Bibliografie tematiche / Protest movements – Minnesota – History

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Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Protest movements – Minnesota – History"

Autore: Grafiati
Pubblicato: 29 luglio 2024
Ultima modifica: 30 luglio 2024

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Articoli di riviste sul tema "Protest movements – Minnesota – History"

1

Bernhard, Michael. "Maryjane Osa. Solidarity and Contention. Social Movements, Protest, and Contestation, vol. 18. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2003." Comparative Studies in Society and History 47, n. 3 (luglio 2005): 669–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417505230293.

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Osa's study is part of a larger literature that looks at the decomposition of communism and postcommunist politics through the prism of the literature on social movements. The book stands out, along with Grzegorz Ekiert and Jan Kubik's Rebellious Civil Society and John Glenn's Framing Democracy, as among the best in this school of research. Osa concentrates on the creation of networks of resistance in communist Poland from early 1950s to the period of Solidarity's formation and suppression in 1980–1982.
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2

Silber, Irina Carlota. "Paul Almeida. Waves of Protest. Popular Struggle in El Salvador, 1925–2005. [Social Movements, Protest, and Contention, Vol. 29.]University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis [etc.] 2008. xxii, 298 pp. $25.00". International Review of Social History 55, n. 1 (aprile 2010): 146–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859010000131.

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3

Dokhanchi, Khalil. "A Century of Revolution: Social Movements in Iran, Social Movements, Protest, and Contention Series, vol. 2, John Foran, ed., Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994, 263 pp., incl. Select Bibliography, Index, $19.95 (paper)." Iranian Studies 29, n. 3-4 (1996): 373–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021086200010823.

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4

Brown, Cliff. "Roscigno, Vincent J. and William F. Danaher, The Voice of Southern Labor. Radio, Music, and Textile Strikes, 1929–1934. [Social Movements, Protest, and Contention, vol. 19.] University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis [etc.] 2004. xxviii, 177 pp. $59.95". International Review of Social History 51, n. 1 (30 marzo 2006): 136–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859006102357.

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5

HINZ, UTA. "‘1968’ in Context: Protest Movements in the 1960s". Contemporary European History 20, n. 2 (8 aprile 2011): 233–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777311000087.

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The year 2008 marked the fortieth anniversary of the great revolts of 1968. As always, the occasion gave rise to impassioned debates. In Germany they were stimulated by the historian and 1968 veteran Götz Aly, who compared the ‘sixty-eight’ to the ‘thirty-three’ generations (the Nazi student body of the early 1930s), and postulated ‘parallels in German history’, continuities and ‘similarities in the approach to mobilisation, political utopianism and the anti-bourgeois impulse’. Following the thirtieth anniversary in 1998, which triggered a flood of scholarly publications, we have had ten further years of research into the recent history of the 1960s, up to the fortieth anniversary in 2008. In 1998, the central question was still to remove the 1960s protest movements from the realm of myth and to establish the ‘year of protest’ (i.e. 1968) itself as a subject for historical research. Since 1998, the aims of international research have been to develop a global comparative analysis of the movements and to contextualise them historically. Particular attention has been devoted to locating political protest movements in the overall process of socio-cultural transformation through the ‘long 1960s’.
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6

Benford, Robert D., e T. K. Oommen. "Protest and Change: Studies in Social Movements." Social Forces 70, n. 3 (marzo 1992): 835. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2579762.

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7

Jobs, Richard Ivan. "Youth Movements: Travel, Protest, and Europe in 1968". American Historical Review 114, n. 2 (aprile 2009): 376–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.114.2.376.

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8

Jung, Jai. "Disentangling Protest Cycles: An Event-History Analysis of New Social Movements in Western Europe". Mobilization: An International Quarterly 15, n. 1 (1 febbraio 2010): 25–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.15.1.86260543m3110705.

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The theory of protest cycles has informed us that the external political environment and the internal competition among social movement organizations are distinct elements leading to the emergence, development, and decline of popular protest. This theory, however, has not been examined systematically. I conduct an event-history analysis to test and refine the theory of protest cycles using a well-known new social movement event dataset. While proposing a general way of operationalizing the core concepts in social movement studies, I show that political opportunity only matters during the initial phase of social movement mobilization, rather than throughout the movement's lifespan. What explains declining frequencies of protest occurrence during the demobilization phase is the joint effect of two internal factors: the institutionalization of social movements and the growing violence during protests.
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Lai, Daniela. "Practicing Solidarity: ‘Reconciliation’ and Bosnian Protest Movements". Ethnopolitics 19, n. 2 (23 agosto 2019): 168–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2019.1653016.

