Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Privacy, right of – great britain"

Abortion is the termination of pregnancy before its birth for whatever reason. The present study is concerned with therapeutic abortion which is criminalized in Nigeria been the focus of this study. The Nigerian societal attitude to abortion is one of stereotyped stigmatization notwithstanding the validity of the reasons. The aim of the study is to examine the trajectory between abortion laws and human rights in Nigeria and the lessons Nigeria can learn from Great Britain and United States jurisdictions. The objective is to interrogate the extant abortion laws with a view to locating their inadequacies in the area of both the African and international human rights concerns of sexual and reproductive health of women on abortion rights. Using doctrinal design by reliance on primary and secondary sources analysed through deductive reasoning based on extant statutes and case law, this study interrogated the extant abortion laws in Nigeria in juxtaposition with the British and the United States legal framework on abortion as well as critical examination of the African and international human rights jurisprudences, and found out that the current position of abortion law in Nigeria is not in the same wavelength with both the African and international human rights jurisprudences on sexual and reproductive health rights of females to access safe abortions implicit in the fundamental rights and freedoms of privacy, non-discrimination, right to life, good health and bodily autonomy as it relates to unwanted pregnancies induced by other factors such as rape, incest or severe foetus abnormalities. The study recommended law reform by using the models provided by the British and United States legal framework to allow women access to legal abortion in deserving cases in conformity with African and international human rights treaties.

The research aims to uncover the legal regulations pertaining to the protection of minors' personal data, considered a crucial component of informational security. Through an analysis of Ukrainian and European legislation, in conjunction with the General Data Protection Regulation and the California Consumer Privacy Act, this study seeks to explore preventive measures against third-party abuse of children's information. The research highlights the responsibilities imposed on state authorities and legal entities, based on Ukrainian and European legislation, to safeguard personal data. The methodology employed in this article involves the utilization of both general scientific and specialized methods of scientific cognition. The specificity of the research subject, along with its purpose and tasks, guided the selection of these methods. The research results reveal various problematic issues related to the collection, storage, use, and distribution of personal data of minors. The obligation to protect an individual's rights to the processing and preservation of personal data or private information is a responsibility placed on state authorities in accordance with the legislation of Ukraine and European countries (Germany, Switzerland, France, Italy, Norway, Great Britain), as well as on legal entities that own or store the specified personal data. In conclusion, the protection of personal data emerges as a fundamental right, integral to the broader rights of family and private life. The study also underscores the importance of international cooperation mechanisms in addressing this multifaceted issue.

The twenty-first century has seen a shift in emphasis from enabling local authorities to provide opportunities for recreation on private land to the conferment of a general right to access certain types of land in Great Britain. Similar liberalisation has not occurred in Northern Ireland. This article examines features of the Northern Ireland context that might explain why landowners’ rights continue to trump those of recreational users, drawing on stakeholder interviews and a rural geography conceptual framework. Following historic struggles for land in Ireland, any erosion of owner control is perceived to undermine hard-won rights; in a relatively rural society and agrarian economy, farmers are readily accepted as having the ‘right’ to determine the function of rural land; and recent conflict has depressed outdoor leisure and tourism. Consequently, productive uses of land remain central to rural policy and a countryside movement able to overcome objections to liberalisation has not emerged. Conflict and instability have also left a legacy of social problems and ‘legislative lag’ in higher priority areas that must be addressed before countryside access can move up the political agenda. The article reveals how, in stakeholders’ eyes, these factors combine to limit the prospects of reform.

The COVID-19 pandemic has had a significant impact on human rights. Many rights have been restricted to prevent the spread of infection. The restrictions on private property rights during the pandemic were not so obvious, but no less significant. The massive closure of restaurants, cafes, cinemas and other crowded places has resulted in significant losses for business owners. The question arose about the admissibility of such restrictions on the rights of owners, as well as the need to compensate for the losses caused. The purpose of this article is to study the criteria developed by international practice under which the restriction of property rights is allowed, and approaches to resolving issues of compensation for losses caused to owners when it is necessary to ensure a balance of private and public interests in Ukraine. The article also analyzes approaches to resolving issues of compensation for losses caused to owners as a result of restrictions on their rights, developed in the case law of the United States and Great Britain.

The paper examines the needs and possibilities of applying the criminal law mechanism to prevent the deepfake pornography (digital pornographic content created by the use of artificial intelligence). The criminological characteristics of the phenomenon are described. The legislation of the United States of America, Great Britain, Switzerland, Russia and China, as well as the regulations of the European Union related to the prevention of gender-based violence and liability for the dissemination of deepfakes, was analyzed. Analysis of the Criminal Code of Republic of Serbia showed that legal reform is required because adequate legal protections cannot be provided to the victims of unauthorized publishing of deepfake pornography. The conclusion is that criminal legal intervention to the non-consensual pornographic deepfakes is necessary, because the creation and distribution of deepfake porn violates personal rights, social morals and public interest. Criminalizing such behavior would be primarily in the interest of protecting the rights of victims, although it is not expected to have a greater practical significance. Prohibition of making and online distribution of sexually explicit deepfake porn must be harmonized with the legal protection of privacy of digital services users and with proactive measures of cyber security.

