestants is related to their cohabiting. Though conservative Protestant cohabitors have lessened religiosity, much of the decline in religiosity compared to married conservative Protestants is due to the factors leading to cohabitation. But views and practices on premarital sex are the greatest factor in reducing that difference. The evidence in this thesis lends support to Swidler’s models of settled and unsettled lives in explaining cohabitation among conservative Protestants.
10
Mouland, Lucy. "French Protestants in arms 1905-1925". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.260636.
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11
Wheeler, M. L. "Protestants, prisoners and the Marian persecution". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.433286.
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12
Carluer, Jean-Yves. "Les protestants bretons : XVIe - XXe siècles". Rennes 2, 1992. http://www.theses.fr/1992REN20015.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Les protestants bretons, peu nombreux (quelques milliers), ont pesé d'un poids méconnu dans la vie religieuse, économique, culturelle de la province. L'introduction tardive de la Réforme a touché essentiellement les milieux urbains et surtout les nobles, mais à un niveau prestigieux. Apres une courte apogée vers 1565, une vingtaine de communautés subsistèrent jusqu'à ce que les guerres civiles, plus tardives ici qu'ailleurs, ne viennent en balayer l'essentiel. Au lendemain de l'édit de Nantes, et grâce à une fidélité marquée des hauts justiciers à la Réforme, les églises se reconstituèrent et retrouvèrent leurs effectifs. La Révolution vint éteindre quasi complètement cette présence qui avait trouvé sa place en terre catholique. Autour de la fin du XVIIeme siècle, la Bretagne devint une route vers le refuge : des milliers de huguenots de l'ouest passèrent dans les îles de la Manche. Des centaines furent arrêtées et jugées par le Parlement de Bretagne. Un siècle plus tard, le protestantisme breton connut une brutale résurrection. Outre les négociants et fonctionnaires venus des terres réformées, des missionnaires gallois, poussés par le mouvement celtique, vinrent s'établir en Breiz-Izel. Les pasteurs et leurs prosélytes eurent un rôle essentiel dans la vie politique et culturelle et constituèrent l'essentiel du tissu protestant actuelThe Breton protestants (a few thousand) have exerted an unrecognized influence over the religions, economic and cultural life of the province. The late introduction of the Reformation has mainly touched the urban classes and first of all the nobility, on a high level. After a short peak about 1565, a score of communities survived until most of them were scatterrd by the civil wars which broke out later here than elsewhere. Soon after the edit de Nantes the congregations gathered again to regain their former importance. The Revolution was responsible for the quasi breaking up of those communities. Towards the late seventeenth century, Brittany became a road to refuge. Thousands of western huguenots croosed over the Channel Islands. Hundreds were arrested and judged by the high judicial court of Brittany. A century later, breton protestantism knew a sudden revival. Welsh missionaries driven by the celtic movement came and settled in breiz izel. . The ministers and their converts played a prominent part in the political and cultural life and formed the main part of the protestant presence to our days
13
Wang, Wenjing. "Les albigeois comme ancêtres des protestants ? : la généalogie imaginaire des protestants français du XVIe siècle au XVIIIe siècle". Thesis, Lyon, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016LYSE3016.
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Les albigeois sont des fidèles d’une hérésie médiévale qui s’est amplement développée dans le sud de la France et a disparu vers le XIVe siècle à cause de la croisade albigeoise et de la poursuite de l’Inquisition. Mais curieusement, ils se sont placés de nouveau au centre du débat catholiques-protestants deux siècles plus tard, car les savants de l’époque croyaient qu’ils étaient les ancêtres des protestants français. Du XVIe au XVIIe siècle, même jusqu’au XVIIIe siècle, la divergence entre les catholiques et les protestants donne lieu à des affrontements dans presque tous les domaines, tandis que, paradoxalement, ils se rencontrent dans l’idée de la filiation albigeois-protestants. Ce phénomène est en rapport étroit avec les stratégies apologétique des deux camps antagonistes d’alors et aussi avec les circonstances religieuses, politiques, voire sociales de la France depuis la Réforme. Les défenseurs de l’Église traditionnelle puisent leur inspiration dans l’histoire de la croisade albigeoise et veulent, en la citant comme exemple, écraser leurs ennemis. Les protestants font également attention à cette histoire, mais ce qu’ils y découvrent, ce sont la résonance produite par les persécutions semblables à celles de l’ancienne époque et une opportunité potentielle dont ils pourraient profiter pour augmenter leur chance de succès dans la controverse, surtout en ce qui concerne la question de la généalogie protestante. Ainsi, les albigeois sont peu à peu intégrés dans l’histoire du protestantisme français. Pourtant, cette généalogie, bien qu’elle se diffuse largement, ne peut pas s’éterniser dans l’Histoire, puisqu’au demeurant, elle est une production imaginaire et, à partir du milieu du XIXe siècle, elle disparaît progressivementThe albigensian movement was a Christian heresy which arose in southern France in the High Middle Ages and disappeared in the fourteenth century. However, during the sixteenth century, this heresy was generally considered as the forerunner of French Protestantism. At that time, the Catholics and the Protestants were antagonistic in regards to almost every topic, but strangely they held identical views towards the “genealogy” between the albigensians and the Protestants. This phenomenon is closely related to the political and religious situation and the polemical strategies of the two sides in France since the Reformation. The Catholics are inspired by the albigensian crusade to eliminate the heretics. As for the Protestants, on one hand, the albigensians’ persecution facilitates reflection on their own experience; on the other hand, it provides an opportunity for them to turn adversity and defeat into victory in the conflict with the Catholics. Since then, the albigensian history is integrated into the history of the French protestant church. But, this genealogy, although it is widely spread, could not continue to be taken in History, because it is after all an imagination
14
Lim, Daniel Hyun Cho. "Contribuição sociorreligiosa de missionários sulcoreanos na cidade de Jandira-SP: um estudo de caso". Universidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie, 2009. http://tede.mackenzie.br/jspui/handle/tede/2667.