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10

Laajalahti, Anne. "A Historical Analysis of Media Practices and Technologies in Protest Movements: A Review of Crisis and Critique by Anne Kaun". Media and Communication 5, n. 2 (10 maggio 2017): 64–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v5i2.976.

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Abstract (sommario):
Dr. Anne Kaun’s book, <em>Crisis and Critique: A Brief History of Media Participation in Times of Crisis</em> (London: Zed Books, 2016, 131 pp., ISBN: 978-1-78360-736-5), is a concise but comprehensive analysis of the changing media practices and technologies in protest movements. The book overviews the topic within the context of major economic crises and scrutinises three richly detailed case studies in the United States: (a) the unemployed workers’ movement during the Great Depression in the 1930s, (b) the tenants’ rent strike movement of the early 1970s, and (c) the Occupy Wall Street movement following the Great Recession of 2008. Kaun begins her book with an introduction to economic crises and protest movements and highlights the relationship of crisis and critique to media practices. She goes on to investigate historical forms of media participation in protest movements from three different perspectives: (a) protest time, (b) protest space, and (c) protest speed. The book contributes to the recent discussion on the emerging role of social media in protest by providing a historically nuanced analysis of the media participation in times of crisis. As a whole, the book is valuable to anyone interested in media and social activism.
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Tesi sul tema "Protest movements – Minnesota – History"

1

Fung, Chi-ming. "History at the grassroots : rickshaw pullers in the pearl river delta of South China, 1874-1992 /". Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1996. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B17537058.

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2

au, M. Tanji@murdoch edu, e Miyume Tanji. "The Enduring Myth of an Okinawan Struggle: The History and Trajectory of a Diverse Community of Protest". Murdoch University, 2003. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20040510.152840.

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Abstract (sommario):
The islands of Okinawa have a long history of people’s protest. Much of this has been a manifestation in one way or another of Okinawa’s enforced assimilation into Japan and their differential treatment thereafter. However, it is only in the contemporary period that we find interpretations among academic and popular writers of a collective political movement opposing marginalisation of, and discrimination against, Okinawans. This is most powerfully expressed in the idea of the three ‘waves’ of a post-war ‘Okinawan struggle’ against the US military bases. Yet, since Okinawa’s annexation to Japan in 1879, differences have constantly existed among protest groups over the reasons for and the means by which to protest, and these have only intensified after the reversion to Japanese administration in 1972. This dissertation examines the trajectory of Okinawan protest actors, focusing on the development and nature of internal differences, the origin and survival of the idea of a united ‘Okinawan struggle’, and the implications of these factors for political reform agendas in Okinawa. It explains the internal differences in organisation, strategies and collective identities among the groups in terms of three major priorities in their protest. There are those protesters principally preoccupied with opposing the US-Japan security treaty and for whom the preservation of pacifist clauses of the Constitution and the utilisation of formal legal and political processes are paramount as a modus operandi. There are also those primarily concerned to protect Okinawa’s distinctive lifestyle and natural environment, as well as an assortment of feminist groups fundamentally opposed to the presence of US bases due to concerns about patriarchy and exploitation of women, fostered by militarism. In these last two perspectives, protest tends to be conducted much more via informal, network-oriented processes, and includes engagement with international civil society groups. The increasing range of protest groups derived from the expansion of these last two perspectives, diversifying beyond the traditional workers’ unions and political parties, is consistent with the ‘new social movement’ theory. This theory’s emphasis on the importance of socio economic change for the emergence of groups with post-materialist reform agendas and a stronger predisposition towards informal political processes resonates with the Okinawan experiences. However, the impact of this has been, especially after the reversion in 1972, to hinder effective coalition building among the Okinawan protest groups and organisations, weakening their power to bring about political reforms, particularly towards the removal of the US military bases from the island. Crucially, though, the idea of an ‘Okinawan struggle’ has endured in the community of protest throughout the post-war period. Ideas about marginalisation of, and discrimination against, Okinawans constitute a powerful myth of an ‘Okinawan struggle’, which has a long history of being redefined, used and exploited differently by a wide range of protest actors, adjusted to their particular and historically specific struggles. Indeed, in the event that the US military bases were withdrawn from Okinawa, the ability and appeal of the myth of an ‘Okinawan struggle’ would therefore not necessarily expire, even if it will increasingly be joined by other protest perspectives as a result of the flowering of new social movements.
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3

Malamidis, Theocharis. "From protest to production: enlarging the boundaries of social movements in crisis-ridden Greece". Doctoral thesis, Scuola Normale Superiore, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11384/86218.