One of the types of paraphilia is voyeurism, i.e., secretly spying on the intimate actions of other people. From the point of view of medicine, voyeurism is recognized as a disorder of sexual preference, in art it has found expression in the paintings of famous masters, but from the point of view of morality it remains in the plane of religiously conditioned prohibitions, and psychologists say that the considered form of sexual behavior is dangerous not only for the psyche of the actor, but also for the victim. Within the framework of the presented research, the authors offer an analysis of the legal reaction of foreign countries to this form of sexual deviation, consider the types of punishments, and also present a criminological portrait of voyeurism. In the legal systems of foreign countries (Great Britain, Belgium, Singapore), voyeurism is recognized as a sexual crime; in the United States, Germany, New Zealand, and some states of Australia, the act in question is recognized as a crime that violates the «right to privacy». Separate statistical data on the specified acts in separate countries (where such counting is conducted) are presented, the reasons of growth of such encroachments and ways of their implementation are defined. In Russia, such acts receive a criminal-legal assessment on the grounds of Article 137 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation, which should be considered as a «legislative compromise», since in the actions of a voyeur, the main motive is sexual, and violation of privacy is not the goal. Some statistical data indicate an increase in such attacks in the world, but in Russia, the paraphilia in question is mainly the subject of research by psychologists, sexologists, and journalists. No serious criminological or criminal law studies were conducted. The presented research is the first attempt to study this phenomenon in the legal aspect, suggesting the beginning of a scientific discussion. It is concluded that in the conditions of digitalization of society, voyeurism as a form of sexual deviation will continue to develop, so it is necessary to adopt a set of legal measures aimed at protecting the rights of victims.

This paper analyses the adoption of mixed-race children in Great Britain from formerly colonised or dominion territories after the Second World War with a focus on the late 1950s and early 1960s. It explores the ways in which mixed-race children and their biological, as well as their adoptive families, were treated in the adoption system in order to explore the tensions that arise between adoption and questions of racial belonging. As adoption and its related processes have the ability to profoundly interfere with the most private realms of human cohabitation—the family, this positions the history of adoption right at the interface of the private and the public sphere, offering an ideal background to look at the public as well as the private perception of the (decolonising) British Empire. By taking this specific group of children into focus, it is possible to illustrate the immediate and deeper effect of the race/colour question in adoptions as if under a magnifying glass. In the context of adoption processes, deeply colonial and inherently racist patterns of thought can be found, particularly in adoption records, but also in advice literature.

The article analyzes the poetics of everyday life in the novels of Anna Burns «Milkman» and Bernardin Evaristo «Girl, Woman, Other» in terms of modern theories of postrealism, which exists in the paradigm of both postmodernism and metamodernism. Accordingly, the narrative purpose of everyday rhetoric changes towards the symbolization of the banal as everyday. The traditional realities and details of the various national models of everyday life of both Irish and black British women, such as corporeality, appearance, food, clothing, topos of open space and interiors of private life, family and sexual relations, details of career and professional occupations, education and leisure, sports, various hobbies, etc. It is determined similar and diverse in different local national, racial and cultural matrices within the British postrealism of the gender type, which opposes traditional mimetic realism by the tendency to symbolize and metaphorize reality. In the age of postrealism, this is an attempt in the global world to modernize everyday life up to the level of the main modern problems of mankind. Postrealistic processes of symbolization of everyday life in the aspect related to the processes of globalization of culture is considered. This is the interaction of totalitarian thinking and new global practices of mankind. In this case, according to the principles of transculturation of global culture, it is not a one-sided influence, but interaction and interpenetration. The imagologem of the Other is analyzed as a cultural phenomenon and as a subject of narration. The difference of female images is identified as a national betrayal from the point of view of the patriarchal-tribalist community in the novel by Anna Burns. But the view of «others» in Bernardin Evaristo’s novel is characterized too by a certain monopoly in deviating from this otherness, both in thedirection of trying to preserve national, racial identity, and in the direction of the traditional norm as the oppression of a peculiar and diverse personality. The struggle for the right to an independent identity becomes the main plot of both novels, which move, on the one hand, in the traditional gender themes and, on the other hand, go beyond traditional women’s prose, not least due to symbolic stylistics and poetics in the display of everyday life in postrealist discourse.