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Previous issue date: 2009-12-08This work presents an analysis of the mission at Jandira town, inland the State of São Paulo, by the family of the Korean missionary, Mr. Daniel Hyun Cho Lim. His family's arrival took place on June 26, 1997. The subject is revealed within a little divulged matter, which is the Korean preparation for the missionary work on the Brazilian soil. In this specific case, this academic work tries to argue, through the concrete experience from the action of that South-Korean missionary at the Jandira town, that it is possible the development of a mature community which was formed by learned laymen in living their Christian faith for both a continuous teaching and the deepening of the Christian faith. Initially, this dialogue tries to estabhish parameters on the importance of the missionary work presented in line with the Bible. This experience occurs and, all along, it faces various and different cultures, bringing about a preoccupation more and more with one's improvement in front of the new. Following this reasoning, this study proposes to show any South-Korean Missionary the sociocultural differences of today's Brazil by getting the root of these diversities from the past: more exactly, from the colonization. The conclusion will be on account of surveys of general missionary strategies which may be used in Brazil. It also refers a little to the project: Call to Awaken the Leadership (CAL) as both an evangelization and consolidation. That strategy has a scope both to bring the laymen to growth and their enlivening. How to transform the Church's members into lay, mature Ministers, what will bring about a pleasant growth of today's Church.
O presente trabalho apresenta uma análise sobre a missão na cidade de Jandira, interior do Estado de São Paulo pela família do missionário coreano Daniel Hyun Cho Lim. A chegada desta família deu-se em 26 de junho de 1997. O tema desenvolve-se dentro de um assunto pouco divulgado que é a preparação coreana para o trabalho missionário em solo brasileiro. No caso específico, este trabalho acadêmico procura argumentar, por meio da experiência concreta da ação desse missionário sulcoreano, em Jandira, que é possível o desenvolvimento de uma comunidade madura, formada por leigos bem preparados na vivência de sua fé cristã mediante um contínuo ensino e aprofundamento da fé cristã. Inicialmente, esse diálogo busca estabelecer parâmetros sobre a importância do trabalho missionário relatado em consonância com a Bíblia. Essa experiência acontece e, em todo momento, confronta-se com várias e diferentes culturas, gerando uma preocupação de cada vez mais se aperfeiçoar diante do novo. Dentro desseraciocínio, este estudo propõe mostrar a qualquer missionário sulcoreano as diferenças socioculturais do Brasil de hoje buscando, no passado, mais exatamente, na colonização, a raiz dessa diversidade. A finalização fica por conta da apresentação de alguns levantamentos sobre estratégias missionárias gerais que podem ser utilizadas no Brasil. Trata-se, também, um pouco, do projeto Chamado para Acordar a Liderança (CAL), como estratégia de evangelização e consolidação. Essa estratégia tem como objetivo levar ao crescimento e avivamento dos leigos. Como transformar os membros de uma Igreja em ministros leigos maduros, que resultará num crescimento saudável para a Igreja de hoje.
15
Vray, Nicole. "Protestants en Aunis-Saintonge au XIXe siècle /". La Rochelle : Être & connaître éd, 2006. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb40143403b.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Texte remanié de: Thèse de doctorat--Théologie. Titre de soutenance : Théologie et société : le protestantisme en Aunis-Saintonge au XIXe siècle : les relations avec Genève : 1802-1905.Bibliogr., 8 p.
16
Wydmusch, Solange. "Les attitudes religieuses et politiques des protestants français : enquête qualitative". Paris, EPHE, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996EPHE5007.
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Bussmann, Claus. "Treu deutsch und evangelisch : die Geschichte der deutschen evangelischen Gemeinde zu Asunción, Paraguay, von 1893-1963 /". Stuttgart : F. Steiner Verl. Wiesbaden, 1989. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb366648599.
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18
Spicer, Andrew Paul. "The french-speaking reformed community and their church in Southampton : 1567-c.1620 /". London : Huguenot society of Great Britain and Ireland, 1997. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37075820t.
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19
Niggemann, Ulrich. "Immigrationspolitik zwischen Konflikt und Konsens : die Hugenottenansiedlung in Deutschland und England (1681-1697) /". Köln : Böhlau, 2008. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb41377421b.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Texte légèrement remanié de: Dissertation--Marburg--Philipps-Universität, 2007. Titre de soutenance : Immigrationspolitik im Konflikt : die Auseinandersetzungen und die Hugenottenansiedlung in Deutschland und England 1681-1697.Bibliogr. p. 543-610.
20
Carluer, Jean-Yves. "Protestants et bretons : la mémoire des hommes et des lieux /". Carrières-sous-Poissy : la Cause, 1993. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb35605269t.
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Carluer, Jean-Yves. "Protestants et Bretons : la mémoire des hommes et des lieux /". Carrières-sous-Poissy : la Cause, 1996. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb36156400z.
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22
Dunch, Ryan. "Protestants and the state in post-Mao China". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/30543.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In 1979, the Chinese Communist Party restored its policy of freedom of religion. The intention of this policy was to bring religious movements which had spread underground under the suppression of the Maoist era back under state control. This was to be accomplished through the "patriotic religious organizations," which would be coopted institution accepting party leadership over religion.
In the case of Protestants, however, this policy did not succeed in accomplishing the state's objectives, as unsupervised Protestant activities and unwelcome attempts by foreign Protestant groups to play a role in the evangelization of China persisted over the decade. These and more general factors led to a growing desire on the part of the state to strengthen control over Protestant religious activities, but the state's efforts to strengthen control served to undermine the credibility of the TSPM/CCC with Protestant believers, contributing to the failure of the strategy of cooption to unite Protestants under a single institutional structure.
At the same time, Protestant leaders were becoming increasingly frustrated with the state's intrusions into religious life, and were seeking to have a sphere of autonomy for the church recognized by the state. By 1990, Protestant leaders were pressing for the state to encode the separation of church and state in law, while the state was more anxious than ever in the post-Tiananmen domestic and international climate to tighten its control over the church, and over society in general.Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate
23
McCoy, Gordon William. "Protestants and the Irish language in Northern Ireland". Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.394598.
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Docherty, J. "Imagining Ulster : Northern Ireland protestants and Ulster identity". Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.246451.
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25
Trocmé, Latter Daniel. "The singing of the Strasbourg Protestants, 1523-1541". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610281.
