Tesi: "Politics of location"

1

DE, SOCIO MARK. "ANCHORING THE CITY? RETAIL LOCATION AND THE POLITICS OF DOWNTOWN DEVELOPMENT". University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1117210929.

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2

Clifford, Stacy A. "The Politics of Autism: Expanding the Location of Care". Ohio : Ohio University, 2006. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1154519838.

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3

Socio, Marco de. "Anchoring the city? retail location and the politics of downtown development /". Cincinnati, Ohio : University of Cincinnati, 2005. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?acc%5Fnum=ucin1117210929.

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4

Chilka, Rashmi Bali. "The politics of location : bonded labor in Jaunsar Bawar, North India /". Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10501.

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5

Bonura, Carlo J. "Political theory on location : formations of Muslim political community in Southern Thailand /". Thesis, Full text available, 2003. http://images.lib.monash.edu.au/ts/theses/bonura.pdf.

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6

Bogic, Anna. "Our Bodies, Our Location: The Politics of Feminist Translation and Reproduction in Post-socialist Serbia". Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/36017.

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Abstract (sommario):

The dissertation studies feminist knowledge production through translation in the context of post-communist Eastern Europe. It focuses on one case study, the Serbian translation of the American feminist health classic Our Bodies, Ourselves (OBOS) through the lens of the politics of translation and reproduction. The translation, Naša tela, mi (NTM), was published by a group of feminist activists from the Autonomous Women’s Centre (AWC) in Belgrade, Serbia in 2001. By focusing on this one case study, my dissertation offers an in-depth analysis of the political, social, linguistic, and feminist dimensions implicated in the transfer of a Western feminist project from one geopolitical location to another, to a post-socialist, post-conflict Eastern European country in the 1990s. Against the background of the Yugoslav wars and the influence of ethno-nationalism in the 1990s, I examine the development of domestic and transnational feminist networking, including the Belgrade feminists’ work with victims of domestic and sexual violence and refugees. I assess the extent to which NTM serves as oppositional discourse to the changing politics of reproduction and pronatalist discourses around abortion and fertility in Serbia in this period. Furthermore, I analyze NTM’s contribution to local feminist knowledge on women’s reproductive health, rights, and sexuality. I emphasize the importance of the local context, including the history of abortion access and traditional gender relations. Methodologically, the dissertation is based on interview data, archival documents, and comparative textual analysis. The dissertation draws attention to feminist knowledge production across uneven geopolitical borders, translation flows across the East-West divide, and the role of English in transnational feminist networking. The dissertation brings together the politics of translation and the politics of reproduction and calls for further studies into the role of translation in transnational feminist patterns of knowledge production.

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7

Farber, Leora Naomi. "Representation of displacement in the exhibition Dis-Location/Re-Location". Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/23070.

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Identity always presupposes a sense of location and a relationship with others and the representation of identity most often occurs precisely at the point when there has been a displacement (Bhabha cited in Papastergiadis 1995:17, emphasis added). In this study I focus on the condition of displacement, placing emphasis on the disjunctures of identity arising from temporal and physical dislocations and relocations in historical and postapartheid South African contexts. Displacement, and the attendant senses of dislocation and alienation it may evoke, is explored with reference to three selected female personae. For each persona, displacement is shown to provoke transmutations in subjectivity and identity, resulting in disjunctive identities and relationships with place. Their individual narratives raise questions around the consequences of displacement for a sense of (un)belonging and the (re)making of identities across geographical, cultural, temporal, ethnic and environmental borders. The pivotal role displacement plays in the processes of formation and transformation of subjectivity and identity is foregrounded. Familial histories of diasporic displacement, together with colonial legacies that have shaped my subject position as a white, middle-class, female South African woman, are interlaced with a recounting of personal experience of displacement in postapartheid South Africa. This personal sense of displacement, experienced between the years 2000 to 2006, is extended to a discussion on what is argued to be collective forms of white, English-speaking South Africans’ dislocation during the same time period. I suggest that their sense of displacement was experienced in relation to the uncertainty of their subject positions in postapartheid South Africa. In the practical and theoretical components of the degree, I consider how the three personae’s subjectivities are practiced and lived from their different space-time continuums. This exploration prompts further questions around how the effects of displacement on subjectivity and new identity formations are contingent upon each persona’s relation to the Other of colonial discourse, or the other-strangerforeigner within. Although there are marked differences between their colonial, diasporic and postcolonial contexts, a central theme that underpins the study is that the three conditions of displacement are linked by disjunctures arising from processes of dislocation, alienation, relocation and adaptation. Each persona’s epistemological reality is shown to comprise multiple ambivalences and ambiguities, and is marked by processes of cultural contestation and inner conflict. Their ambivalences and ambiguities encompass slippages between positions of inclusion and exclusion; insider and outsider; inhabitant and immigrant; alienation and belonging; placelessness and locatedness; homely and unhomely that the experience of uprooting and relocating foregrounds. While displacement is understood in terms of trauma and conflict, this condition is also regarded as a generative space of possibility for the emergence of new identity formations. Using my experiences of self-transformation and renegotiation of my identity through processes of cultural contact and exchange as a departure point, I consider ways in which collective white, English-speaking South Africans’ cultural identities are being reformulated, renegotiated or ‘hybridised’ in postapartheid South Africa as a transforming, postcolonial society.
Thesis (DPhil)--University of Pretoria, 2012.
Visual Arts
unrestricted

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8

Sandall, Elizabeth Kay. "The politics of place : the location of rank, class and gender in the novels of Frances Burney". Thesis, Loughborough University, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.360867.