The relevance of the study of the general principles and patterns of legal regulation of access storage processes and data protection of genome sequencing in foreign countries is determined by the need to develop a general concept of legal regulation of this type of activity in Russia. The purpose of this study is to develop the system-forming principles and patterns of access storage and data protection of genome sequencing in Russia. To achieve this goal, tasks were set and solved to identify and study the general principles and patterns of legal regulation of access storage processes and data protection of genome sequencing in foreign countries. The international documents regulating the features of regulation of access storage processes and data protection of genome-wide sequencing, the doctrinal sources of Great Britain, the USA, France, Israel, and Japan are studied. Methods used: general philosophical, general scientific, private scientific, special (structural-legal, comparative-legal, formal-legal). The general principles for the formation of the concept of legal regulation of genome sequencing in Russia are proposed. It was revealed that the creation of a universal regulatory regulator aimed at protecting the subject of personal data in view of the prevalence of public interests over private ones and the constant expansion of the scope of application of genetic data obtained as a result of genome-wide sequencing is the main problem in developing a legal regulation mechanism in the studied area. For the first time, the authors determine the basic principles for developing the concept of genome-wide sequencing in Russia, including: recognition of human rights and human dignity as the highest value, the necessity of researchers’ responsibility for the well-being of participants in view of the obtained research results, the mandatory informed consent of which should be voluntary, permanent, their right to get acquainted with the results obtained if it concerns their health, access to such information, ensuring the right to non-knowledge of research results and others.

The research paper examines the legal category of procedural (proceedings) law “Right to a Fair Trial” as a fundamental element of the European Human Rights Convention and the judicial practice of the European Court of Human Rights. The Authors concentrate mainly on the general part of Article 6 and focus on crucial aspects of the mentioned right which have become significant for the daily legal practice in the Russian Federation, Republic of Austria and other member states. In the domestic Russian legal doctrine, there are sectoral and international legal studies devoted to the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, the functioning of the European Court of Human Rights and the legal nature of its acts (A. Abashidze, E. Alisevich, M. Biryukov, S. Kalashnikova,V. Tumanov, K. Aristova).Along with this, from the standpoint of conventional rights, Russian legal scholars studied the procedural features of the implementation of acts of the European Court of Human Rights and the application of conventional norms in civil, arbitration and criminal cases (I. Vorontsova, T. Solovieva, M. Glazkova, S. Afanasiev, L. Volosatova, E. Iodkovsky, K. Mashkova, etc.).The private-scientific research methods used by the Authors in the presented scientific article, predominantly comparative, require the study of the works of foreign scholars in the field of law, which include P. Leanza, O. Pridal, D. Spielmann, V. M. Zupancic, H. Mosler, A. Buyse. Despite the rather large volume of doctrinal sources on the nature and implementation of conventional rights, the issues of applying the right to a fair trial in administrative disputes and cases arising from public law relations have not become the subject of scientific research. The empirical basis of the study conducted by the Authors is composed of 66 pilot judgments and other acts of the European Court of Human Rights on complaints from individuals against Russia, Austria, France, Finland, the Netherlands, Great Britain, Switzerland and other member states of the Council of Europe; judicial acts of the courts of Russia, Austria and other European countries. It is concluded that the practice of Article 6 of the European Human Rights Convention by the European Court has had a remarkable and sometimes unprecedented impact on public law and law enforcement activities of the European countries that are parties to the Convention. As Russian and Austrian experience shows, the decision of the European Court on behalf of the enforcement of Article 6 in one specific case can induce the state not only to adopt a separate law, but also to carry out serious institutional changes. Many such examples are given below by the Authors, which testify that the decisions of the European Court are able to act as a powerful law-forming force on the national level.

Thesis (M. S.)--History, Technology and Society, Georgia Institute of Technology, 2009.
Committee Chair: Jonathan Schneer; Committee Member: Dr. John Krige; Committee Member: Dr. John Tone; Committee Member: Dr. Gus Giebelhaus; Outside Reader: Dr. David Edgerton.

Two competing forms of sex education and the groups supporting them came to head in the 1970s and 1980s. Traditional sex education retained an emphasis on maintaining Christian-based morality through marriage and parenthood preparation that sex education originally held since the beginning of the twentieth century. Liberal sex education developed to openly discuss issues that reflected recent legal and social changes. This form reviewed controversial subjects including abortion, contraception and homosexuality. Though liberal sex education found support from national family planning organizations and Labour politicians, traditional sex education found a more vocal and powerful ally in the New Right. This thesis explores the political emergence of the New Right in Great Britain during the 1970s and 1980s and how the group utilized sex education. The New Right, composed of moral pressure groups and Conservative politicians, focused on the supposed absence of traditional morality from the emergent liberal sex education. Labour (and liberal organizations) held little power in the 1980s due to internal party struggles and an insignificant parliamentary presence. This allowed the New Right to successfully pass multiple national reforms. The New Right latched onto liberal sex education as demonstrative of the moral decline of Britain and utilized its emergence of a prime example of the need to reform education and local government.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, Riverside, 2009.
Includes abstract. Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Title from first page of PDF file (viewed March 24, 2010). Includes bibliographical references. Also issued in print.

