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1

Cherdon, Laetitia. "Le refuge par l’écriture : les utopies protestantes à l’époque de la Révocation de l’Édit de Nantes". Moreana 44 (Number 171-, n. 3-4 (settembre 2007): 146–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2007.44.3-4.11.

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During the second half of the seventeenth century the repression against Huguenots in France increased and led to the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes (1685), definitively prohibiting Protestantism. Most of the Huguenots stayed in France and abjured their religion, but a certain number of them fled abroad. The utopias written by French Protestants during this period represent “another exile”. First the recourse to the utopian genre reveals a flight from reality and present. Then, if original propositions are made in the ideal societies imagined by the authors – for example to avoid the evils Protestants are subjected to – they hardly seem to be feasible in the real world. This reinforces the impression of refuge in writing. Finally, these utopias also constitute a place of compensation and expression for authors who actually exploit the notion of pleasure in writing. It’s very explicit when writers integrate autobiographic elements, digressions or descriptions.
2

Mullan, David George. "The Dialectics of Protestantism in Nineteenth-Century France". Catholic Social Science Review 16 (2011): 213–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/cssr20111619.

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3

Wells, Paul. "FRENCH PROTESTANTISM AND ITS AMBIVALENT ATTITUDE TOWARD CULTURE". VERBUM CHRISTI: JURNAL TEOLOGI REFORMED INJILI 6, n. 2 (14 ottobre 2019): 103–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.51688/vc6.2.2019.art1.

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Protestantism in France has an ambiguous attitude to the surrounding culture, because of its position as a small minority. The other forces present are Roman Catholic authoritarianism and the liberal free-thinking of Enlightenment humanism, represented by the likes of Voltaire and Rousseau. The paradox is that since the Revolution in 1789, which was anti-royal and anti-religious, when Protestantism has sided with the majority Roman Church it has undermined its Reformed identity, and when it has sided with libertarian free-thinking it has undermined its Christian identity. This remains a feature of French Protestantism until the present day. As a result of this tension, the thought of one of France’s greatest thinkers, John Calvin, became virtually unknown, not only in French culture and society as a whole, but also within French Protestantism itself. KEYWORDS: Protestant, Reformed, French, Catholic
4

Kirk, James. "The ‘Privy Kirks’ and their Antecedents: The Hidden Face of Scottish Protestantism". Studies in Church History 23 (1986): 155–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400010597.

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The history of Scottish protestantism as a clandestine, underground movement can be traced, albeit unevenly, over three decades from parliament’s early ban on Lutheran literature in 1525 to the protestant victory of 1560 when, in disregard of the wishes of its absent queen then resident in France, parliament finally proscribed the Latin mass and the whole apparatus of papal jurisdiction in Scotland and adopted instead a protestant Confession of Faith. Out of a loosely-defined body of beliefs in the 1530s, ranging from a profound dissatisfaction at ecclesiastical abuse (shared by those who remained Catholic), to a recognition of the need for a reformation in doctrine (less readily conceded by orthodox Catholics), Scottish protestantism by the 15 50s had developed a cellular organisation, enabling it to survive periodic persecution. Early protestants, themselves brought up within the Catholic church as baptised and communicating members, by the 1550s had taken the agonising and momentous step of separating themselves from the fellowship of the established church by forming their own separate communities of believers, worshipping in secret and centred on the privy kirks which arose in the years immediately preceding the Reformation.
5

Fath, Sébastien, e Sebastien Fath. "Evangelical Protestantism in France: An Example of Denominational Recomposition?" Sociology of Religion 66, n. 4 (2005): 399. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3712388.

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6

Patterson, W. B. "Pierre du Moulin’s Quest for Protestant Unity, 1613-18". Studies in Church History 32 (1996): 235–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400015436.

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Pierre Du Moulin was the leading intellectual in the French Reformed Church in the early seventeenth century. His influence within French Protestantism rivalled and complemented that of Philippe Duplessis-Mornay, the prominent nobleman, soldier, and adviser to Henry of Navarre, the Huguenot leader who became Henry IV of France. If Duplessis-Mornay was, as he is sometimes called, the ‘Huguenot Pope’, Du Moulin, the pastor of the congregation of Protestants in Paris, was the chief cardinal. A prolific writer and a skilful speaker, Du Moulin became noted for his success as a polemicist. Yet during a period of five years, 1613–18, Du Moulin was also the chief spokesman for a plan which would unite the English, Calvinist, and Lutheran Churches. The rather startling final point of the plan called for the reunited Protestants to make a fresh approach to Rome. Du Moulin’s volte-face in 1613-18 — his sudden emergence as an irenicist — has never been satisfactorily explained.
7

Nazari, Mohammad Jawad, Mohammad Ali Amini e Shirali Samimi. "Study of Historical wars during the thirty years in Europe (1618-1648)". Sprin Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences 3, n. 2 (3 febbraio 2024): 16–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.55559/sjahss.v3i2.201.

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This paper investigates the emergence of Protestantism in the 16th century, leading to a profound rift with Catholicism and culminating in the Thirty Years' War triggered by the Defenestration of Prague in 1618. Examining the complexities of this conflict, the paper explores why nations such as France, Sweden, and Denmark supported the Protestants, contrasting with Spain and the Holy Roman Empire's alignment with Catholics. The narrative extends to the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, a transformative agreement reshaping Europe's political and religious landscape. Analyzing the social events surrounding the war, the paper highlights its role in separating religious institutions from politics. Adopting an analytical and descriptive approach, the research draws insights from historians, presenting a comprehensive understanding of the war's impact on the relationship between religion and politics.
8

PRINTY, MICHAEL. "PROTESTANTISM AND PROGRESS IN THE YEAR XII: CHARLES VILLERS'SESSAY ON THE SPIRIT AND INFLUENCE OF LUTHER'S REFORMATION(1804)". Modern Intellectual History 9, n. 2 (10 luglio 2012): 303–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244312000054.

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This article examines Charles Villers'sEssay on the Spirit and Influence of Luther's Reformation(1804) in its intellectual and historical context. Exiled from France after 1792, Villers intervened in important French and German debates about the relationship of religion, history, and philosophy. The article shows how he took up a German Protestant discussion on the meaning of the Reformation that had been underway from the 1770s through the end of the century, including efforts by Kantians to seize the mantle of Protestantism for themselves. Villers's essay capitalized on a broad interest in the question of Protestantism and its meaning for modern freedom around 1800. Revisiting the formation of the narrative of Protestantism and progress reveals that it was not a logical progression from Protestant theology or religion but rather part of a specific ideological and social struggle in the wake of the French Revolution and the collapse of the Old Regime.
9

Stefanenko, V. S. "Role of Renée of France in the diplomatic game of the XVI century". Vestnik of Samara University. History, pedagogics, philology 29, n. 2 (19 luglio 2023): 8–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.18287/2542-0445-2023-29-2-8-16.