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Sogno, Pierre. "Les protestants de touraine au dix-neuvieme siecle". Université Marc Bloch (Strasbourg) (1971-2008), 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998STR20049.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Le protestantisme, eteint avec la revocation de l'edit de nantes de 1685, ne devait reprendre vie en touraine que cent cinquante annees plus tard, et de facon fortuite. Le chapelain anglican de la colonie britannique de tours organisa des services religieux en francais a l'intention des protestants de la ville. Les demarches aupres du gouvernement aboutirent, en 1838, a la creation d'un poste de pasteur pour tours et le departement d'indre-et-loire. Si la communaute anglicane eut toujours une attitude fraternelle envers les reformes, il n'en fut pas de meme du clerge catholique romain. L'archeveque de tours lanca en 1837, des les premieres predications en francais, un mandement contre le protestantisme, qui provoqua une controverse pendant quatre annees. Un peu plus tard, des adhesions collectives au protestantisme dans quelques villages des environs de tours rencontrerent l'opposition du clerge catholique romain, souvent appuye par l'administration locale. Neanmoins, la paroisse protestante de tours, se maintint et s'affermit. L'auteur s'est efforce de connaitre cette nouvelle paroisse protestante : son organisation, fondee sur les articles organiques et la discipline des anciennes eglises reformees de france, le role du pasteur et des laics, le culte dominical et sa liturgie, les relations avec le consistoire d'orleans, l'interet pour la reconstitution nationale du protestantisme francais jusqu'a la separation des eglises et de l'etatThe protestant faith, extinguished by the edict of nantes in 1685, was to come to life again in touraine a hundred and fifty years later, in a casual way. The anglican chaplain of the british colony of tours organized french religious services for the protestants of the town. The government was approached and, in 1838, a post of minister was created for tours and the surrounding district. The british anglican parish always had a friendly attitude towards their french presbyterian brethren. On the contrary, the roman catholic clergy, as early as 1837, launched a long letter against protestantism which gave rise to a controversy during four years. Some years later, collective adherence to protestantism in a few villages near tours encountered the opposition of the archbishop, often supported by the local authorities. Nevertheless, the protestant parish of tours held steady and grew firm. The author has endeavoured to know this new parish : its organization founded on the " organic articles" and the discipline of the ancient reformed churches of france, the parts of the minister and laymen, the sunday service and its liturgy, the relations with the consistory of orleans, the interest in a national reconstruction of french protestantism until the separation of state and churches
27
Protos, Nick. "Understanding the movement of evangelical protestants to Eastern Orthodoxy". Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 2008.
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28
Lewis-Williams, Jeniece T. Park Jerry Z. "Race, religion, and homosexuality : Black Protestants and homosexual acceptance /". Waco, Tex. : Baylor University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2104/4843.
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Perraud, Marie-Elise. "L'identité de la communauté des protestants d'Ulster, 1880-1916". Université Marc Bloch (Strasbourg) (1971-2008), 2006. https://publication-theses.unistra.fr/public/theses_doctorat/2006/PERRAUD_Marie-Elise_2006.pdf.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
L’étude de l’identité de la communauté des protestants d’Ulster s’articule en deux parties, la définition de l’identité de cette communauté et son intégration dans une identité plus vaste. L'identité de cette communauté s'articule autour de 5 thèmes, la supériorité du protestantisme pour les cadres, pour les classes populaires, le respect du contrat, l'Empire, la disparition d'un mode de vie typiquement protestant. Comment cette communauté se définit-elle par rapport à la nation britannique et à la nation irlandaise? Les protestants d’Ulster se sentent irlandais même s’ils n’ont pas réussi à imposer leur définition de l’irlandicité, de même avec les Britanniques. Mais ils ne font partie ni de la nation irlandaise ni de la nation britannique. Ils comprennent ce double rejet comme la preuve que ce sont des Irlandais et des Britanniques supérieurs. Ils veulent faire partie non pas de la nation britannique mais de l’Etat britannique. C’est l’Empire qui a masqué cette différenceFirst, I studied Ulster Protestants identity by defining 5 themes, the superiority of Protestantism, whether for uneducated or for educated classes, the idea that Ulster Protestants keep their words, the Empire, and the end of a protestant way of life. Once Ulster Protestants identity defined or outlined, I tried to see how it fits within Irishness and Britishness. However Irishness and Britishness are related to two nations, the Irish Catholic nation and the British Protestant one whereas Ulster Protestants can not be said to be a nation. But they definitely call themselves Irish and British even if both nations reject them. They explain their being rejected by defining themselves as a superior breed of Irish and British people. They want to belong to the British state and not to the British nation, the difference in the definition of Britishness is bridged by the Empire, even if Ulster Protestants do not define it the same way as British people do
30
Krumenacker, Yves. "Les protestants du Poitou au XVIIIe siècle (1681-1789)". Paris 1, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1993PA010612.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Après une brève évocation du cadre géographique et de la reforme aux 16e-17e siècles, ce travail présente une étude détaillée des années 1681-1685, de la politique de répression de 1686 à 1789 et de l'avènement de la tolérance. Les efforts catholiques pour convertir les protestants sont également présentés. L'étude démographique montre que la majorité de la population est restée protestante. Elle réussit à rétablir un culte régulier vers 1730, alors que les pasteurs rétablissent les églises à partir de 1739. La doctrine est diffusée grâce aux écoles, au catéchisme, aux livres, aux prières et aux sermons. Elle présente un Dieu sévère, qui demande la conversion mais pardonne à ses élus. Une évolution se fait vers une religion plus moralisante, et peut-être influencée par le piétisme. L'identité protestante se marque dans le régime démographique, dans des récits de persécutions, très anti-catholiques, dans des attitudes provocatrices (profanations), dans l'emploi (minoritaire cependant) de prénoms de l'ancien testament, dans une alphabétisation supérieure à celle des catholiques. Mais la coexistence entre les deux communautés est souvent pacifique, une culture populaire commune rassemble tous les poitevins. En 1788, l'application de l'édit de tolérance satisfait surtout la population la plus riche (bourgeois, laboureurs)Following a brief introduction to the geography of the area and to the reofrmation during the 16th and 17th centuries, this piece of work presents : detailed study of the years 1681-1685 ; the policy of persecution from 1686 to 1789, and the coming of religious tolerance. Catholic attemps to convert protestants are also presented. A demographic study shaws that the majority of the population remained protestant. Regular worship was successfully established by 1730, whereas churches were re-established from around 1739. Doctrine was propogated via schools, religious instruction, books, prayers, and sermons. God was presented as severe, demanding conversion, but forgiving his choses ones. An evolution towards a more sanctimonious religion, possibly influenced by pietism. Protestant identity is noticable by analysis of population trends (non observance of catholic practices e. G. Marriage and child-conception); in anti-catholic stories of persecutions: provocative attitudes (desecrations) : the (partial) use of old testatment Christian names; and the greater literacy of protestants. On the whole, the co-existence of the two communities remained peaceful - a common culture united the Poitevins the application of the edict of tolerance in 1788 especially satisfied the richer sections of the population (bourgeois, ploughmen)
31
Villemin, Martial Wahl Alfred. "LE PARLEMENT DE METZ ET LES PROTESTANTS (1633-1735) /". [S.l.] : [s.n.], 1997. ftp://ftp.scd.univ-metz.fr/pub/Theses/1997/Villemin.Martial.LMZ9701.pdf.