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Abstract (sommario):
The recent economic crisis had severe consequences for the countries of the European South; at its epicenter, Greece experienced tremendous economic, social and political transformations. The imposition of harsh austerity measures resulted in the sharp increase of unemployment, the dissolution of labor rights, budget reductions in health and education and the broader deconstruction of the former welfare state. At the same time, these measures were welcomed by a polymorphous movement against austerity. The square movement, continuous national strikes as well as large scale protests and demonstrations have carved out a contentious environment in Greece’s crisis-ridden landscape. These protest events brought new activists in the streets and transformed the criticism against austerity to a broader distaste for the neoliberal representative democracy. Confronted with the impoverishment of large segments of the Greek population, the anti-austerity mobilizations gave birth to new grassroots solidarity structures. Barter clubs, markets without middlemen, collective kitchens, social clinics, workers’ collectives and social cooperatives constitute only a few examples. Together with the eruption of these new initiatives, traditional social movement organizations (SMOs) shift their focus towards the provision of service-oriented repertoires. This process witnesses the enlargement of previously stable practical and conceptual boundaries. In line with post-modern accounts, this thesis argues that previously clear-cut boundaries, which used to distinguish the different roles within the social movement communities, become fluid, while the relationship between social movements and institutional actors gets blurred. The process of boundary enlargement in Greece is represented by the incorporation of service-oriented practices within the SMOs’ repertoires of action, something which is further accelerated due to the conditions of crisis and austerity. By focusing on the social movement scenes of health, food and labor, this inquiry explores the contentious dynamics and mechanisms that contributed to the enlargement of the SMOs’ boundaries. Through qualitative field research in SMOs in Athens and Thessaloniki, we analyze the changes in terms of their organizational structure, resources and identities. Additionally, by emphasizing the similarities and differences in their trajectories, we shed light on the new dilemmas that SMOs are faced with, providing a substantial explanation of how the crisis has affected the passage from the politics of protest to the politics of production.
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4

Tanji, Miyume. "The enduring myth of an Okinawan struggle: the history and trajectory of a diverse community of protest". Thesis, Tanji, Miyume (2003) The enduring myth of an Okinawan struggle: the history and trajectory of a diverse community of protest. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2003. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/334/.

Testo completo
Abstract (sommario):
The islands of Okinawa have a long history of people's protest. Much of this has been a manifestation in one way or another of Okinawa's enforced assimilation into Japan and their differential treatment thereafter. However, it is only in the contemporary period that we find interpretations among academic and popular writers of a collective political movement opposing marginalisation of, and discrimination against, Okinawans. This is most powerfully expressed in the idea of the three 'waves' of a post-war 'Okinawan struggle' against the US military bases. Yet, since Okinawa's annexation to Japan in 1879, differences have constantly existed among protest groups over the reasons for and the means by which to protest, and these have only intensified after the reversion to Japanese administration in 1972. This dissertation examines the trajectory of Okinawan protest actors, focusing on the development and nature of internal differences, the origin and survival of the idea of a united 'Okinawan struggle', and the implications of these factors for political reform agendas in Okinawa. It explains the internal differences in organisation, strategies and collective identities among the groups in terms of three major priorities in their protest. There are those protesters principally preoccupied with opposing the US-Japan security treaty and for whom the preservation of pacifist clauses of the Constitution and the utilisation of formal legal and political processes are paramount as a modus operandi. There are also those primarily concerned to protect Okinawa's distinctive lifestyle and natural environment, as well as an assortment of feminist groups fundamentally opposed to the presence of US bases due to concerns about patriarchy and exploitation of women, fostered by militarism. In these last two perspectives, protest tends to be conducted much more via informal, network-oriented processes, and includes engagement with international civil society groups. The increasing range of protest groups derived from the expansion of these last two perspectives, diversifying beyond the traditional workers' unions and political parties, is consistent with the 'new social movement' theory. This theory's emphasis on the importance of socio economic change for the emergence of groups with post-materialist reform agendas and a stronger predisposition towards informal political processes resonates with the Okinawan experiences. However, the impact of this has been, especially after the reversion in 1972, to hinder effective coalition building among the Okinawan protest groups and organisations, weakening their power to bring about political reforms, particularly towards the removal of the US military bases from the island. Crucially, though, the idea of an 'Okinawan struggle' has endured in the community of protest throughout the post-war period. Ideas about marginalisation of, and discrimination against, Okinawans constitute a powerful myth of an 'Okinawan struggle', which has a long history of being redefined, used and exploited differently by a wide range of protest actors, adjusted to their particular and historically specific struggles. Indeed, in the event that the US military bases were withdrawn from Okinawa, the ability and appeal of the myth of an 'Okinawan struggle' would therefore not necessarily expire, even if it will increasingly be joined by other protest perspectives as a result of the flowering of new social movements.
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5