This dissertation investigates regime-based efforts by states to cooperate in providing assistance and protection to refugees since 1648. It argues from a constructivist perspective that state interests and identities are shaped both by other actors in the international system - including norm entrepreneurs, non-governmental organizations, and international organizations - and by the broader normative environment. Refugees are a by-product of this environment. Fundamental institutions - including territoriality, popular sovereignty, and international law - formed a system in which exit was one of the few mechanisms of survival for those who were religiously and politically persecuted. This led states to recognize that people who were so persecuted were different from ordinary migrants and had a right to flee their own state and seek accommodation elsewhere. States recognized this right to leave, but did not recognize a requirement that any given state had a responsibility to accept these refugees. This contradiction creates a dilemma in international relations, one which states have sought to solve through international cooperation. The dissertation explores policy change within the United States and Great Britain at the international and domestic levels in order to understand the tensions within current refugee protection efforts. Three regimes, based in different normative understandings, have framed state cooperation. In the first, during the 19th century, refugees were granted protections under domestic and then bilateral law through extradition treaties. The second, in the interwar period, saw states taught by norm entrepreneurs that multilateral organizations could successfully assist refugees, though states remained unwilling to provide blanket assistance and be bound by international law. These issues led to the failure of states to accommodate Jewish refugees fleeing from Germany in the 1930s. The third, since the Second World War, had a greater consistency among its norms, especially recognition by states of the need for international law. Once again, this process was shaped by other actors, including the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). This regime has been challenged by increased refugee numbers and restrictions on the part of states, but its central purpose remains robust due to the actions of actors such as the UNHCR.

As social media becomes an integral part of our daily lives, and groups seek to utilize this medium to facilitate activism, understanding the nature of these communications and the impact of the content on the individual user becomes a valid area of interest. When one then considers that extremist and terrorist groups have found social media to be an inexpensive and effective means for communication, radicalization, recruitment and member mobilization, the need for this understanding becomes critical. This research seeks to provide just such an understanding in its examination of Far-Right English Defence League and their use of Facebook during a period of increased activism and online growth. Important elements of this work include an understanding of the legal and ethical issues surrounding the collection of online content, particularly in extremist environments; the role of traditional media in their coverage of the group and whether the comments of the members reflect the group's mission statement of the characterization of traditional media; the ability to enhance data segregation and analysis through the development and use of specialized software; and most importantly the findings from the data analysis. Contained within these findings is an understanding of the intricacies of online participation in extremist social media. These include insights into overall traffic generation, the use of links within communications and their impact on the member traffic, and how the group narrative put forth by the administrator is reflected in the dialogue of the users. The most important finding was an understanding of individual user participation within the group and how, even with such an inexpensive and pervasive media outlet, activist groups still struggle to overcome the problem of participation. That this knowledge can be applied in a meaningful way in counter extremist and counter terrorism efforts was an interesting and satisfying development.

The aim of this study was to explore communication between supervisors and international students in the context of master’s supervision meetings. Nine meetings between three lecturers and seven students were audio recorded and analysed using Conversation Analysis. The focus of the study is the supervisors’ use of Yeah?, Okay? and Right? after students’ minimal responses and silence, usually following supervisors’ informing and advising turns. The use of these tags in this position is distinctive, and throws some light on the practice of supervision and on the ways students and supervisors orient to their roles. The tags can be seen to function to underline the supervisors’ actions of informing or advising, to mark transitions in the supervisors’ talk, to express doubt about the students’ understanding or agreement, and to invite students to speak. The sequences of which these tags are a part highlight both the asymmetrical relationship between supervisors and students and the negotiation of understanding and agreement that is a central issue in this setting, particularly when supervisors and students do not share the same linguistic or cultural background. I conclude by outlining some implications for supervisors’ practice, and also some specific suggestions which might be considered by teachers of English for academic purposes.

AbstractIn the late-nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Europe experienced labour conflicts, unprecedented in their character, intensity and scope. From the waves of strikes and social conflicts of the pre-war era, through the ordeal of the First World War, and the extraordinary violence of the post-1917 upheavals, the revolutionary potential of mass strikes never ceased to torment those who were assigned, or self-appointed, to protect the threatened order. The purpose of this article is to analyse the repertoire of actions and ideas of right-wing civil defence leagues, vigilante organisations, private police and yellow unions which emerged at the end of the century, and most noticeably in the aftermath of the Russian Revolution of 1905. This phenomenon is considered in a comparative and transnational perspective, with a particular focus on the most industrialised societies of pre-war Europe: France, Germany and Great Britain. The article provides a systematisation and assessment of the different forms, types and characteristics of this process of relative privatisation and realignment in security roles, outlying trends and shared clusters of ideological beliefs in violent activity across various industries and national contexts. The article shows how the pre-war experience of vigilantism, anti-socialism and nationalism would represent a key incentive to the development of governmental strikebreaking schemes as well as an important situational antecedent for citizens’ militias and right-wing paramilitary organisations in the aftermath of the Great War.