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The article explores womens political activity in Europe of the XVI century. The vivid example of that were Rene of Frances actions during her staying in Ferrara (15281559). After her parents death, Louis XII and Anne of Brittany, the princess was an important element of the Valois dynastic policy for a long time. She was a potential bride in the rapidly changing combinations of the period of the Italian Wars. Being married to the Duke of Ferrara, Rene was the daughter of France, first of all, and became a guide of the French kings political aspirations in Italy. The Duchess also assumed the patroness role for French emigrants-supporters of Protestantism, which created a unique precedent in the dispute over jurisdiction in matters of faith between her husband Ercole d`Este and Pope of Rome. The example of Rene of France contributes to a better understanding of the relationship between diplomacy and marriage in the royal houses of Europe. The role of a high-ranking lady in conducting diplomatic practices is revealed as a mediator in the politics of France and Ferrara. Thus, the analysis of local religious and political activity of Rene of France allows correlating the realities of princesss political body with her actions as a direct actor of European politics.
10

Sălăvăstru, Andrei Constantin. "The Biblical Image of the Providential Ruler in the Protestant Propaganda on the Eve of the French Wars of Religion". Religions 12, n. 8 (2 agosto 2021): 596. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12080596.

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French Protestantism has remained famous in the history of political thought mostly for its theories regarding popular sovereignty and the right of the people to resist and replace a tyrannical ruler. However, before the civil wars pushed them on this revolutionary path, French Protestants stressed the duty of obedience even in the face of manifest tyranny. The reasons for this were ideological, due to the significance placed on St. Paul’s assertion that all political power was divinely ordained, but also pragmatic, as Calvin and his followers were acutely aware of the danger of antagonizing the secular authorities. More importantly, they were fervently hoping for the conversion of France to the Reformation and, in their mind, the surest way such a process could take place was through the conversion of the king and the royal family. Therefore, Protestant propaganda of that time constantly urged the most important French royals to convert to the Reformation, and, for this purpose, they deployed a language full of references to the pious Biblical rulers who led their people towards the true faith—whom the addressees of these propaganda texts were advised to emulate, lest they incur God’s wrath. This paper aims to analyze the occurrences and the role of these references in the Protestants’ dialogue with the French monarchy.
11

Carpenter, Daniel. "Recruitment by Petition: American Antislavery, French Protestantism, English Suppression". Perspectives on Politics 14, n. 3 (31 agosto 2016): 700–723. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592716001134.

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Why do petitions flourish when they are often denied if not ignored by the sovereigns who receive them? When activists seek to build political organizations in network-rich but information-poor environments, petitioning as institutional technology facilitates recruitment. A petition’s signatory list identifies and locates individuals sympathetic to its prayer and expresses to other citizens who and how many agree with the prayer. Three historical moments—the explosion of antislavery petitioning in the antebellum United States, the emergence of Protestantism in sixteenth-century France, and England’s suppression of petitioning after the Restoration Settlement of 1660—provide vivid demonstrations of the theory. A recruitment-based theory implies that petition drives mobilize as much as they express, that well-established groups and parties petition less frequently, and that the most important readers of a petition are those asked to sign it. The petition’s recruitment function complements, but also transforms, its function of messaging the sovereign. Contemporary digital petitioning both routinizes and takes its force from the petition’s embedded recruitment technology.
12

Jones, Brad A. "“In Favour of Popery”: Patriotism, Protestantism, and the Gordon Riots in the Revolutionary British Atlantic". Journal of British Studies 52, n. 1 (gennaio 2013): 79–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2012.60.

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AbstractIn 1778, in response to news of the American alliance with France, the British government proposed a series of Catholic relief bills aimed at tolerating Catholicism in England, Scotland, and Ireland. Officials saw the legislation as a pragmatic response to a dramatically expanded war, but ordinary Britons were far less tolerant. They argued that the relief acts threatened to undermine a widely shared Protestant British patriotism that defined itself against Catholicism and France. Through an elaborate and well-connected popular print culture, Britons living in distant Atlantic communities, such as Kingston (Jamaica), Glasgow, Dublin, and New York City, publicly engaged in a radical brand of Protestant patriotism that began to question the very legitimacy of their own government. Events culminated in June 1780, with five days of violent, deadly rioting in the nation's capitol. Yet the Gordon Riots represent only the most famous example of this new, more zealous defense of Protestant Whig Britishness. In the British Caribbean and North America, unrelenting fears of French invasions and the perceived incompetence of the government mixed with an increasingly confrontational Protestant political culture to expose the fragile nature of British patriotism. In Scotland, anti-Catholic riots drove the country to near rebellion in early 1779, while in Ireland, Protestants and Catholics took advantage of this political instability to make demands for economic and political independence, culminating in the country's legislative autonomy in 1782. Ultimately, Catholic relief and the American alliance with France fundamentally altered how ordinary Britons viewed their government and, perhaps, laid the foundations for the far more radical political culture of the 1790s.
13

Bailey, Charles E. "The Verdict of French Protestantism Against Germany in the First World War". Church History 58, n. 1 (marzo 1989): 66–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3167679.

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At the end of August 1914, with German troops having violated Belgian neutrality and rapidly advancing toward Paris, German Protestants made a desperate bid for a show of solidarity from the Protestant majority of Britain and the Protestant minority of France. In an “Appeal to Protestant Christians Abroad” leaders of the German Protestant missions movement expressed their hope that the war would not spread to Africa nor result in an “incurable rent” in the Protestant fellowship. Recalling the spirit of cooperation at the international Missionary Conference of Edinburgh in 1910 they urged that the mission fields not become battlefields, lest the gospel message of love be discredited in the eyes of the heathen.1
14

Matar, Nabil. "The 2018 Josephine Waters Bennett Lecture: The Protestant Reformation through Arab Eyes, 1517–1698". Renaissance Quarterly 72, n. 3 (2019): 771–815. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rqx.2019.257.

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This essay examines what Arabs knew about Luther, Calvin, and the Protestant-Catholic conflict in the early modern period. While there have been studies of the nineteenth- and twentieth-century impact of Protestant missions on the Arab East, there has been no study of the Protestant movement and its confrontation with Catholicism and Orthodoxy in the period between 1517 and 1698. Although Protestantism failed in gaining converts, the rivalry between Protestant England and Catholic France in co-opting converts to their military and ideological camps resulted in religio-social fissures that would have a lasting impact on Christians and Christianity in the Middle East.
15

Berezhnaya, Natalia. "Religious Propaganda or Political Manifest: “Open Letters” of Johann Casimir of Palatinate". ISTORIYA 13, n. 1 (111) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840018679-5.