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9

Sturgess, Charlotte Jane. "A politics of location : subjectivity and origins in the work of Mavis Gallant, Alice Munro and Margaret Atwood". Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 1993. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/1603.

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This thesis attempts to discover the links between concepts of identity and origins, and Canadian women's writing. The work of three English-speaking Canadian women writers, Mavis Gallant, Margaret Atwood and Alice Munro, will be examined in order to discover the ways in which their writings problematize feminine subjecthood, and in doing so shed light on a specifically Canadian 'discourse' of identity. I posit thereby, that perceiving the absences and silences structuring their modes of representation is a (symbolic) means of perceiving Canada as a dualistic, fractured, and contradictory unity. This implies a dialogue between text and context: a reading of one through the other. The three writers in question draw on diverse, and often opposing, centres of cultural and personal consciousness. I shall attempt to demonstrate however, that the problematical concept of origins and its relation to location and to feminine self-hood defines all three. To do so I have chosen those texts, whether novel or short story, which to my mind best articulate the social, cultural and symbolic discourses informing the definition 'English-speaking Canadian Women's writing'. Other works not included would undoubtedly have proved of interest, but the type of 'close reading' which such themes required entailed an automatic limitation on the range of fiction under scrutiny

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10

Steuart, Kieran Jamie. "The relevance of social class, communications, and general location, in contemporary British Labour Party politics, with a focus on North-West Cumbria". Thesis, University of Cumbria, 2018. http://insight.cumbria.ac.uk/id/eprint/3806/.

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The aim of this study is to investigate the relevance of social class in relation to general support for the Labour Party both within a national and localised context, with a specific focus placed upon the area of North-West Cumbria. This is achieved by following the research hypothesis that states that the party since the emergence of New Labour, is with their classless brand, more effective on a political level than their collectivist Old Labour predecessor. Such analysis, using a mixture of primary and secondary methods, is framed within a three-themed research phenomenon. The phenomenon begins via the first theme ‘Class/Identity’ which defined the extensive atomised shift in perceived class categorisation in contemporary Britain. The analysis of the latter then links to the second theme ‘(Labour) Party’ which evaluates such shifts to that of Labour support, ranging from the historic ‘Old’ and ‘New’ eras to the present ‘Post New’ incarnation. This primarily states how the rise of the New Right inspired New Labour to modernise their core political message to accommodate the new atomised class culture, so as to gain broader levels of support. The research phenomenon concludes with the third theme ‘Geography (North-West Cumbria)’ which explores how such class atomisation affected Labour support on a broad locational basis, particularly within North-West Cumbria. The thesis findings generally concur with the research hypothesis since the New Labour brand was somewhat successful in rural areas which hitherto had been deemed unattainable by Old Labour. Such findings, be it nationally and/or locally, are a symptom of contemporary class times where political allegiance has become less ideologically centred, and more brand-orientated and homogeneous. This thesis structure also makes a contribution to qualitative methods research as it provides a template of how such a research hypothesis and phenomenon can be theoretically and practically integrated.

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11

Harris, Stephanie Nichole James. "The Politics of Teaching History: Afrocentricity as a Modality for the New Jersey Amistad Law – the Pedagogies of Location, Agency and Voice in Praxis". Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2017. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/431936.