Tanji, Miyume. "The enduring myth of an Okinawan struggle : the history and trajectory of a diverse community of protest /". Tanji, Miyume (2003) The enduring myth of an Okinawan struggle: the history and trajectory of a diverse community of protest. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2003. http://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/334/.

Testo completo
Abstract (sommario):
The islands of Okinawa have a long history of people's protest. Much of this has been a manifestation in one way or another of Okinawa's enforced assimilation into Japan and their differential treatment thereafter. However, it is only in the contemporary period that we find interpretations among academic and popular writers of a collective political movement opposing marginalisation of, and discrimination against, Okinawans. This is most powerfully expressed in the idea of the three 'waves' of a post-war 'Okinawan struggle' against the US military bases. Yet, since Okinawa's annexation to Japan in 1879, differences have constantly existed among protest groups over the reasons for and the means by which to protest, and these have only intensified after the reversion to Japanese administration in 1972. This dissertation examines the trajectory of Okinawan protest actors, focusing on the development and nature of internal differences, the origin and survival of the idea of a united 'Okinawan struggle', and the implications of these factors for political reform agendas in Okinawa. It explains the internal differences in organisation, strategies and collective identities among the groups in terms of three major priorities in their protest. There are those protesters principally preoccupied with opposing the US-Japan security treaty and for whom the preservation of pacifist clauses of the Constitution and the utilisation of formal legal and political processes are paramount as a modus operandi. There are also those primarily concerned to protect Okinawa's distinctive lifestyle and natural environment, as well as an assortment of feminist groups fundamentally opposed to the presence of US bases due to concerns about patriarchy and exploitation of women, fostered by militarism. In these last two perspectives, protest tends to be conducted much more via informal, network-oriented processes, and includes engagement with international civil society groups. The increasing range of protest groups derived from the expansion of these last two perspectives, diversifying beyond the traditional workers' unions and political parties, is consistent with the 'new social movement' theory. This theory's emphasis on the importance of socio economic change for the emergence of groups with post-materialist reform agendas and a stronger predisposition towards informal political processes resonates with the Okinawan experiences. However, the impact of this has been, especially after the reversion in 1972, to hinder effective coalition building among the Okinawan protest groups and organisations, weakening their power to bring about political reforms, particularly towards the removal of the US military bases from the island. Crucially, though, the idea of an 'Okinawan struggle' has endured in the community of protest throughout the post-war period. Ideas about marginalisation of, and discrimination against, Okinawans constitute a powerful myth of an 'Okinawan struggle', which has a long history of being redefined, used and exploited differently by a wide range of protest actors, adjusted to their particular and historically specific struggles. Indeed, in the event that the US military bases were withdrawn from Okinawa, the ability and appeal of the myth of an 'Okinawan struggle' would therefore not necessarily expire, even if it will increasingly be joined by other protest perspectives as a result of the flowering of new social movements.
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6

Chapman, Ron. "Fighting for the forests: a history of the Western Australian forest protest movement 1895-2001". Thesis, Chapman, Ron (2008) Fighting for the forests: a history of the Western Australian forest protest movement 1895-2001. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2008. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/724/.