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Villemin, Martial. "Le Parlement de Metz et les protestants 1633-1735 /". Metz : Université Metz, 2008. ftp://ftp.scd.univ-metz.fr/pub/Theses/1997/Villemin.Martial.LMZ9701.pdf.
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Clayton, P. M. "Settler ideologies in twentieth-century Ulster : persistence or decline?" Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.238952.
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34
Storne-Sengel, Catherine. "Les Protestants d'Alsace et de Moselle de 1919 A 1939". Paris 12, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998PA120021.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
L'histoire des protestants, reformes et lutheriens, d'alsace et de moselle entre 1919 et 1939 est reconstituee par le moyen des archives administratives, des archives ecclesiastiques et de la presse confessionnelle protestante. La question de leur reintegration politique et religieuse, etudiee en trois parties, privilegie deux axes: les relations entre les autorites civiles et les autorites religieuses ; la vie religieuse des protestants d'alsace-moselle et les rapports qui en decoulent avec l'ensemble des protestants francais. La premiere partie presente le statut juridique et ecclesiastique des eglises protestantes ainsi que leur implantation geographique. Elle decrit les modifications qui y ont ete apportees apres 1918, en s'attardant sur l'emigration des pasteurs, la reorganisation des eglises, leurs relations avec l'administration, la naissance de conflits internes. La deuxieme partie etudie la vie religieuse, telle qu'elle peut etre saisie a travers la pratique des fideles mais aussi a travers le contenu de la presse religieuse, la formation des pasteurs et l'encadrement associatif des fideles. La definition de l'eglise, seule notion theologique abordee, relie la vie religieuse a la vie politico-sociale. La troisieme partie enfin etudie les sensibilites politiques des protestants, non par l'etude de leurs votes, mais par leur attitude nationale a la liberation de 1918 puis envers l'autonomisme et le nazisme. Leurs reactions aux projets d'introduire la loi de separation des eglises et de l'etat et les lois scolaires laiques francaises resultent de l'interaction de leurs conceptions religieuses et politiques. En fin de compte, les difficultes d'une reelle ouverture vers le protestantisme de culture francaise furent nombreuses : differences de la langue cultuelle (l'allemand en alsace-moselle), differences des traditions (essentiellement germaniques et lutheriennes pour l'alsace-moselle, majoritairement reformees dans le reste de la france), differences a l'egard de la culture laique francaise. La bourgeoisie protestante francophile d'alsace tenta de depasser ces difficultes mais ses efforts ne firent que reveler un hiatus avec la culture religieuse du + peuple protestant ; alsacienThe history of alsatian and lorraine protestants (reformed and lutherans) between 1919 and 1939 has been reconstructed through administrative and ecclesiastical archives as well as through protestant newspapers. The study of the political and religious life of the protestants under the new circumstances focusses on the relations between the authorities and the churches and, on the other hand, on the features of their religious life that differ from the other french protestants'. The first part presents the legal status of the protestant churches as well as their geographical location. It describes the modifications introduced after 1918, particularly the emigration of the ministers, the reorganization of the churches, their relations with the government services, the rise of internal conflicts. The second part studies the religious life, through the religious practices but also through the contents of the religious papers, the university studies of the ministers and the activities of religious associations. The definition of the church is the only theological concept studied because it links the religious life to the socio-political life. The third part, at last, studies the political tendencies of the protestant, not by analysing the polls, but by studying their national attitude in 1918 and then in front of autonomism and nazism. Their reactions to the planned introduction of the french separation of churches and state and of the state school laws are the result of an interaction between religious and political ideas. In fact, the closeness to french protestantism was really difficult because of many differences: differences in the worship langage (german in alsace-moselle), differences in religious traditions (mainly german and lutheran in alsace-moselle, calvinistic in the rest of france), differences in the attitude toward the french secular culture. The alsatian protestant and francophile middle-class tried to remove these difficulties but its effort revealed only the gap between themselves and the religious culture of the alsatian + protestant people
35
Carluer, Jean-Yves. "Protestants et Bretons : la mémoire des hommes et des lieux /". Carrières-sous-Poissy : la Cause, 2003. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb389834982.
Testo completo
36
Goldberg-Poch, Mira. "Waldensianism and English Protestants: The Construction of Identity and Continuity". Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/23525.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In 1655 and again in 1686-1689, the Waldensians of Piedmont were massacred by the Duke of Savoy after he issued edicts forbidding the practice of their religion. The Waldensians were later followers of the medieval religious movement of the Poor of Lyons, declared heretical in 1215. The Waldensians associated with the Reformation in 1532, and thus formed a link with diverse groups of Protestants across Europe. In the periods immediately surrounding both massacres, an outpouring of publications dedicated to their plight, their history, and their religious identity appeared, a large number of which emerged in London. On both occasions, the propaganda gave rise to international sympathy and encouraged international intervention, eventually provoking the Duke to rescind the edicts that had instigated the massacres.
While most contemporary scholars consider the Waldensians to have been fully absorbed into Protestantism after 1532, it is clear from the writings of both the Waldensians and their sympathizers that they considered themselves a separate entity: the inheritors of a long tradition of dissent from the Catholic Church based on their own belief in the purity of the Gospel.
The Waldensian identity was based on a history of exclusion and persecution, and also on a belief that they had transmitted the true embodiment of Christianity through the centuries. The documents that were published surrounding the massacres address the legitimacy of the Waldensian identity based on centuries of practice. English and continental Protestants identified with the Waldensians, who provided ancient ties and legitimacy to their ‘new’ religion, and the Waldensians adopted that identity proudly, all the while claiming continuity. Protestants also used the Waldensians in propagandist documents, most often to justify political or religious actions and ideologies.
The continuity of Waldensianism through the Reformation became crucially important for the wider umbrella of Protestantism as a legitimizing factor for the movement. This thesis investigates the claims of continuity and finds that while the Waldensians underwent a dramatic change in religious doctrine to conform to the Reformation, their belief in the continuity of their religious identity can be validated by examining religion from a socio-cultural perspective that takes aspects other than theology into consideration.