AbstractGender equality is an increasingly topical issue, but it has deep historical roots. The principle of gender equality found its legitimacy, even if limited to salary, in the 1957 Treaty of Rome, establishing the European Economic Community (EEC). This treaty, in Article 119, sanctioned the principle of equal pay between male and female workers. The EEC continued to protect women’s rights in the 1970s through equal opportunity policies. These policies referred, first, to the principle of equal treatment between men and women regarding education, access to work, professional promotion, and working conditions (Directive 75/117/EEC); second, to the principle of equal pay for male and female workers (Directive 76/207/EEC); and finally, enshrined the principle of equal treatment between men and women in matters of social security (Directive 79/7/EEC). Since the 1980s, several positive action programmes have been developed to support the role of women in European society. Between 1982 and 2000, four multiyear action programmes were implemented for equal opportunities. The first action programme (1982–1985) called on the Member States, through recommendations and resolutions by the Commission, to disseminate greater knowledge of the types of careers available to women, encourage the presence of women in decision-making areas, and take measures to reconcile family and working life. The second action programme (1986–1990) proposed interventions related to the employment of women in activities related to new technologies and interventions in favour of the equal distribution of professional, family, and social responsibilities (Sarcina, 2010). The third action programme (1991–1995) provided an improvement in the condition of women in society by raising public awareness of gender equality, the image of women in mass media, and the participation of women in the decision-making process at all levels in all areas of society. The fourth action programme (1996–2000) strengthened the existing regulatory framework and focused on the principle of gender mainstreaming, a strategy that involves bringing the gender dimension into all community policies, which requires all actors in the political process to adopt a gender perspective. The strategy of gender mainstreaming has several benefits: it places women and men at the heart of policies, involves both sexes in the policymaking process, leads to better governance, makes gender equality issues visible in mainstream society, and, finally, considers the diversity among women and men. Among the relevant interventions of the 1990s, it is necessary to recall the Treaty of Maastricht (1992) which guaranteed the protection of women in the Agreement on Social Policy signed by all Member States (except for Great Britain), and the Treaty of Amsterdam (1997), which formally recognised gender mainstreaming. The Treaty of Amsterdam includes gender equality among the objectives of the European Union (Article 2) and equal opportunity policies among the activities of the European Commission (Article 3). Article 13 introduces the principle of non-discrimination based on gender, race, ethnicity, religion, or handicaps. Finally, Article 141 amends Article 119 of the EEC on equal treatment between men and women in the workplace. The Charter of Fundamental Rights of the Nice Union of 2000 reaffirms the prohibition of ‘any discrimination based on any ground such as sex’ (Art. 21.1). The Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union also recognises, in Article 23, the principle of equality between women and men in all areas, including employment, work, and pay. Another important intervention of the 2000s is the Lisbon strategy, also known as the Lisbon Agenda or Lisbon Process. It is a reform programme approved in Lisbon by the heads of state and governments of the member countries of the EU. The goal of the Lisbon strategy was to make the EU the most competitive and dynamic knowledge-based economy by 2010. To achieve this goal, the strategy defines fields in which action is needed, including equal opportunities for female work. Another treaty that must be mentioned is that of Lisbon in 2009, thanks to which previous treaties, specifically the Treaty of Maastricht and the Treaty of Rome, were amended and brought together in a single document: the Treaty on European Union (TEU) and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). Thanks to the Lisbon Treaty, the Charter of Fundamental Rights has assumed a legally binding character (Article 6, paragraph 1 of the TEU) both for European institutions and for Member States when implementing EU law. The Treaty of Lisbon affirms the principle of equality between men and women several times in the text and places it among the values and objectives of the union (Articles 2 and 3 of the TEU). Furthermore, the Treaty, in Art. 8 of the TFEU, states that the Union’s actions are aimed at eliminating inequalities, as well as promoting equality between men and women, while Article 10 of the TFEU provides that the Union aims to ‘combat discrimination based on sex, racial or ethnic origin, religion or belief, disability, age, or sexual orientation’. Concerning the principle of gender equality in the workplace, the Treaty, in Article 153 of the TFEU, asserts that the Union pursues the objective of equality between men and women regarding labour market opportunities and treatment at work. On the other hand, Article 157 of the TFEU confirms the principle of equal pay for male and female workers ‘for equal work or work of equal value’. On these issues, through ordinary procedures, the European Parliament and the Council may adopt appropriate measures aimed at defending the principle of equal opportunities and equal treatment for men and women. The Lisbon Treaty also includes provisions relating to the fight against trafficking in human beings, particularly women and children (Article 79 of the TFEU), the problem of domestic violence against women (Article 8 of the TFEU), and the right to paid maternity leave (Article 33). Among the important documents concerning gender equality is the Roadmap (2006–2010). In 2006, the European Commission proposed the Roadmap for equality between women and men, in addition to the priorities on the agenda, the objectives, and tools