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In the 16th century the factors of confessional propaganda and “public opinion” become very important for public power. Each princedom, defining the principles of imperial and "foreign" policy, was guided by the confessional motivation of the prince and all structures of territorial power (courts institutions, Landtags, city councils), as well as that part of society that had a consolidated opinion in religious affairs (universities, Landeskirchen). Johann Casimir (1543—1592), the son of the Elector Palatinate Friedrich III and regent for his nephew Friedrich IV, began to form the pro-calvinist confessional-political course of the Palatinate. He organized and led the several expeditions to help the French and Dutch Calvinists. The accession to the throne of the Lutheran Ludwig VI made it impossible for Johann Casimir to use the resources of the Palatinate. However, he organized informational support for his actions in defense of Protestantism. Johann Casimir prepared for publication “Confessio Fidei” of Friedrich III (1577, in German, Latin and French), and three “open letters”: about the military actions of Protestants in France (1576, in German and French), about the reasons for the military expedition to the Netherlands (1578, in German, Latin and Dutch), about the reasons for the military expedition in support of the Elector of Cologne (1583—1584, in German and French). Was only religious propaganda the aim of the prince? Or was Johann Casimir guided not the least by political motives and ambitions? Historiography focused on attempts of the Palatinate electors to unite German Protestants at the turn of the 16th — 17th centuries (Friedrich IV and Friedrich V), however, we can assume that the “plan of action” appeared already in Johann Casimir. His interventions were not successful, but allowed the Palatinate to claim leadership among the German Protestants.
16

Hempton, David. "International Religious Networks: Methodism and Popular Protestantism, c. 1750 – c. 1850". Studies in Church History. Subsidia 14 (2012): 143–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900003902.

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The benefits of using an international lens to understand both the complexity and the essence of religious movements have been well demonstrated in a number of important recent studies. In fact it has become quite unusual to write about early modern puritanism and Protestantism without taking at least a transatlantic, if not a global, perspective. Philip Benedict’s important book, Christ’s Churches Purely Reformed: A Social History of Calvinism (2002) has shown that only by looking at Calvinism as an international movement taking root in France, the Netherlands, the British Isles, the Holy Roman Empire, eastern Europe and New England can one properly identify the distinctive aspects of Calvinist piety and begin to answer bigger questions about Calvinism’s alleged contribution to the emergence of modern liberal democracy. He shows, for example, that while no post-Reformation confession had a monopoly of resistance to unsatisfactory rulers, Calvinists, because of their deep hostility to idolatrous forms of worship and unscriptural church institutions, were generally speaking more unwilling than others to compromise with or submit to religious and political institutions antithetical to their interests. Similarly, although Benedict is sceptical about the supposed connections between Calvinism and capitalism and Calvinism and democracy, he does show that Calvinism was a midwife of modernity through its routinization of time, its promotion of literacy, and its emphasis on the individual conscience.
17

Wilcox, Peter. "‘Églises plantées’ and ‘églises dressées’ in the Historiography of Early French Protestantism". Journal of Ecclesiastical History 44, n. 4 (ottobre 1993): 689–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900077861.

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During the seven years between 1555 and 1562, a transformation took place in the character of early French Protestantism. Before 1555 reformed communities in the kingdom of France were relatively scarce, and only loosely affiliated; by 1562 they had become more numerous, and more centralised. Before 1555 a typical congregation would meet, without either a minister or a system of ecclesiastical discipline, for prayers, the singing of hymns and bible-reading; by 1562, the same group would probably have not only its own pastor to preach and administer the sacraments, but also a consistory to enforce church discipline. In the most recent secondary literature this development is commonly described as the transformation of églises plantées into églises dressées. It is said, for example by Prestwich, that ‘the consistory became the mark of a true church, termed an église dressée, in contrast to the amorphous Bible gatherings, known as églises plantées’. The purpose of this brief article is to question whether these terms were ever contrasted in this way in the mid-sixteenth century, and to suggest that other phrases express the development more accurately.
18

Sălăvăstru, Andrei Constantin. "From Ahab to “Vilain Herodes”: Biblical Models of Evil Kings in Catholic Anti-Royalist Propaganda during Charles IX (1560–1574) and Henry III (1574–1589)". Religions 14, n. 3 (6 marzo 2023): 344. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14030344.

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During the French Wars of Religion, both the Huguenot and the radical Catholic factions started by stressing their devotion to the Valois monarchy, for reasons both pragmatic and ideological. Both were hoping for the support of the Crown in achieving their goals—the Huguenots to convert France to the Reformation, the radical Catholics to eradicate the Protestantism from the kingdom—and their propaganda made use of numerous Biblical references in order to urge the kings of France to pursue such policy goals. However, Biblical precedents could be a two-edged sword: once hope for royal support was replaced by disappointment and even resentment, the nature of the Biblical models and comparisons changed as well. From appeals to emulate the righteous kings from the Bible, like David, Solomon or Josiah, the propagandists moved to warnings and even threats, by presenting the kings of France with the fate of, this time, wicked rulers like Ahab or Herod, who were grievously punished by God for their transgressions. This paper aims to analyze the recurrences of such examples in the Catholic propaganda during the French Wars of Religion, until the death of Henry III in 1589, and their significance in the political discourse of that age.
19

Johnson, G. David. "Capitalism, Protestantism and the Private Family: Comparisons among Early Modern England, France, and the American Colonies". Sociological Inquiry 59, n. 2 (aprile 1989): 144–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-682x.1989.tb00098.x.

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Rocher, Marie-Claude. "Double traîtrise ou double appartenance ?" Notebook / Carnet de notes 25, n. 2 (13 aprile 2004): 215–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/008055ar.

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Résumé L’image d’un Québec historiquement monolithique, catholique et français, est désormais nuancée par la connaissance de groupes et de sous-groupes sociaux, et par la reconnaissance de leur patrimoine. C’est le cas des minorités religieuses, dont la présence, depuis la Nouvelle-France, fut longtemps occultée par le discours clérico-nationaliste prédominant. Les protestants francophones en constituent un exemple intéressant, présentant le problème particulier d’être doublement minoritaires : francophones dans une société dominée par le pouvoir anglais, protestants dans une société dominée par le pouvoir catholique. Le travail de terrain préliminaire portant sur ce groupe social révèle l’existence, particulièrement dans la vallée du Haut-Richelieu, de communautés franco-protestantes qui semblent avoir été prospères et bien intégrées, voire puissantes économiquement et politiquement, entre 1850 et 1950. Les recherches sont entreprises dans le but de déterminer si ces communautés sont des cas d’exception, ou s’il a existé, à cette époque, une bourgeoisie franco-protestante au Québec.
21

Rosie, Michael, e Eve Hepburn. "‘The Essence of the Union …’: Unionism, Nationalism and Identity On These Disconnected Islands". Scottish Affairs 24, n. 2 (maggio 2015): 141–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2015.0064.

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Linda Colley (1996) identified three key ‘glues’ for the British Union state created in 1707: extensive wars with France; a uniting sense of Protestantism; and a burgeoning commercial and military empire. This article explores how two key parts of this project – namely, ‘unionism’ and a collective sense of ‘Britishness’ – has become increasingly disconnected in different parts of the United Kingdom. In particular, it examines the extent to which, following Colley's historical argument, white and Protestant citizens remain more likely to identify with political Unionism and Britishness as compared to other ethnic and religious groups. The discussion includes an analysis of the degree to which ‘feeling British’ and ‘valuing the Union’ overlap, and whether a connected unionism can be discerned against trends which increasingly place emphasis on the sub-state nation as a key political community of attachment and identity.
22

Hill, Joanne. "Unreliable Allies in an Uncertain World: Warnings from History in Marlowe’s The Massacre at Paris". Journal of Marlowe Studies 4 (2024): 9–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.7190/jms.4.2024.pp9-25.