37
Villemin, Martial. "Le Parlement de Metz et les protestants de 1633-1735". Metz, 1997. http://docnum.univ-lorraine.fr/public/UPV-M/Theses/1997/Villemin.Martial.LMZ9701.pdf.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Sont étudiés ici, presqu'exclusivement d'après les archives judiciaires conservées aux archives départementales de la Moselle, l'application des édits, déclarations et ordonnances du roi concernant l'exercice du culte protestant et la vie des protestants eux-mêmes, dans le ressort du parlement de Metz créé en 1633. Plus de 400 procès, tant devant le parlement que devant les bailliages de Sedan et de Metz, sont détaillés; ils impliquent, à des niveaux et des titres divers, près de 900 personnes. Pratiquement on constate ici un certain adoucissement des contraintes telles qu'appliquées dans le reste du royaume, spécialement dans le domaine des professions interdites et également vis à vis des parents envoyant leurs enfants à l'étranger, sans toutefois aller jusqu'au "régime de faveur" qu'a connu l'Alsace. Les fugitifs, ceux qui quittent le royaume, après la révocation, sont visiblement animés d'une foi profonde; de même les opiniâtres, ceux qui refusent les sacrements de l'église catholique sur leur lit de mort; on peut en dire autant de ceux qui vont se marier dans les pays étrangers. Les blasphémateurs et les irrévérencieux nous apparaissent surtout comme des provocateurs, on n'en rencontre d'ailleurs plus lorsque la lutte contre "l'hérésie" est plus vigoureuse, ces manifestations se révélant finalement assez enfantines et inutiles. Quant aux relaps, il est patent qu'ils agissent pour des raisons d'intérêt immédiat. Deux cas de sacrilèges seulement sont relatés, dont un pour le moins douteux. Les biens immobiliers (terres, vignes, maisons) abandonnés par les fugitifs sont mis en régie pour être loués en adjudication publique pour une durée de trois années. Ne sont mis en vente que les biens meublés ou les denrées périssables. Les revenus tirés des biens délaissés sont affectés par le roi à la propagation de la foi catholique et à l'entretien de certains pasteurs qui ont adjuré. Dans 32 cas, les biens sont mis en vente, uniquement lorsque des créances sont présentés par des tiers et qu'elles ne peuvent être soldées par l'actif liquide disponible, une fois qu'a été prélevée l'amende destinée au roi. Il n'est pas constaté de véritables transferts de propriété, autres que quelques donations ponctuelles. Les conséquences sont étudiées tant sur le plan législatif (création de l'expression "religion prétendue reformée"), religieux et philosophique (désacralisation générale, indifférentisme, déisme, anticléricalisme et laïcisme), que démographique (perte de 75% de la population des réformés, dont près de 40% au cours des trois ans qui suivent la Révocation), et économique (perte de ressources humaines et du support financier du commerce). Cependant nous pensons qu'une ville comme celle de Metz qui a perdu 11% de sa population totale, n'a mis que quelques années pour se relever. Nous en arrivons à dire que la catastrophe économique qu'on a attribuée à la Révocation de l'Edit de Nantes a été beaucoup exagérée, notamment sous l'effet de la "propagande" protestante contre Louis XIV et sa politique de rigueur. Le royaume de France s'est toutefois vu privé de ceux qui avaient la capacité d'innover, c'est là que s'est située la perte principale et, par voie de conséquence, le gain pour les pays du RefugeThe study deals primarily with the application of the king's edicts, declarations and ordinances regarding the practice of the protestant faith and the life of the protestants themselves within the jurisdiction of the metz parliament which has been set up in 1633. The study is based almost exclusively on the court archives kept in the departement de la moselle archives. Over 400 court hearing are detailed, which took place either in the parliament or in the bailliages of metz and sedan: they involve about 900 people in various level and positions. We have discovered that some of the constraints applied in the rest of the kingdom had been eased, more specifically in the area of the forbidden professions and also with respect of the parents sending their children abroad; this however not going as far as the most favored status enjoyed by alsace. Fugitives, those leaving the kingdom after the revocation of the nantes edict have been found to have a strong religious faith, as is the case with the opiniated (opiniatres), those who refuse the catholic sacraments on their death bed; the same can be said of those who marry in foreign countries. The blasphemers and the irreverentials (irreverencieux) often appear as mere provokers and are seldom to be found when the struggle againts "heresy" gets stronger, as if their demonstrations appear somewhat childish and purposeless. As for relapsors, it is self-evident that they act on short-term interest grounds only two cases of sacrileges are described, of which one is highly questionnable. Real estates (farms, land, vineyards and houses) left behind by fugitives are rented in public auctions for periods of three years; only removable property (such as furnitures) and perishable goods are imediateley sold. Money obtained through such rents and sales is allocated by the king to the caisse des conversions for the catholic religion propagation and for the welfare of some pastors who have abjured. In 32 cases only, properties are sold when the debts which have been claimed by third parties, cannot be covered by the available money assets after the king's fine has been deducted. Nowhere does it seems that actual properties have not changed hands, aside from a few sporadic donations granted directly by the king. Consequences are studied here from several standpoints: legally (the phrase "religion prétendue réformée" or RPR, is coined), religiously and philosophically (general desacration, indifferentism, deisme, anticlericalism and laicism), demographically (los of 75% of the reformed population, of which almost 40% took place during the three years following the trade). However, we believe that a city as Metz which lost 11% of its total population took only a few years to recover. This brings us to the conclusion that the dire economic consequence which have to be attributed to the revocation have been greatly overplayed, mostly due to the protestant propagande against Louis XIV and his tough policies. The french kingkom lost however, those who had the strongest capacity to innovate ; this is where the main loss reside and by way of consequence where the again is for the countries which welcomed the fugitives
38
Duris, Stadler Christa. "L'Allemagne vue à travers des périodiques protestants français (1933-1940)". Paris 10, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994PA100009.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Cette thèse de doctorat analyse pour la première fois comment certains périodiques du protestantisme français ont perçu le national-socialisme et l'attitude de l'église évangélique allemande envers le régime hitlérien. Quatre questions se trouvent au centre de l'étude : - quelle position prennent les périodiques par rapport au conflit qui éclate en 1933 au sein de l'église évangélique allemande? - quelle perception ont-ils de la politique nationale - socialiste et de celle des chrétiens allemands à l'encontre des juifs? - comment les périodiques perçoivent-ils la politique nationale-socialiste en matière religieuse? - de quelle façon l'image de l’Allemagne nazie donnée par les revues conditionne-t-elle les rapports entre les protestantismes français et allemand après la guerre? Un aperçu de la différente évolution historique des protestantismes des deux pays est donne dans l'introduction. Du fait que la théologie de Karl Barth a un rôle important dans la constitution de l'église confessant, le deuxième chapitre traite des textes parus dans les périodiques qui analysaient sa pensée théologique entre 1928 et 1932. La question de la résistance a l'oppression nazie et les différentes attitudes d'opposition perçues par les périodiques sont mises en reliefThis thesis analyses for the first time how some French protestant periodical publications perceived national-socialism and the attitude of the German evangelical church towards the Nazi system. The four main topics of the study are: - which attitude have periodical publications with regard to the conflict rising up in the German evangelical church, conflict that results in the constitution of the confessional church? What's their view of the national socialists and the German Christians’ policies towards the Jews? - How the national socialist policy in religious question is perceived by the periodical publication? - has the way the periodical publications deal with Hitler state contributed to bring French and German Protestantism in contact after 1945? A general idea of the different historic evolution of Protestantism in both countries is given in the introductory chapter. Because Karl Barth’s theology has an important part in the constitution of the confessional church, the second chapter deals with texts appeared in the periodical publications analyzing his theology between 1928 and 1932 the study dwells on attitudes of opposition seen by the periodical publications
39
François, Étienne. "La Frontière invisible protestants et catholiques à Augsbourg, 1648-1806". Lille 3 : ANRT, 1986. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb375978468.