necessary to achieve full gender equality. The Roadmap defines six priority areas, each of which is associated with a set of objectives and actions that makes it easier to achieve them. The priorities include equal economic independence for women and men, reconciliation of private and professional life, equal representation in the decision-making process, eradication of all forms of gender-based violence, elimination of stereotypes related to gender, and promotion of gender equality in external and development policies. The Commission took charge of the commitments included in the Roadmap, which were indirectly implemented by the Member States through the principle of subsidiarity and the competencies provided for in the Treaties (Gottardi, 2013). The 2006–2010 strategy of the European Commission is based on a dual approach: on the one hand, the integration of the gender dimension in all community policies and actions (gender mainstreaming), and on the other, the implementation of specific measures in favour of women aimed at eliminating inequalities. In 2006, the European Council approved the European Pact for Gender Equality which originated from the Roadmap. The European Pact for Gender Equality identified three macro areas of intervention: measures to close gender gaps and combat gender stereotypes in the labour market, measures to promote a better work–life balance for both women and men, and measures to strengthen governance through the integration of the gender perspective into all policies. In 2006, Directive 2006/54/EC of the European Parliament and Council regulated equal opportunities and equal treatment between male and female workers. Specifically, the Directive aims to implement the principle of equal treatment related to access to employment, professional training, and promotion; working conditions, including pay; and occupational social security approaches. On 21 September 2010, the European Commission adopted a new strategy to ensure equality between women and men (2010–2015). This new strategy is based on the experience of Roadmap (2006–2010) and resumes the priority areas identified by the Women’s Charter: equal economic independence, equal pay, equality in decision-making, the eradication of all forms of violence against women, and the promotion of gender equality and women’s empowerment beyond the union. The 2010–2015 Strategic Plan aims to improve the position of women in the labour market, but also in society, both within the EU and beyond its borders. The new strategy affirms the principle that gender equality is essential to supporting the economic growth and sustainable development of each country. In 2010, the validity of the Lisbon Strategy ended, the objectives of which were only partially achieved due to the economic crisis. To overcome this crisis, the Commission proposed a new strategy called Europe 2020, in March 2010. The main aim of this strategy is to ensure that the EU’s economic recovery is accompanied by a series of reforms that will increase growth and job creation by 2020. Specifically, Europe’s 2020 strategy must support smart, sustainable, and inclusive growth. To this end, the EU has established five goals to be achieved by 2020 and has articulated the different types of growth (smart, sustainable, and inclusive) in seven flagship initiatives. Among the latter, the initiative ‘an agenda for new skills and jobs’, in the context of inclusive growth, is the one most closely linked to gender policies and equal opportunities; in fact, it substantially aims to increase employment rates for women, young, and elderly people. The strategic plan for 2010–2015 was followed by a strategic commitment in favour of gender equality 2016–2019, which again emphasises the five priority areas defined by the previous plan. Strategic commitment, which contributes to the European Pact for Gender Equality (2011–2020), identifies the key actions necessary to achieve objectives for each priority area. In March 2020, the Commission presented a new strategic plan for equality between women and men for 2020–2025. This strategy defines a series of political objectives and key actions aimed at achieving a ‘union of equality’ by 2025. The main objectives are to put an end to gender-based violence and combat sexist stereotypes, ensure equal opportunities in the labour market and equal participation in all sectors of the economy and political life, solve the problem of the pay and pension gap, and achieve gender equality in decision-making and politics. From the summary of the regulatory framework presented, for the European Economic Community first, then for the European Community, and finally for the European Union, gender equality has always been a fundamental value. Interest in the issues of the condition of women and equal opportunities has grown over time and during the process of European integration, moving from a perspective aimed at improving the working conditions of women to a new dimension to improve the life of the woman as a person, trying to protect her not only professionally but also socially, and in general in all those areas in which gender inequality may occur. The approach is extensive and based on legislation, the integration of the gender dimension into all policies, and specific measures in favour of women. From the non-exhaustive list of the various legislative interventions, it is possible to note a continuous repetition of the same thematic priorities which highlights, on the one hand, the poor results achieved by the implementation of the policies, but, on the other hand, the Commission’s willingness to pursue the path initially taken. Among the achievements in the field of gender equality obtained by the EU, there is certainly an increase in the number of women in the labour market and the acquisition of better education and training. Despite progress, gender inequalities have persisted. Even though women surpass men in terms of educational attainment, gender gaps still exist in employment, entrepreneurship, and public life (OECD, 2017). For example, in the labour market, women continue to be overrepresented in the lowest-paid sectors and underrepresented in top positions (according to the data released in the main companies of the European Union, women represent only 8% of CEOs).