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The Massacre at Paris. Marlowe brought the horrors of the St Bartholomew’s Day Massacre onto the London stage in 1593 at a time when England was facing a threat of invasion from the expansionist powers of Europe. The Massacre at Paris demonstrates vividly what was at stake if such an invasion were to be successful: Protestantism in England would face an existential crisis, just as it had done in France in 1572. While previous critics have focused on Guise’s representation in the play, this article examines the character of Navarre because in the early 1590s Henri IV was key to England’s defence, but he was a controversial figure who divided the international Protestant alliance. As a result, many of its members refused to provide the French King with the military and financial support he required to fight the Catholic League. To reflect his divisive nature, Marlowe portrays Navarre in an ambiguous light in The Massacre at Paris and thus raises questions about whether the historical Henri IV and the Huguenot nobility had the qualities necessary to defend England and the future of Protestantism. This article will investigate how Marlowe exploited contemporary anxieties about the Huguenot leadership by highlighting their failings during the St Bartholomew’s Day Massacre. By raising the spectre of the Massacre, Marlowe forced his audience to confront the terrifying question of whether England’s principal ally would be strong and trustworthy enough to keep the extremist Catholics from the English coast, or whether he would leave them to be slaughtered like the Huguenots in Paris.
23

Okafor, Eddie E. "Francophone Catholic Achievements in Igboland, 1883-–1905". History in Africa 32 (2005): 307–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2005.0020.

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When the leading European powers were scrambling for political dominion in Africa, the greatest rival of France was Britain. The French Catholics were working side by side with their government to ensure that they would triumph in Africa beyond the boundaries of the territories already annexed by their country. Thus, even when the British sovereignty claim on Nigeria was endorsed by Europe during the Berlin Conference of 1884-85, the French Catholics did not concede defeat. They still hoped that in Nigeria they could supplant their religious rivals: the British Church Missionary Society (CMS) and the other Protestant missionary groups. While they allowed the British to exercise political power there, they took immediate actions to curtail the spread and dominion of Protestantism in the country. Thus some of their missionaries stationed in the key French territories of Africa—Senegal, Dahomey, and Gabon—were urgently dispatched to Nigeria to compete with their Protestant counterparts and to establish Catholicism in the country.Two different French Catholic missions operated in Nigeria between 1860s and 1900s. The first was the Society of the African Missions (Société des Missions Africaines or SMA), whose members worked mainly among the Yoruba people of western Nigeria and the Igbos of western Igboland. The second were the Holy Ghost Fathers (Pères du Saint Esprit), also called Spiritans, who ministered specifically to the Igbo people of southeastern Nigeria. The French Catholics, the SMA priests, and the Holy Ghost Fathers competed vehemently with the British Protestants, the CMS, for the conversion of African souls. Just as in the political sphere, the French and British governments competed ardently for annexation and colonization of African territories.
24

Struck, Bernhard. "HISTORICAL REGIONS BETWEEN CONSTRUCTION AND PERCEPTION: VIEWING FRANCE AND POLAND IN THE LATE-EIGHTEENTH AND EARLY-NINETEENTH CENTURIES". East Central Europe 32, n. 1-2 (2005): 79–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-90001033.

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This essay tackles the problem of spatial imaginations, representations, and "mental maps." Its main point of reference is Larry Wolff's thesis that the division of Europe into an Eastern - backward and uncivilized - part, on the one hand, and a Western - modem and civilized - part, on the other, can be traced back to the late-eighteenth century. In the Enlightenment, according to Wolff, philosophers, writers, and above all travelers created this normative and value laden inner-European dichotomy. From the perspective of German travelogues on Poland and France published between roughly 1750 and 1850, Europe and its inner division appears in a completely different light. The perceptions, for instance, of travel infrastructure, rural life, and small provincial towns are widely identical. From the perspective of a bourgeois, educated, mostly Protestant traveier, originating from an urban background, the main dichotomy around 1800 was not the division between Eastern and Western Europe. The cleavages followed the division between urban and rural culture, bourgeois and peasant milieu, or between denominations, such as Protestantism and Catholicism.
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STRUCK, BERNHARD. "HISTORICAL REGIONS BETWEEN CONSTRUCTION AND PERCEPTION: VIEWING FRANCE AND POLAND IN THE LATE-EIGHTEENTH AND EARLY-NINETEENTH CENTURIES". East Central Europe 32, n. 1 (2005): 79–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1876330805x00045.

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Abstract: This essay tackles the problem of spatial imaginations, representations, and "mental maps." Its main point of reference is Larry Wolff's thesis that the division of Europe into an Eastern - backward and uncivilized - part, on the one hand, and a Western - modem and civilized - part, on the other, can be traced back to the late-eighteenth century. In the Enlightenment, according to Wolff, philosophers, writers, and above all travelers created this normative and value laden inner-European dichotomy. From the perspective of German travelogues on Poland and France published between roughly 1750 and 1850, Europe and its inner division appears in a completely different light. The perceptions, for instance, of travel infrastructure, rural life, and small provincial towns are widely identical. From the perspective of a bourgeois, educated, mostly Protestant traveler, originating from an urban background, the main dichotomy around 1800 was not the division between Eastern and Western Europe. The cleavages followed the division between urban and rural culture, bourgeois and peasant milieu, or between denominations, such as Protestantism and Catholicism.
26

Fratini, Marco. "Les vaudois dans la propagande visuelle des Provinces-Unies à la fin du XVII<sup>e</sup> siècle". Revue d'histoire du protestantisme 6, n. 4 (24 febbraio 2022): 401–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.47421/rhp6_4_401-440.