Testo completo
40
Singer, Alan H. "Aliens and citizens : Jewish and Protestant naturalization in the making of the modern British nation, 1689-1753 /". free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9953892.
Testo completo
41
Hebblethwaite, Emma Sian. "The theology of rewards in English printed treatises and sermons (c.1550 - c.1650)". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.240963.
Testo completo
42
Molinier-Potencier, Sophie. "La sépulture des protestants de l'Édit de Fontainebleau à l'Édit de tolérance" : 1685-1792". Paris 2, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996PA020141.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
L'histoire de la sepulture des protestants depuis la revocation de l'edit de nantes, est celle d'une lente conquete de la reconaissance a travers le silence qui entoure encore tout au long du xviiie siecle, ces inhumations. Trois periodes jalonnent cette evolution : - la premiere s'ouvre au lendemain de l'edit de fontainebleau. Elle marque pour les protestants un temps de silence et de persecutions. La clandestinite s'installe et s'enracine malgre quelques ameliorations dans les annees 1720. - la deuxieme debute le 9 avril 1736 date a laquelle un nouveau texte voit le jour. L'article xiii tente de remedier a la clandestinite en etablissant la delivrance d'un permis d'inhumer "pour tous ceux auxquels la sepulture ecclesiastique est refusee". Mais cette procedure, fondee sur un controle de l'inhumation, reintroduit ce que le texte avait voulu eradiquer : la clandestinite. - la troisieme s'ouvre avec l'edit de tolerance, qui marque une rupture profonde. Les protestants, comprenant le passage d'un controle de l'inhumation, a l'etat civil (meme particulier), accueillent en general avec joie les dispositions de l'edit se rapportant aux inhumations. Desormais, la quasi-totalite des deces sont enregistres.
43
Malcolm, I. "Towards inclusion: young Protestants and the Irish language in Northern Ireland". Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.484978.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis is an evaluation of the views and perceptions towards the Irish language held by young Protestants in Northern Ireland. Since the beginning of the twentieth century, Irish has been seen by rTlilny people as an important component of Nationalist and Republican identity, with the result that those from the Protestant and Unionist tradition have become alienated from the language. Historically, this was not always the case and many Protestants engaged with the language ina variety of ways. This 'forgotten heritage' is explored in the opening chapters of the thesis. An exposition of contemporary views draws on the research of scholars who have examined Protestant views on Irish; this is complemented by available attitudinal data, Northern Ireland Census figures and a number of instances which have brought the question of Protestants/Unionists and Irish into sharp focus. The major research component of this thesis is fieldwork conducted in a number of 'Protestant' grammar schools. A 'triangulated' approach used questionnaire and focus group methodology to provide both quantitative and qualitative data. The piloting process, which lays the foundation for successful fieldwork, is discussed in some depth. Having coded the relevant data, the SPSS package was used for presentation and statistical analysis to discover whether significant links between variables existed. Qualitative data from the focus groups is presented in summarised form according to theme. This combination of quantitative and qualitative information provides a fresh look at the views of Protestants towards Irish in Northern Ireland. Much has changed since the 1998 Belfast Agreement and this thesis, by dealing specifically with young people', shifts the focus onto a new constituency that may be more willing to re-engage with the language.
44
Jamieson, Catherine Sarah. "Missionary masculinity : Irish Protestants in Asia and Africa c. 1840-1905". Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2017. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.727406.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Throughout the nineteenth century, hundreds of men and women from Europe, Britain and America joined mission organisations to go to countries where Christianity was either unknown or not the dominant religion, to attempt to convert citizens to Christianity. In recent years, historians have highlighted how the discourse of mission societies and the ways in which missionaries lived their lives was profoundly influenced by ideas of gender. While missionary women have frequently been the focus of analysis, the study of missionary masculinity is only beginning to come to the fore. This thesis provides the first exploration of Irish Protestant missionary masculinity. It uses the letters and diaries of six Irish missionaries in India, China and Nigeria during the period 1840-1905 to explore how men described their everyday experiences on the mission fields, and how this related to constructions of missionary masculinity in published missionary literature. This thesis suggests that exploring aspects of male experience and identity, such as marital status, fatherhood, age, class, race and health, sheds new light onto scholarly understanding of missionary masculinity. The different mission fields in this study enables an exploration of how missionary masculinity varied between geographical locations, and whether it changed over time. Tying these strands of investigation together is a consideration of how ideas of masculinity were held in tension with missionary men’s devout Christian faith.