Abstract It is no surprise that a country with the belief systems and political tendencies listed in the historical introduction has not developed a holistic and national family policy. The doctrine of separation of Church and State and the strong commitments to states’ rights, individualism, voluntarism, and family privacy have precluded contrary initiatives. Presidents, leaders in all walks of life, and citizens responding to public opinion polls routinely and fluently affirm that the family is the ‘cornerstone of society’ but—with few exceptions and with regard to most circumstances—do not advocate that it be interfered with or even strongly supported if that might create the possibility of interference.

In this chapter, we outline the failures of the federal and state governments in the US to enable remote abortion care during the COVID-19 pandemic. First, federal requirements that people must attend an abortion clinic for early medical abortion to be dispensed to them have constituted an absolute barrier to the establishment of telemedical provision nationwide, which the Supreme Court inadequately failed to recognise and enjoin. Second, there remain state barriers to telemedical early medical abortion that would have presented an obstacle even if federal requirements were lifted that must be addressed. Finally, we highlight how some state executives monopolised on the COVID-19 crisis to erect yet more barriers to abortion care. Whilst abortion access improved in Great Britain due to the pandemic because of telemedical provision, it is, unfortunately, a very different story in the US, in which people (especially vulnerable minorities) were effectively denied their constitutional right to privacy.

At the conclusion of his last speech as President of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland (RAI) in 1872, Sir John Lubbock announced his intention to try to introduce legislation that would protect the ancient monuments of Great Britain. He was optimistic about his chances for success: ‘As there seems to be a general wish throughout the country to take some adequate steps for the preservation of these ancient monuments and graves of our forefathers, I am not without hope that the bill may meet with favourable reception’ (Lubbock 1872: 442). It transpired that the Ancient Monuments Protection Bill (AMPB) was to sorely try Lubbock’s patience and sap his optimism, because the Ancient Monuments Protection Act (AMPA) was not to receive royal assent until 1882, ten years after Lubbock’s resignation from the presidency of the RAIGBI. The long battle to get the first AMPA onto the statute books had entailed a great many compromises concerning the machinery of protection and the degree of state interference in the property rights of landed citizens. The most important of these compromises was made in 1881, when Lubbock changed his parliamentary tactics. After years of obstruction in the House of Commons, Lubbock abandoned his Private Member’s Bill and carried a resolution through the house that forced the Gladstone Liberal government to introduce a public bill of its own. This bill became the basis of the first AMPA, and it was a pale reflection of Lubbock’s own proposed measure, even exempting the monuments of Ireland from protection until the Ancient Monuments Protection (Ireland) Act 1892. In the second reading debate of the government’s bill (August 11, 1882) Lubbock observed: . . .As regards the present bill, while it was, no doubt, a step in the right direction, especially in providing for the appointment of an inspector, he could not hope that it would prove altogether effectual. It was natural that he should prefer the bill that had been before the house in previous sessions. . . . . . .

The article reveals the theoretical and methodical aspects of students’ civic education by means of literature. Emphasis is placed on the fact that in the conditions of unstable development of society, escalation of conflicts both between states and between fellow citizens, the issue of students’ civic education is actualized. The authors understand this concept as a form of social education, the formation of a citizen of a specific state, capable of successfully acting for the sake of preserving democracy and peace. Currently, informal education, in addition to the content of “social and civic competencies” that is understandable for Ukrainian educators, uses the term “competencies for the culture of democracy”, which, according to the authors, is a structured concept implemented in the European dimension of civic education. The authors emphasize that fiction affects human feelings and consciousness, it is a powerful means of moral, aesthetic and civic education. Through artistic images, writers provide an opportunity to form their attitude to the events described, to draw certain conclusions, to reflect on universal values, on the actions of one or another character, to see models of civic active/passive behavior. The article analyzes the European experience of civic education, in particular Great Britain and Germany. The authors take into account the literature of these countries and identify aspects that can serve as a basis for students’ civic education, compare them with the Ukrainian realities of civic education. The authors present the main vectors of civic education in Germany, which are determined by the content of literary works and encourage pluralism of opinions, tolerance for the views and judgments of others, motivate students to actively participate in civic life, awareness of the value of freedom, respect for human dignity, the right to self-expression, responsibility for an individual’s moral choice. The works are also the basis for establishing in teenagers such democratic values as the right to life, to fair treatment, dignity, freedom from discrimination, the right to equality, understanding the need to protect one’s rights and the rights of other people.The analysis of content concepts of literature for pupils in Great Britain shows that the priorities of civic education are national patriotism and the education of a law-abiding citizen. The textual material of the works and civic education lessons help pupils to better understand different forms of governance and their impact on citizens; to understand the responsibility and functions of management and the duties of citizens; to acquire socio-cultural experience that gives the opportunity to feel morally, socially, politically, legally competent and protected in society and to take direct part in the activities of civil society institutions. In Finland, the basic democratic values of the national core curriculum are open democracy, equality, responsibility for one’s own choice. An important focus of education in Finnish high school is gaining experience in shaping the future based on joint decisions and interaction.Taking into account the global trends of digitization, the authors considered digital technologies to be educational innovations in students’ civic education (electronic textbooks (not just digitized, but interactive, with virtual 3D materials that teachers can compose at their discretion), textbook scans for download, various materials: interactive laboratories, virtual museums, forums for teachers to communicate, etc.).