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Au XVIIe siècle, la survie des vaudois dans les vallées alpines du Piémont a été menacée à plusieurs reprises et ils n’ont pu se maintenir que grâce au soutien des puissances européennes protestantes. Parmi celles-ci, les Provinces-Unies les ont soutenus en 1655 et après 1686, par leurs interventions diplomatiques, financières et militaires ; dans la campagne de propagande contre le souverain français, l’image des vaudois a également utilisé des affiches, des cartes et des médailles. La représentation des vaudois comme minorité persécutée a été largement diffusée à l’occasion des massacres de 1655, connus sous le nom de « Pâques piémontaises » ou « Printemps du sang ». À travers des publications néerlandaises et anglaises, l’opinion publique européenne a pu découvrir les images des habitants des vallées alpines du Piémont soumis à d’innombrables atrocités, images diffusées dans le but de provoquer l’horreur et l’indignation, mais aussi d’éveiller la pitié et la solidarité des pays protestants. Trente ans plus tard, avec la révocation de l’édit de Nantes, l’offensive de Louis XIV contre les huguenots a également impliqué de façon dramatique les vaudois, sujets du duc de Savoie. La persécution, l’emprisonnement et l’exil forcé ont conduit à un nouveau soutien diplomatique et à une nouvelle propagande des puissances protestantes, en particulier l’Angleterre et les Provinces-Unies, unies sous l’égide de Guillaume III d’Orange. À ce stade, les représentations des vaudois dans les gravures et les médailles restent sporadiques et, lorsqu’elles apparaissent, c’est surtout pour dénoncer la persécution dont ils ont été victimes. À cette caractéristique s’ajoutent d’autres thèmes à l’ordre du jour du débat politique et religieux de l’époque. Tout d’abord, ils n’apparaissent plus comme un groupe isolé, mais comme faisant partie d’un monde protestant pluriel, au sein duquel, dans la controverse contre la politique du roi de France à l’égard des réformés, ils sont restés en retrait par rapport aux huguenots. Du point de vue politique également, leurs tentatives de survie, et parfois de résistance armée, représentent et constituent un élément perturbateur constant dans le conflit d’un territoire frontalier entre le royaume de France et le duché de Savoie. C’est pourquoi ils suscitent un intérêt supplémentaire pour les autres puissances européennes et leur participation militaire au conflit franco-savoyard en tant que sujets du duc les montre, dans une médaille de 1691, comme des soldats efficaces et fidèles au service de Victor Amédée II. En même temps, la continuité historique de l’époque médiévale garantit aux vaudois une valeur exemplaire d’ancêtres de la Réforme, à une époque où le protestantisme européen est à la recherche de racines historiques profondes pour légitimer son antagonisme à l’Église de Rome. La justification de leur présumée origine apostolique en fait un témoignage ancien du « christianisme authentique », toujours vivant et à préserver en tant que tel. Enfin, le succès, bien qu’avec des implications tragiques, de la Rentrée d’exil en 1689, crée l’image exemplaire de la libération du peuple de Dieu. Dans sa parabole accomplie du « martyre » à la « gloire », ils ont offert, notamment aux exilés huguenots des Provinces-Unies, la confirmation d’une possible réalisation concrète de leurs lectures prophétiques de l’Apocalypse, en vue de la délivrance de tous les protestants persécutés, attestée par une médaille hollandaise de 1686-1687, de la circulation tortueuse également dans les publications imprimées. L’étude des témoignages figuratifs (quoique rares) concernant les vaudois, produits à la fin du XVIIe siècle, permet de comprendre les formes de représentation symbolique des multiples significations qu’ils en sont venus à assumer, notamment aux Provinces-Unies et grâce à la large diffusion de l’imprimé, aux yeux du protestantisme européen.
27

NELSON, JONATHAN L. "‘Solo Saluador’: Printing the 1543 New Testament of Francisco de Enzinas (Dryander)". Journal of Ecclesiastical History 50, n. 1 (gennaio 1999): 94–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046998008471.

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Spain in the sixteenth century was not exempt from the movements of reform sweeping over Europe. Its enthusiastic but short-lived reception of Erasmian humanism in the 1520s is well-documented. So is its even more enthusiastic suppression of native ‘Lutheran’ conventicles in the 1550s and the extinction of hope for a Protestant Church in the kingdom of the Spanish Habsburgs. These events have relegated Hispanic Protestantism to little more than a footnote in most histories.The story, though, is not limited to the Iberian peninsula. A dedicated cadre of Spaniards did battle in the realm of ideas from places of exile in Naples, France, England, Geneva and Germany. In so doing, they contributed significantly to a core literature of evangelical humanism in Spanish. This corpus consists, in part, of translations of Reformers' works, such as Melanchthon's Antithesis and Luther's treatise on Christian liberty, by Francisco de Enzinas (1540); Calvin's catechism, by Juan Pérez (Geneva 1556); and Calvin's Institutes, by Cipriano de Valera (London 1597). Translations of classics also figure prominently in the work of Francisco de Enzinas, for example Plutarch's Lives and the Decades of Livy.
28

Rouvière, Sarah. "Résister grâce aux objets : La communauté protestante française face à la répression (1685–1787)". Renaissance and Reformation 46, n. 1 (17 ottobre 2023): 107–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v46i1.41735.

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Après la Révocation de l’édit de Nantes, le culte protestant est interdit pendant plus d’un siècle en France. Une résistance voit le jour : les protestants se réunissent pour des cultes clandestins, privés ou publics. Plus on avance dans ce siècle de répression, plus la résistance est organisée : à partir de 1718, des pasteurs, formés clandestinement à l’étranger, arrivent en France pour encadrer les fidèles. Cette étude présente les objets utilisés par la résistance, certains lui permettant de continuer ses activités clandestines, d’autres de dissimuler son existence et de protéger les fidèles. Des livres, tout d’abord, permettent le culte privé, au sein du domicile. À partir de l’arrivée des pasteurs, les protestants ont recours à des objets liturgiques pour le culte public, dont certains sont cachés de manière ingénieuse dans leur quotidien. Enfin, les maisons protestantes sont aménagées pour accueillir et dissimuler les activités clandestines des fidèles.
29

PETTEGREE, ANDREW, e MATTHEW HALL. "THE REFORMATION AND THE BOOK: A RECONSIDERATION". Historical Journal 47, n. 4 (29 novembre 2004): 785–808. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x04003991.

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Perceptions of the role of the book in the Reformation are shaped by our knowledge of the German print world during the first decades of Protestant expansion. All indications point to evangelical domination of the press in the years when Luther first became a public figure, when the printed book undoubtedly played a crucial role in the dissemination of the evangelical message, and printing enjoyed a period of exuberant growth. But it is by no means certain that assumptions derived from this German model hold good for other parts of Europe. This article re-examines the German paradigm of book and Reformation in the light of two recent bibliographical projects. The first, a trial survey of publishing outputs throughout Europe, demonstrates that the different regional print cultures that made up the European book world were organized in radically contrasting ways. These structural differences were highly significant from the point of view of assisting or impeding the output of controversial literature. The lessons from this survey are then applied to an individual case study, France, which, it emerges, deviated from the German model in almost every particular. Together these two sets of data force us to call into question the natural affinity between print and Protestantism suggested by the German paradigm.
30

Quinn, John F. "Father Mathew's Disciples: American Catholic Support for Temperance, 1840–1920". Church History 65, n. 4 (dicembre 1996): 624–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3170390.

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Scholars have frequently noted that the American temperance movement had close ties with Protestantism throughout its long history. The Congregationalist minister Lyman Beecher, generally viewed as the founding father of temperance, helped spark the establishment of the American Temperance Society in 1826 with his Six Sermons on drunkenness. Later in the century devout Protestant laypersons, such as Women's Christian Temperance Union (WCTU) leader Frances Willard and Nebraska congressman and perennial presidential hopeful William Jennings Bryan, took up leadership of the cause. In the early years of this century, as Protestants began to divide into warring liberal and evangelical camps, Prohibition was one—and perhaps the only—issue which could unite most Protestants, from the firebreathing revivalist Billy Sunday on the one hand to the scholarly, liberal Walter Rauschenbusch on the other.1
31

Borello, Céline. "Gestes et devoir d’assistance dans les Églises protestantes françaises du premier XIXe siècle". Source(s) – Arts, Civilisation et Histoire de l’Europe, n. 10 (20 ottobre 2022): 13–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.57086/sources.271.