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As the first comprehensive study of Western Australian forest protest the thesis analyses the protest movement's organisation, campaigns and strategies. Its central argument is that the contemporary Western Australian forest protest movement established a network of urban and south-west activist groups which encouraged broad public support, and that a diversity of protest strategies focused public attention on forest issues and pressured the state government to change its forest policies. The forest protest movement was characterised by its ability to continually adapt its organisation and strategies to changing social and political conditions. This flexible approach to protest not only led to victories in the Shannon River Basin, Lane-Poole Reserve and old growth forest campaigns, but also transformed forest protest into an influential social movement which contributed to the downfall of the Court Liberal Government in 2001.
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Chapman, Ron. "Fighting for the forests : a history of the Western Australian forest protest movement 1895-2001 /". Chapman, Ron (2008) Fighting for the forests: a history of the Western Australian forest protest movement 1895-2001. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2008. http://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/724/.

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Abstract (sommario):
As the first comprehensive study of Western Australian forest protest the thesis analyses the protest movement's organisation, campaigns and strategies. Its central argument is that the contemporary Western Australian forest protest movement established a network of urban and south-west activist groups which encouraged broad public support, and that a diversity of protest strategies focused public attention on forest issues and pressured the state government to change its forest policies. The forest protest movement was characterised by its ability to continually adapt its organisation and strategies to changing social and political conditions. This flexible approach to protest not only led to victories in the Shannon River Basin, Lane-Poole Reserve and old growth forest campaigns, but also transformed forest protest into an influential social movement which contributed to the downfall of the Court Liberal Government in 2001.
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8

Summerlin, Heidi Robin. ""'We Will Not be Moved!': The 1968 Student Occupation of Columbia University and Its Influence on Protest Movements Around the Western World"". Youngstown State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ysu1407711838.

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Deters, Matthew J. "Preventing Violent Unrest: Student Protest at the University of Toledo, 1965-1972". Toledo, Ohio : University of Toledo, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=toledo1270585177.

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Thesis (M.Ed.)--University of Toledo, 2010.
Typescript. "Submitted to the Graduate Faculty as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Education Degree in Higher Education." "A thesis entitled"--at head of title. Title from title page of PDF document. Bibliography: p. 96-109.
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Vaught, Seneca. "NARROW CELLS AND LOST KEYS: THE IMPACT OF JAILS AND PRISONS ON BLACK PROTEST, 1940-1972". Connect to this title online, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1162336938.

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Libri sul tema "Protest movements – Minnesota – History"

1

Coutts, Brent. Protest in New Zealand! Auckland, New Zealand: Pearson, 2013.

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2

Okonkwo, Rina. Protest movements in Lagos, 1908-1930. Lewiston: E. Mellen Press, 1995.

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3

Pakulski, Jan. Social movements: The politics of moral protest. Melbourne: Longman Cheshire, 1991.

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4

Frei, Norbert. 1968: Jugendrevolte und globaler Protest. Bonn: Bundeszentrale für Politische Bildung, 2008.

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5

Rudolf, Ake. Urban guerrilla protest: Reclaim 95-05. New York City: Mark Batty Publisher, 2008.

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6

't, Hart Marjolein C., Bos Dennis e International Institute of Social History., a cura di. Humour and social protest. Cambridge: Press Syndicate of the University of Cambridge, 2007.

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7

Nicholas, Thomas. Protest movements in 1960s West Germany: A social history of dissent and democracy. Oxford: Berg, 2003.

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8

Deneckere, Gita. Sire, het volk mort: Sociaal protest in België, 1831-1918. Antwerpen: Hadewijch, 1997.

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Akulov, Mikhail Rodionovich. 16 noi͡a︡bri͡a︡ 1920. Moskva: "Molodai͡a︡ gvardii͡a︡", 1989.

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Ustinkin, S. V. Tragedii͡a︡ beloĭ gvardii: Monografii͡a︡. Nizhniĭ Novgorod: Izd-vo Nizhegorodskogo universiteta, 1995.

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Capitoli di libri sul tema "Protest movements – Minnesota – History"

1

van der Linden, Marcel. "European Social Protest, 1000–2000". In The History of Social Movements in Global Perspective, 175–209. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-30427-8_7.