45
Gardner, Peter Robert. "Ethnicising Ulster's Protestants : tolerance, peoplehood, and class in Ulster-Scots ethnopedagogy". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2017. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/269845.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Toward the end of the Troubles, the notion of an Ulster-Scots ethnicity, culture, and language began to be pursued by certain unionists and loyalists more desirous of ‘something more racy of the soil’ (Dowling 2007:54). Peace-building in Northern Ireland had undergone something of a cultural turn: the armed struggle over constitutional and civil rights questions began in the eighties to be ‘ethnically framed’ (Brubaker 2004:166). With cultural identity politically potent, the conception of an Ulster-Scots ethnic group began to gain traction with a tiny but influential subsection of unionists and loyalists. Since the nineties, this movement has gained considerable ground. This thesis represents an intersectional investigation of the inclusion of Ulster-Scots education into schools in Northern Ireland. I contend that Ulster-Scots studies represents an ethnicisation of the conception of a discrete Protestant politico-religious “community” within Northern Ireland, holding considerable potential for the deepening of senses of intercommunal differentiation. Rather than presenting the potential for the deconstruction of ideas of difference, such a pedagogy of reifies, perpetuates, (re)constructs and even deepens such ideas of difference by grounding notions of difference in ethno-cultural and genealogical bases. Ulster-Scots is often described as a means of waging cultural war in post-conflict Northern Ireland (Mac Póilin 1999). Contrariwise, I contend that it represents neither the uncritical, sectarian, loyalist pedagogy of its critics nor the pragmatic and innocuous solution to a problem of durable collective identities of its protagonists. Rather, Ulster-Scots education is embedded in the politics of consociational peace. The logic of consociationalism explicitly entails the maintenance of stark boundaries of ethnic difference. This research does not merely critique of Ulster-Scots pedagogy, but calls into question the whole consociational logic in which it, and the Northern Irish peace process in general, has been embedded.
46
Desrousseaux, Alain. "Les réfugiés protestants de la Châtellenie de Lille en Hollande (milieu XVIème - début XVIIIème siècles)". Thesis, Artois, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016ARTO0014/document.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Il s'agira d'étudier plus précisément le refuge huguenot ‘’nordiste’’' qui s'est créé en Hollande des années 1580 au milieu du XVIIème siècle. Le protestantisme était très actif et dynamique dans les anciens Pays-Bas. Les classes sociales les plus actives étaient souvent protestantes. Suite à la révolte des Pays-Bas qui éclata en 1566, la répression espagnole provoqua des départs forcés vers l'Angleterre et les Pays-Bas. A Leyde, après la levée du siège espagnol et la libération de la ville en 1574 des réfugiés protestants issus des Pays-Bas du sud, encore espagnols, vinrent s'installer dans cette ville. Notre objectif est d’étudier ces réfugiés issus des territoires constituant actuellement le Nord-Pas de Calais et plus particulièrement la châtellenie de Lille, en analysant leur origine sociale, leur migration et leur activité à Leyde. Nous étudierons leur intégration dans la société d'accueil, leur apport au dynamisme des Pays-Bas et de la ville de Leyde en particulier, leur contribution à l’Age d’Or culturel des Pays-Bas. Par ailleurs les Eglises du refuge avaient gardé des liens avec les communautés restées en France. Des réfugiés issus de ces territoires ont eu une destinée exceptionnelle. Certains sont partis de Leyde vers le nouveau monde et ont contribué au peuplement de l'Amérique et de l’Afrique du Sud, créant notamment New-York. Nous chercherons également à dresser un inventaire plus complet de ces destinées exceptionnelles. Compte tenu de l’étendue du sujet nous insisterons principalement sur la châtellenie de LilleIt is relevant to study more specifically the Huguenot '' northerner '' refuge which was created in Holland on 1580s to the mid-seventeenth century. Protestantism was very active and dynamic in the old Holland. The most active social classes were often Protestant. Following the revolt of the Netherlands which erupted in 1566, the Spanish repression provoked forced departures to England and the Netherlands. In Leiden, after the lifting of the Spanish siege and the liberation of the city in 1574 Protestant refugees from the Netherlands from the south, still Spanish, came to settle in this city. Moreover the end of persecution, stopping persecution in the country had allowed the return of some of them. The aim is to study these refugees from those territories which constitut now the Nord-Pas de Calais and specially the châtellenie of Lille. In doing so, their social origin will be analysed, as well as their migration and the activities in Leiden. It is relevant to study their integration into the host society, their contribution to the vitality of the Netherlands and the city of Leiden in particular, their contribution to the cultural Golden Age of the Netherlands. Besides the churches of refuge had maintained ties with communities remained in France. Some refugees from these territories had an exceptional destiny. Some left Leiden to the New World and contributed to the populating of America and South Africa, including the creation of New York. It will also provide a more complete inventory of these exceptional destinies
47
Guth, Jean-Georges. "Les protestants de strasbourg, sous la monarchie francaise : de 1681 a la veille de la revolution : une communaute religieuse distincte ?" Université Marc Bloch (Strasbourg) (1971-2008), 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997STR20050.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Apres le rattachement de strasbourg a la france, les protestants subissent un double assaut de la part des autorites royales et catholiques qui veulent restreindre des 1682/1683 leur liberte de conscience garantie par la capitulation de 1681. La resistance se manifeste d'abord au plan demographique. Les effectifs stagnent mais l'immigration est un phenomene constant plus important dans certaines paroisses (temple-neuf, st nicolas) que dans d'autres (st thomas, ste aurelie). Elle permet de compenser l'emigration pour raisons religieuses sporadique mais reelle, surtout entre 1681 et 1697. Apres 1770, ce mouvement coincidant avec une reprise de la natalite engendre le renouvellement de la communaute lutherienne. Le brassage entre population autochtone et population immigree est plus considerable que celui entre les differentes categories socio-juridiques de la ville. L'endogamie caracterise les paroisses peripheriques a structure socio-professionnelle specifique (maraichers de ste aurelie ; bateliers et jardiniers de st guillaume). La resistance a lieu aussi sur le plan dogmatique, surtout entre 1682 et 1688, ou les theologiens lutheriens devaient repondre a l'offensive des jesuites. Il fallait s'en tenir a une doctrine bien definie, reprimer les deviants tels que les pietistes, resister aux lumieres. L'orthodoxie demeure en place dans l'eglise de strasbourg plus longtemps qu'ailleurs. L'encadrement est solide pour eviter la remise en cause du statut de la religion. Les oberkirchenpfleger (representants du magistrat et charges de la direction effective de l'eglise) et les kirchenpfleger (surveillants laics charges des paroisses) ont controle les croyances, la vie des fideles et surveille de pres le corps pastoral de recrutement autochtone, cultive et discipline. Ils ont pris l'ascendant sur le convent ecclesiastique (assemblee des