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Gestes et devoir d’assistance dans les Églises protestantes françaises du premier XIXe siècle — Indéniablement, le XIXe siècle voit se développer les œuvres protestantes : entourer les malades, offrir assistance et secours aux plus faibles, développer l’éducation envers les plus défavorisés… semble devenir un geste commun dans les Églises françaises. Au cœur de cette action qui mobilise théoriquement toute une communauté, l’impulsion de certains paraît décisive. Comment en effet convaincre les fidèles de la nécessité à s’engager dans le service des plus humbles ? L’article se propose de voir quelles modalités empruntent pasteurs et consistoires protestants pour mobiliser l’ensemble des croyants alors que la reconnaissance des cultes réformés et luthériens leur permet d’organiser ouvertement l’entraide dans l’espace public des villes et des campagnes, en France ou à l’étranger.
32

Comensoli Antonini, Lorenzo, e Paul-Alexis Mellet. "Les communautés protestantes en France: représentations, symboles et mimesis". Renaissance and Reformation 46, n. 1 (17 ottobre 2023): 9–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v46i1.41731.

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L’identité des communautés protestantes françaises, entre XVIe et XVIIe siècles, se définit d’abord par une communion de foi. Ce critère, cependant, ne suffit pas : une approche anthropologique interrogeant la dimension réfléchie des communautés, c’est-à-dire les représentations qu’elles ont d’elles-mêmes, permet de retracer les liens symboliques qui produisent leur cohésion (unité du multiple). Or, pendant les guerres de Religion puis face à la « tolérance dans l’intolérance » inaugurée par l’édit de Nantes, les représentations des protestants français évoluent par rapport au pouvoir monarchique et à ses changements d’attitude à leur égard, arrivant jusqu’à la Révocation de 1685.
33

Grzywacz, Małgorzata. "Zgromadzenia zakonne we współczesnym protestantyzmie. Zarys problematyki na przykładzie żeńskiej wspólnoty z Grandchamp". Studia Religiologica 53, n. 2 (2020): 89–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844077sr.20.007.12510.

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Christian Orders in Contemporary Protestantism. Outline of the Problem on the Example of the Female Community from Grandchamp The article concentrates on the renewal of monastic life in the European evangelical churches after 1945. The Reformation, initiated by the speech of Martin Luther (1483–1546), brought about great changes in this respect, questioning the current principles of the presence of the monk’s life in the Christian community. Criticism of religious life, formulated by the father of the Wittenberg Reformation, was undertaken by both Ulrich Zwingli (1484–1531) and John Calvin. Until the 19th century, monasticism had not seen rehabilitation of the churches that emerged in the wake of the Reformation. This did not mean, however, that it was completely forgotten. Due to renewal movements, including radical Pietism, which in the 17th and 18th centuries became popular in Protestant Europe, monastic issues returned. Eminent figures in the history of Christianity were discovered. Their world of faith and personal experience was mediated through community life, based on prayer rules and practices known since the time of the original church. At the same time in France, Germany and England a return to the abandoned ways of implementing Christian life began. The article analyses the inspiring community of Grandchamp to indicate the way tradition in the churches deriving from the Reformation has been discovered and re-read.
34

Grzywacz, Małgorzata. "Zgromadzenia zakonne we współczesnym protestantyzmie. Zarys problematyki na przykładzie żeńskiej wspólnoty z Grandchamp". Studia Religiologica 53, n. 2 (2020): 89–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844077sr.20.007.12510.

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Christian Orders in Contemporary Protestantism. Outline of the Problem on the Example of the Female Community from Grandchamp The article concentrates on the renewal of monastic life in the European evangelical churches after 1945. The Reformation, initiated by the speech of Martin Luther (1483–1546), brought about great changes in this respect, questioning the current principles of the presence of the monk’s life in the Christian community. Criticism of religious life, formulated by the father of the Wittenberg Reformation, was undertaken by both Ulrich Zwingli (1484–1531) and John Calvin. Until the 19th century, monasticism had not seen rehabilitation of the churches that emerged in the wake of the Reformation. This did not mean, however, that it was completely forgotten. Due to renewal movements, including radical Pietism, which in the 17th and 18th centuries became popular in Protestant Europe, monastic issues returned. Eminent figures in the history of Christianity were discovered. Their world of faith and personal experience was mediated through community life, based on prayer rules and practices known since the time of the original church. At the same time in France, Germany and England a return to the abandoned ways of implementing Christian life began. The article analyses the inspiring community of Grandchamp to indicate the way tradition in the churches deriving from the Reformation has been discovered and re-read.
35

Souchon, Cécile. "Églises protestantes et sources de l'histoire du protestantisme : les principales Églises protestantes en France aujourd'hui et leurs archives". La Gazette des archives 165, n. 1 (1994): 213–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/gazar.1994.4239.

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36

Orban, Myriam Anny. "La création d’une Église réformée évangélique française en 1902 dans le cadre de la francisation du comté de Nice". Revue d'histoire du protestantisme 9, n. 1 (4 aprile 2024): 47–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.47421/rhp_9.1_47-88.

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Les protestants français installés à Nice après le rattachement de 1860, dits de seconde génération, ou nés outre-Var, selon la terminologie de l’époque, sont de plus en plus nombreux. Ils souhaitent se séparer de l’Église vaudoise de Nice qui dépend de la Table vaudoise en Italie et créer une Église réformée française. En 1899, quelques protestants entrent dans une phase nettement offensive et mettent en œuvre une stratégie afin de se débarrasser du pasteur vaudois Auguste Malan (Augusto Giovanni Malan). Ils fondent le Comité Protestant Français (CPF). Les difficultés s’accumulent et se conjuguent avec la situation particulière du Comté de Nice en voie de francisation et la situation politique et religieuse propre à la France. Le CPF est confronté aux divisions internes au protestan-tisme. Depuis le synode national de 1872, il existe deux unions d’Églises protestantes en France : l’une de tendance évangélique, l’autre de tendance libérale. L’État se dé-sengage des accords pris lors du Concordat. Climat politique et idéologie alimentent les débats. En 1902, en dépit des difficultés, les membres du Comité Protestant Français inaugurent leur Église réformée de France, obtiennent un poste de pasteur et, par une singulière opération financière avec l’État, parviennent à verser un salaire à leurs pasteurs.
37

Benedict, Philip. "La Population Réformée Française de 1600 a 1685". Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 42, n. 6 (dicembre 1987): 1433–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ahess.1987.283464.