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Cortright, David. "Protest and Politics: How Peace Movements Shape History". In The Handbook of Global Security Policy, 482–504. Chichester, UK: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781118442975.ch27.

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Anders, Freia, e Alexander Sedlmaier. "Vietnam War Protest and Solidarity in West Germany". In Palgrave Studies in the History of Social Movements, 173–205. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81050-4_7.

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Behre, Silja. "France’s Two Vietnams: Intellectual Protest Politics in Perspective". In Palgrave Studies in the History of Social Movements, 207–34. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81050-4_8.

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Kwak, Tae Yang. "The Vietnam War, Protest, and Democratization in South Korea". In Palgrave Studies in the History of Social Movements, 293–323. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81050-4_11.

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van der Steen, Bart. "Action Without Contention? Contextualizing Social Movements in 1980s Sweden". In Palgrave Studies in the History of Social Movements, 219–37. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-27370-4_9.

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AbstractThe early 1980s in Western Europe were characterized by a massive wave of, at times militant, protest. In this context, Sweden looked like the odd one out because confrontations remained a marginal phenomenon. Could this be explained by the Swedish political system, which was characterized by moderation, dialogue and negotiation? This paper argues that asking what made Sweden different risks disconnecting Swedish protest experiences from the rest of Europe. Instead, researchers should ask how and why the image of mass contention and militancy, became a norm that informed the expectations of 1980s activists, authorities and the media. The argument is not that researchers should discard the norm of mass contentious action and instead focus on ‘what really happened’. Rather, the norm itself should be approached as a historical category, one that deeply influenced (views of) the 1980s protest wave—both then and now. Asking such questions can help clarify the relation between contention, subversion and social movement power.
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Kirchhelle, Claas. "From Protest to ‘Holy Writ’: The Mainstreaming of Welfare Politics". In Palgrave Studies in the History of Social Movements, 205–22. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-62792-8_11.

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AbstractThis chapter examines the evolution of British farm animal welfare politics during the last two decades of Harrison’s campaigning. In 1979, the RSPCA boycotted the Thatcher government’s new Farm Animal Welfare Council (FAWC). The short-lived protest triggered a membership revolt and moderation of RSPCA policies. It also coincided with a weakening of agricultural corporatism in Westminster. FAWC was granted relative independence from the Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries, and Food and explicitly acknowledged an updated version of the five freedoms. Ensuing British welfare reforms were also driven by the increasing involvement of European bodies in animal welfare. Now in her 60s, Ruth Harrison joined FAWC as a welfare member. Her increasing public recognition as a senior welfare campaigner enabled her to proactively push for reforms, expand her fundraising activities, and sponsor additional welfare research. By the late 1990s, most of her welfare positions had become part of mainstream politics.
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Öhman, Anton. "Peace Actions and Mainstream Media: Framing Nuclear Disarmament Protests in Welfare Sweden". In Palgrave Studies in the History of Social Movements, 165–91. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-27370-4_7.

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AbstractThis chapter investigates how reports in Swedish mainstream media framed the 1980s peace movement collective actions in Sweden. By revisiting press coverage of protest events, the analysis identifies the central characteristics of the framing. Primarily, the protests are found to be framed in positive terms and successfully conveyed what Charles Tilly and others have noted as key for a social movement to gain influence: worthiness, unity, numbers, and commitment. In addition, the collective actions were framed as common sense based, festive, and diverse, and in favorable terms in contrast to the notion of the “protest paradigm,” which states that this kind of protest generally was framed negatively, and the framing of collective peace action in other countries. An explanation for the positive framing could be that the peace movement’s claims were non-threatening to the Swedish nuclear welfare state. This favorable framing can be further attributed to what is here analyzed as media-movement co-framing, meaning that the media’s representation of peace actions and collective action framework of them to a significant degree overlapped can explain the favorable framing. As a result, the movement and media framings mutually reinforced each other.
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Macartney, Alex Finn. "The Japanese New Left, the Vietnam War, and Anti-Imperial Protest". In Palgrave Studies in the History of Social Movements, 235–61. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81050-4_9.

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Koller, Christian. "Martyrs of the Labour Movement? Commemoration of Protest Casualties in Switzerland". In Palgrave Studies in the History of Social Movements, 135–56. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-52819-4_7.

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