pasteurs). La pratique religieuse est reelle ; il y a peu d'ecarts de conduite, peu de naissances illegitimes. Par contre, ces derniers se mefient des reformes, les tolerent a peine et les obligent longtemps a pratiquer leur culte a wolfisheim. Si les mariages mixtes entre reformes et lutheriens sont autorises, les enfants doivent etres eleves dans la foi lutherienne. Les conversions au catholicisme sont rares, malgre les efforts des jesuites. Elles sont avant tout le fait des gens de passage et des nouveaux arrivants. Elles paraissenAfter strasbourg was attached to france, the protestant community suffered at the hands of both the royal and catholic authorities who wanted to curb their freedom of conscience which had been guaranteed by the capitulation of 1681. Resistance manifested itself first of all demographically. Numbers stagnated but immigration was a constant phenomenon which was greater in some parishes (temple-neuf, st. Nicolas) than in others (st. Thomas, ste aurelie) this compensated for sporadic but genuine emigration under religious grounds, especially between 1681 and 1697. After 1770, this movement, coinciding with a rise in the birthrate, led to a renewal of the lutherian community. Intermixing between the native and immigrant population was greater than that between the various socio-legal categories of the town. Intermarriage was a characteristic of the parishes on the outskirts of the town where the social and professional structure was specific (market-gardeners in the parish of ste aurelie, boatmen and gardeners in the parish of st. Guillaume). Resistance to dogma especially between 1682 and 1688 was also to be observed, where lutherian theologians had to react to the jesuit onslaught. Observance of a well defined doctrine, repression of any deviation to the doctrine, for example, the pietists, resistance to the enlightened ("lumieres"). Orthodoxy was perpetuated in the church in strasbourg far longer than anywhere else. The supervisory body of the church was reliable thus preventing any challenge to the rules governing the faith. The "oberkirchenpfleger" (representing the doctors of the church and effectively in charge of the church) and the "kirchenpfleger" (secular commissioners in charge of the parishes) controlled beliefs, the lives of the faithful, and kept a close watch on the pastoral body which was recruited locally among cultivated and disciplined people. They overshadowed the "convent ecclesiastique" (the ecclesiastic assemblies). Religious practice is genuine, delinquency is uncommon, and there are no illegitimate births. On the other hand, the lutherians are wary of the reformed church, hardly tolerating their members and obliging them to practise their religion in wolfisheim. Although mixed marriages between lutherians and members of the reformed church are allowed, the children must be brought up in the lutherian faith. Conversions to catholicism are
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Casseb, Maria José Bueno [UNESP]. "Vieira e os excluídos do reino de Deus: protestantes, negros e mulheres". Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/101329.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
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casseb_mjb_dr_arafcl.pdf: 458197 bytes, checksum: 51c1dd5649086bc016f0cf1f8c84e07d (MD5)Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
Este trabalho objetiva uma compreensão da visão de Antônio Vieira em relação a possíveis grupos de excluídos: protestantes, negros e mulheres, pelo viés sócio-histórico, privilegiando a disciplinaridade, devido os vários olhares que o tema Vieira pode proporcionar, seja por sua extensa produção ao longo de quase todo o séc. XVII; pela quantidade de temas tratados em seus discursos e por entender que, ao estudá-lo não se pode desligar a obra do homem, do missionário, do político e do tempo em que viveu. Essa intenção foi possível devido percurso feito pela estudiosa para entender o caminho percorrido por Inácio de Loyola, de forma a captar o contexto da formação da Companhia de Jesus, sua consolidação e aspectos da trajetória do orador desde a sua chegada à Bahia, sua formação jesuíta, sua atuação na Restauraçào do Reino e na época da dominação holandesa no nordeste, nas missões da Amazônia e, consequentemente no final de sua vida na Bahia. A consciência de Vieira em relação ao momento crítico pelo qual passava Portugal; certos insucessos que envolviam a colonização ligados à ineficiente administração e à degeneração dos costumes e abuso de poder, levou-o a dirigir aos seus ouvintes, discursos morais em diversas ocasiões e lugares, com intuito de excluir ou adestrar determinados grupos sem descartar a defesa dos interesses do Estado protuguês através do sistema colonial, via evangelização, sem causar tantos danos aos interesses dos colonos e manter o vasto patrimônio e privilégios da Ordem, praticou em diversos momentos uma política independente em relação à Companhia de Jesus e até em relação ao Estado.
The work's objective is the comprehension of the vision from Antonio Vieira in relation of possible exclused groups: protestants, blacks and women, from bias of social-historical, privileging disciplinarily had various looks that Vieira theme can provides, either for its extensive production throughout almost all century XVII; for the quantity of themes treated in your speech and, by understanding that, studying can't turn off the workmanship from the man, the missionary, the politiccian and the time of your life. This intention was possible because of the passage done by the student to understand the way covered by Inácio de Loyola, of from to catch the context of the formation of the Company of Jesus, its consolidation and aspects of the trajectory of the orator since its arrival in Bahia, his Jesuit formation, his performance in the Restoration of the Kingdom and at the time of the ducth domination in the northeast, the missions of Amazônia and, consequently in the of his life, in Bahia. The conscience of Vieira in relation to the critical moment for which passed Portugal; the certain failures that involved the settling, on to the inefficient administration and the degeneration of the customs and buse of power took him to direct to his listeners, moral speeches in diverse occasions and places with the intuit of to exclude or to train some groups, without discarding the defense of the interest of Portuguese State through the colonial system, by evangelization without causing many damages to the interests of the colonists and keeping the vast patrimony and privilegies of the Order, practicing in several moments an independent politic in relation of Company of Jesus and ever in relation of state.
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Matthews, Ronald Eric. "Charitable choice and faith-based organizations welfare, policy and religion in American politics /". [Kent, Ohio] : Kent State University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=kent1164121218.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Kent State University, 2006.Title from PDF t.p. (viewed 16 January, 2007). Advisor: Erin O'Brien. Keywords: charitable choice, faith-based organizations, welfare, poverty, evangelicals. Includes bibliographical references (p. 157-176).
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Bryʹcko, Dariusz Mirosław Bryʹcko Dariusz Mirosław. "An ecumenical movement in early modern Europe a revision of Jan Łaski's irenic efforts among Polish Protestants /". Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2002. http://www.tren.com.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (M.A.)--Gordon-Conwell Theological Seminary, South Hamilton, MA, 2002.Abstract and vita. Appendix: Introduction to the Confession of Sandomierz / by Dariusz Mirosław Bryʹcko. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 76-79).