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Étudier l'évolution des effectifs protestants en France entre l'édit de Nantes et sa Révocation, c'est poser quelques jalons fondamentaux pour toute compréhension de l'histoire du protestantisme au XVIIe siècle. Dans ces villes du Midi où le consulat était divisé entre protestants et catholiques selon une formule liée plus ou moins directement au bilan des forces en présence, des changements dans la taille relative des deux confessions pouvaient entraîner des conséquences politiques immédiates, de sorte que les pasteurs s'efforçaient à combler les vides que pouvait ouvrir dans les rangs de leurs ouailles toute crise démographique. Là où des fluctuations de la taille des communautés ne risquaient pas d'entraîner des retombées politiques immédiates, l'étude du mouvement de la population protestante offre toujours un moyen de sonder la vitalité de cette minorité, face aux encouragements à la conversion de la part d'une Église catholique revivifiée et d'un appareil étatique de plus en plus fort et de plus en plus hostile. L'examen des variations régionales dans le mouvement de la population protestante nous amène aussi, ainsi que nous le verrons, à soulever une série de questions à propos du sort contrasté du « petit troupeau » dans diverses régions de la France, qui, jusqu'à présent, ont été à peine entrevues.
38

Hodge, Kyle S. "The Conservatism of the Counterreformation in Montaigne’s “Apology for Raymond Sebond”". Journal of Early Modern Studies 10, n. 2 (2021): 9–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jems202110212.

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Montaigne’s “Apology” is a lengthy work the overarching theme of which is the relationship between epistemology, virtue, and vice. It is a commentary on the thesis that science or knowledge “is the mother of all virtue and that all vice is produced by ignorance.” Montaigne’s response is radical and unequivocal: there is no idea more harmful; its consequences are no less than the destruction of inward contentment and the undermining of societal peace and stability. Indeed, Montaigne sees the Protestant Reformation as the instantiation of this terrible thesis, with all of the attendant trouble it had and continued to cause in France. So Montaigne inverts the thesis: ignorance begets virtue and (presumption of ) knowledge vice. Out of this inversion he draws many conservative social and political consequences, and this is one of the most interesting and yet underexplored aspects of the text. Montaigne exhibits the conservatism of the Counterreformation in the “Apology,” and I intend to draw more attention to this theme. I show that Montaigne’s main target in the “Apology” was not dogmatism as such, but Protestantism as a species of dogmatism. I then show that, by using a few elementary epistemic concepts, Montaigne launches a withering skeptical attack on the Reformation. Out of this criticism I draw some important conservative themes that have significant implications for our understanding of Montaigne’s social and political thought, as well as for conservative political theory and its intellectual history.
39

Knetsch, F. R. J. "Church Ordinances and Regulations of the Dutch Synods ‘Under the Cross’ (1563-1566) Compared With the French (1559-1563)". Studies in Church History. Subsidia 8 (1991): 187–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900001642.

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In 1559 Philip II left the Netherlands for Spain, where, from then on, he was to rule his empire. The government of the Provinces united by his father, Charles V, was left to his bastard sister Margaret, Duchess of Parma. Although she faithfully followed the Habsburg line, which in religion meant opposing Protestantism, her reign was characterized by a certain lack of firmness, enabling opposing factions to assert themselves. Shortly before Philip’s departure, Henry II, his French rival, had died in a tournament. His children and widow were as unable to quell the religious unrest in France as Margaret was in the Netherlands. In this situation, Calvinism grew irresistibly: from around 1555, it had already increased greatly in strength under Henry II, and in 1559 it had managed to hold a synod in Paris. That synod, as well as drawing up a Confession of Faith, produced its Discipline or Church Ordinance; and the best way of tracing the growth of Calvinism is to examine how rapidly the synods met, and to see how the Church Ordinances were adjusted to meet particular circumstances. That this development in the French Reformed Church had repercussions in the adjoining Netherlands, where the same language was spoken, at least in part, needs scarcely to be emphasized. Besides, during the reign of Elizabeth I, Calvinist refugee congregations were established in England, and these, in turn, could be used as bases for serving the Netherlands.
40

Stievermann, Jan. "A “Syncretism of Piety”: Imagining Global Protestantism in Early Eighteenth-Century Boston, Tranquebar, and Halle". Church History 89, n. 4 (dicembre 2020): 829–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640720001419.

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AbstractThis essay reexamines the network centered on the Boston Congregational minister and theologian Cotton Mather, the great Pietist theologian August Hermann Francke, several of the latter's associates in Halle and London, and Halle-sponsored Lutheran missionaries in the Danish colony of Tranquebar. It pursues the question what this network (which existed from circa 1710 into the 1730s) reveals about how the idea of a “Protestant religion” evolved as a theological construct and how “Protestantism” as a category of religious identity came to have meaning and resonance across denominational and linguistic divides. Through the Boston-Halle-Tranquebar exchange, the essay argues, “awakened souls” from Anglo-American Reformed and German Lutheran churches converged toward a conservative but dogmatically minimalistic understanding of the Christian religion that combined an intensely Christocentric, biblicist, and experiential piety with an activist-missionary and eschatological orientation—a package which was now equated with being truly “Protestant” or “protestantisch,” respectively. This reflects how the historical development of “Protestantism” intersected with larger philosophical and theological debates about “religion” and the different “religions” of humanity that involved Enlightenment thinkers as much as awakened Christians. The distinct version of “the Protestant religion” that first developed among the correspondents of this network would continue to evolve through the transatlantic awakenings of the eighteenth century and remain influential into the nineteenth century.
41

Nolan, Frances. "‘The Cat’s Paw’: Helen Arthur, the act of resumption andThe Popish pretenders to the forfeited estates in Ireland, 1700–03". Irish Historical Studies 42, n. 162 (novembre 2018): 225–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2018.31.

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AbstractThis article examines the case of Helen Arthur, a Catholic and Jacobite Irish woman who travelled with her children to France following William III’s victory over James II in the War of the Two Kings (1689–91). It considers Helen’s circumstances and her representation inThe Popish pretenders to the forfeited estates in Ireland, a pamphlet published in London in 1702 as a criticism of the act of resumption. The act, introduced by the English parliament in 1700, voided the majority of William III’s grants to favourites and supporters. Its provisions offered many dispossessed, including the dependants of outlawed males, a chance to reclaim compromised or forfeited property by submitting a claim to a board of trustees in Dublin. Helen Arthur missed the initial deadline for submissions, but secured an extension to submit through a clause in a 1701 supply bill, a development that brought her to the attention of the anonymous author ofThe Popish pretenders. Charting Helen’s efforts to reclaim her jointure, her eldest son’s estate and her younger children’s portions, this article looks at the ways in which dispossessed Irish Catholics and/or Jacobites reacted to legislative developments. More specifically, it shines a light on the possibilities for female agency in a period of significant upheaval, demonstrating opportunities for participation and representation in the public sphere, both in London and in Dublin. It also considers the impact of the politicisation of religion upon understandings of women’s roles and experiences during the Williamite confiscation, and suggests that a synonymising of Catholicism with Jacobitism (and Protestantism with the Williamite cause) has significant repercussions for understandings of women’s activities during the period. It also examines contemporary attitudes to women’s activity, interrogating the casting of Helen as a ‘cat’s paw’ in a bigger political game, invariably played by men.
42

Trezubov, Matvey D. "The concept of “Old” and “New” Europe by Roman Dmowski and its role in the discourse of modern Polish foreign policy". Rusin, n. 69 (2022): 213–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/69/12.