During the eighteenth century Portugal developed a large military construction process in the Ultramarine possessions, in order to compete with the new born colonial trading empires, mainly Great Britain, Netherlands and France. The Portuguese colonial seashores of the Atlantic Ocean (since the middle of the sixteenth century) and of the Indian Ocean (from the end of the first quarter of the seventeenth century) were repeatedly coveted, and the huge Portuguese colony of Brazil was also harassed in the south during the eighteenth century –here due to problems in a diplomatic and military dispute with Spain, related with the global frontiers’ design of the Iberian colonies. The Treaty of Madrid (1750) had specifically abrogated the Treaty of Tordesillas (1494) between Portugal and Spain, and the limits of Brazil began to be defined on the field. Macapá is situated in the western branch of Amazonas delta, in the singular cross-point of the Equator with Tordesillas Meridian, and the construction of a big fortress began in the year of 1764 under direction of Enrico Antonio Galluzzi, an Italian engineer contracted by Portuguese administration to the Commission of Delimitation, which arrived in Brazil in 1753. In consequence of the political panorama in Europe after the Seven Years War (1756-1763), a new agreement between Portugal and Spain was negotiated (after the regional conflict in South America), achieved to the Treaty of San Idefonso (1777), which warranted the integration of the Amazonas basin. It was strategic the decision to build, one year before, the huge fortress of Príncipe da Beira, arduously realized in the most interior of the sub-continent, 2000 km from the sea throughout the only possible connection by rivers navigation. Domingos Sambucetti, another Italian engineer, was the designer and conductor of the jobs held on the right bank of Guaporé River, future frontier’s line with Bolivia. São José de Macapá and Príncipe da Beira are two big fortresses Vauban’ style, built under very similar projects by two Italian engineers (each one dead with malaria in the course of building), with the observance of the most exigent rules of the treaties of military architecture.

Moving via an app? Necessary information or tickets to arrive at the required destination can be accessed via smartphone, which is a constant companion anyway. Whether taking the train, choosing a ride-sharing service or even an electric scooter - all one must do is download the right app to use and operate the preferred means of transport.This work focus on the understanding of user types and their relationship with mobility apps with the motivation of better understanding mobility user needs when it comes to the digitalization of services. Through an in-depth literature review, we identified a variety of models that study behavior and specifically the use of technological innovations, such as apps. While approaches such as the Theory of Planned Behavior, the Norm Activation Model, or the Utility Approach apply to different contexts, the Acceptance Theory or the Mobile Phone Appropriation Model sets the specific focus on apps and mobile devices. Since each of the models has certain limitations, several approaches were integrated into a new, conceptual research model, which was empirically examined by a representative survey. We collected empirical data using a survey spread throughout Germany, with a representative sample size of 2501, and afterwards applied a cluster analysis to describe user types. Since the respondents needed to be typified according to both individual characteristics and social characteristics, two clustering focuses were carried out i.e., user types according to personal characteristics/user types according to social lifestyles. The cluster analysis included attributes related to attitudes, the general use of technical devices and mobility behavior. Mean differences were considered to compare the identified groups to each other. The first clustering approach shows that two types of mobility app users can be distinguished. "Combiners" i.e., people who spend more time with technical devices and apps, that are more willing to use different means of transport and have a more positive attitude towards shared consumption, are more inclined to use mobility apps than "Privacy protectors", for whom private property and the protection of their data are more important.In a second clustering, respondents were grouped according to their social lifestyles. The analysis revealed that individuals characterized as “Modern Materialists” and “Relationship-Oriented” have higher mobility app awareness and use it more often. In contrasts, “Conversative Lovers”, individuals which do not attach great importance to social contacts or a modern, upscale standard of living, are hardly aware of and use mobility apps. Thus, we could conclude that consolidated social relationships and openness to multiple social contacts seem to influence mobility app awareness and use.The further assessment shows that respondents feel that the functions that are already established to a greater or lesser extent in apps are important. The ability to combine or communicate different means of transportation via a mobility app does not meet an acute need. Depending on the cluster, however, the needs vary in strength and functions are seen as having different relevance.