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Roman Dmowski, a Polish nationalist and a founder of the independent Polish state, occupies an important place in Polish history. After the restoration of Poland on the political map of Europe, there was a need for a certain foreign policy that could give prosperity to a country de facto deprived of its agency for 123 years. Dmowski argues that the national identity can be protected from the Protestant countries of the West only through defining it as a main guardian of the Latin civilization. He formulated this thesis on the basis of Houston Chamberlain's The Foundation of the 19th Century, Oswald Spengler's The Decline of Europe and numerous works of Feliks Koneczny, who had a fundamental influence on Dmowski. His concept aimed at saving the Latin civilization (Italy, Poland, and France, led by Charles Maurras) from the affects of Jewish civilization and Protestantism in particular, representing the Latin civilization largely due to the reinterpretation of the Protestant countries and its further antagonization. This bloc was purely defensive and wasn't implemented in practice. Speaking about the discourse of modern Polish foreign policy, one can find many allusions to Dmowski, although it should be understood that the Polish government are not endecja (Narodowa Demokracja). So, for example, the “German-Pole” dichotomy, which was used Dmowski, is now in many ways one of those associated with the intra-European crisis. Now, in connection with the events of February 24, Poland potentially has every chance of becoming a hegemon in the Eastern European policy of the European Union, since it fully supports Ukraine and close integration with it. Since Ukraine is already a candidate for EU membership, this will allow it to compete with Germany in EU politics and possibly even result in EU reforms, due to its active pro-Ukrainian policy.
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Cabanel, Patrick. "Protestantisme et littérature en France". École pratique des hautes études. Section des sciences religieuses, n. 128 (1 ottobre 2021): 369–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/asr.3844.

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Cabanel, Patrick. "Protestantisme et littérature en France (II)". École pratique des hautes études. Section des sciences religieuses, n. 129 (31 maggio 2022): 435–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/asr.4170.

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Hivert-Messeca, Yves. "Le protestantisme dans la France d’aujourd’hui". Humanisme N° 277, n. 2 (1 giugno 2007): 74–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/huma.277.0074.

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Benedict, Philip. "Bibliothèques protestantes et catholiques a Metz au XVIIesiècle". Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 40, n. 2 (aprile 1985): 343–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ahess.1985.283167.

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Comparée au puritanisme anglo-américain, la culture religieuse des huguenots est mal connue. Alors que toute une série de chercheurs ont étudié le « puritan mind » en utilisant les instruments d'analyse les plus divers, l'historiographie du protestantisme français a si longtemps été dominée par le double thème de la persécution et de la résistance qu'on a négligé l'histoire proprement religieuse du mouvement. Les récents travaux de Philippe Joutard sur les Camisards ont analysé l'univers mental des congrégations du Midi dans la période qui suit la Révocation ; ceux de Walter Rex et d'Elisabeth Labrousse sur Bayle ont beaucoup enrichi notre connaissance de la culture des intellectuels huguenots en général . Mais pour connaître la masse des fidèles entre l'édit de Nantes et sa Révocation, notre meilleur guide reste sans doute le pieux chef-d'oeuvre presque centenaire du pasteur Paul de Félice,Les protestants d'autrefois. Il traite avec minutie du caractère de la Réforme en France et décrit une communautéimprégnée de la lecture de la Bible et des psaumes ; mais c'est à quoi se limite l'analyse de la culture religieuse huguenote.
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Vaughan, Géraldine. "Anticatholicisme au Royaume-Uni et antiprotestantisme en France à la fin du XIX<sup>e</sup> siècle". Revue d'histoire du protestantisme 7, n. 2 (4 agosto 2022): 231–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.47421/rhp7_2_231-244.

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L’histoire de l’antiprotestantisme en France sous la IIIe République a été renouvelée notamment par les travaux de Jean Baubérot et de Valentine Zuber qui ont montré comment l’antiprotestantisme confessionnel « traditionnel », animé par des milieux laïques et catholiques, s’était mué en un antiprotestantisme « politique » aux accents parfois racistes. Or, les expressions de haine vis-à-vis des minorités religieuses trouvent leur pendant au Royaume-Uni à la même époque. Dans un contexte britannique protestant majoritaire, ce sont les catholiques, en situation de minorité, qui sont visés par les invectives ultra-protestantes. Le présent article s’attache à étudier dans une perspective comparatiste les manifestations de deux mouvements « anti » diamétralement opposés dans leurs objets de haine – les catholiques outre-Manche, les protestants côté français – mais semblables par leurs méthodes et leurs desseins. Méthodologiquement, il s’appuie notamment sur la typologie dressée par le politiste Anatole Leroy-Beaulieu dans son ouvrage Les doctrines de haine, paru en 1902.
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Meiring, P. G. J. "’n Nuwe hoofstuk in die verhouding tussen Franse Protestante en Suid-Afrika: Die Collogue L’Afrique du Sud en transition, Parys, 15–16 Januarie 1993". Verbum et Ecclesia 14, n. 1 (9 settembre 1993): 97–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v14i1.1278.

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A new chapter in the relationship between French Protestants and South Africa: The Colloque l’Afrique du Sud en transition, Paris, 15–16 January, 1993Early in 1993 an important colloquium, called together by the Federation of Protestants in France, (FPF) in conjunction with DEFAP, the missionary secretariate of the FPF, on South Africa in transition, was held in Paris. The colloquium had a fourfold purpose: to inform the French public on recent developments in South Africa; to explain the difficult problems awaiting solutions in that country; to rebuild contact between churches in South Africa and France; and to identify lessons France, as well as the wider world, may learn from the South African experience. Speakers from both South Africa and France were invited to address the colloquium. In the article some of the views expressed at the colloquium are summarised and evaluated. In an introductory paragraph the role and the influence of Protestants in France today are briefly touched upon.
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Fouilloux, Étienne. "Huguenots et protestants en France". Archives de sciences sociales des religions, n. 164 (30 dicembre 2013): 59–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/assr.25404.

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Deslandres, Dominique. "Entre persuasion et adhésion". Thème 13, n. 1 (14 marzo 2006): 95–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/012527ar.

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Résumé La rencontre des croyances franco-amérindiennes du xvii e siècle doit être replacée dans le contexte plus global des missions de cette époque. On voit alors se développer simultanément les missions à l’intérieur de la France, auprès des catholiques tièdes et des protestants, et les missions à l’extérieur de la métropole, auprès entre autres des Amérindiens de Nouvelle-France. Or, l’analyse révèle que, dans son ensemble, la mission française au xvii e siècle fut loin d’être un lieu d’innovation. L’altérité, en effet, a eu un impact quasi nul sur les mentalités et les méthodes missionnaires. D’une part, les missionnés étaient perçus essentiellement comme des « ignorants » de « ce qui est nécessaire à salut », dont il serait facile de circonvenir les superstitions ; d’autre part, c’est l’ensemble des stratégies missionnaires des différents ordres et des congrégations à l’intérieur de la France qui se trouva « importé » en Nouvelle-France. Dans ce processus, la rencontre de l’ Autre se fait à sens unique, les missionnaires étant là pour donner et non pour recevoir des missionnés quelque chose qui pourrait les remettre en question ou susciter leur adhésion à la religion de l’ Autre .

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