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African American Studies
Ph.D.
This study examines how legislated policy, the New Jersey Amistad Bill, and the subsequently created Amistad Commission, shifted the mandated educational landscape in regard to the teaching of social studies in the state of New Jersey—by legislative edict and enforcement, within every class in the state. Through a century of debates, reforms, and legislations, there has been a demand to include the contributions, achievements, and perspectives of people of the African Diaspora that deconstruct the European narrative of history. It is my belief that the formation of an educational public policy that is reflective of the Afrocentric paradigm in its interpretation and operation, such as the Amistad law, with subsequent policy manifestations that result in curriculum development and legalized institutionalization in classrooms across the country is central to creating the curriculum that will neutralize mis-education and will help American students to obtain an understanding of African American agency and the development of our collective history. The Amistad Commission, created by legal mandate in the state of New Jersey in 2002, is groundbreaking because it is a legal decree in educational policymaking that codifies the full infusion and inclusion of African American historical content into New Jersey’s K-12 Social Studies curriculum and statewide Social Studies standards. This infusion, directed by the executive leadership team, is a statewide overhaul and redirection for Social Studies and the Humanities in all grades in every district throughout the state. The Commission’s choice of the Afrocentric theoretical construct—a cultural-intellectual framework that centers the African historical, social, economic, spiritual and political experience as pertains to any intellectual experience involving Africans and people of African descent—as its organizing ethos and central ideology was central in framing the resulting curriculum products and programmatic directives. This study’s conclusive premise in utilization of the Afrocentricity construct is evidenced in the Amistad curriculum’s Afrocentric tenets: de-marginalization of African historical contribution and agency; the importance of voice and first person narrative when transcribing history, and how shifting of —as in, correcting—the entire Eurocentric structure is important. Rather than an additive prescription of historical tokenisms, or a contributive prescription that does not allow for a centralized locality from within the culture, Afrocentricity allows for a cultural ideology when applicable to the Amistad law. Thus the use of Afrocentricity in the implementation of the Amistad law transforms the entire narrative of American history in the state of New Jersey, one of the original thirteen colonies. The study seeks to remedy the void of research as to how the incorporation of the particular theoretical framework of Afrocentricity impacted the decision guiding the policy directives, programmatic and the curriculum outcomes within the implementation of the New Jersey Amistad Commission mandate. The case study asserts that the Afrocentric theory was put into praxis when operationalizing the New Jersey Amistad law and the work of the Amistad Commission. It chronicles the history of similar mandates focused on the incorporation of African American history in American classrooms that led to the Amistad law. It also enumerates the Amistad law’s subsequent operationalization and curriculum development efforts elucidating practical application of the Afrocentric theory. It has direct implications for teacher education, practicing teachers, and policymakers interested in understanding how Afrocentricity and its tenets are paramount in curriculum development efforts, especially as it pertains to New Jersey, New York, and Illinois. These three states have passed legislations that have attempted to proactively remedy their educational policies. The disparities in knowledge and education about African diaspora people in our Social Studies classrooms are targeted by these states.
Temple University--Theses

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12

Parmigian, Guy Louis. "Making a Consolidated Ashtabula-Lakeside High School: Politics and Educational Leadership in Rustbelt Ohio, 1963-2006". Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1154442600.

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13

Marklin, Scarlett D. "Examining the Influence of Race, Class and Gender Inequalities on Perceptions of the American Dream Since the 2008 Economic Recession". TopSCHOLAR®, 2014. http://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/1390.

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America has a national ethos embodied in the moniker “land of the free” and defined by a set of ideals in which being free means all men and women have an equal opportunity for prosperity, the pursuit of happiness and success. In essence, simply having access to upward social mobility achieved through one’s own perseverance and hard work, the quintessential American Dream. The first use of the phrase American Dream was by James Truslow Adams to characterize the ideal that every man should live a richer and fuller life than his ancestors based on opportunity according to ability or achievement (1931). The current study examines whether perceptions of being able to achieve the American Dream have changed in light of the economic recession of 2008 using data from the General Social Survey (n=4217). Findings show that perceptions of the American Dream have changed based on an individual’s race and class over time. Those in society who are lower class, female, who do not believe in hard work, having below average income/financial situations stand to have lower odds in the belief in their ability to attain the American Dream. Whites have lower odds of believing in the American Dream when compared to Blacks. Furthermore, respondents in 2006 and 2010 had greater odds of belief in the American Dream compared to those in 2008.

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14

Kinney, Kelly A. "A Political Administration: Pedagogy, Location, and Teaching Assistant Preparation". Ohio : Ohio University, 2005. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1131724249.

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15

Heavner, Brent M. "Over the hills locating the politics in redneck discourse /". Huntington, WV : [Marshall University Libraries], 2006. http://www.marshall.edu/etd/descript.asp?ref=657.

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16

Petrie, Malcolm Robert. "Identities of class, locations of radicalism : popular politics in inter-war Scotland". Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6321.

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This thesis explores the shifting political culture of inter-war Scotland and Britain via an examination of political identities and practice in Aberdeen, Dundee and Edinburgh. Drawing on the local and national archives of the Labour movement and the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) alongside government records, newspapers, personal testimony and visual sources, relations on the political Left are used as a means to evaluate this change. It is contended that, as a result of the extension of the franchise and post-war fears of a rise in political extremism, national party loyalties came to replace those local political identities, embedded in a sense of class, trade and place, which had previously sustained popular radicalism. This had crucial implications for the conduct of politics, as local customs of popular political participation declined, and British politics came to be defined by national elections. The thesis is structured in two parts. The first section considers the extent to which local identities of class and established provincial understandings of popular democracy came to be identified with an appeal to class sentiment excluded from national political debate. The second section delineates the repercussions this shift had for how and where politics was conducted, as the mass franchise discredited popular traditions of protest, removing politics from public view, and privileging the individual elector. In consequence, the confrontational traditions of popular politics came to be the preserve of those operating on the fringes of politics, especially the CPGB, and, as such, largely disappeared from British political culture. This thesis thus offers an important reassessment of the relationship between the public and politics in modern Britain, of the tensions between local and national loyalties, and of the role of place in the construction of political identities.

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17

Wiberg, Magnus. "Essays on the Political Economy of Protection and Industrial Location". Doctoral thesis, Stockholm : Department of Economics, Stockholm University, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-1311.

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18

Nash, Victoria. "The politics of locality : re-locating the liberal-communitarian debate". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:cec29968-b528-467a-998a-eedfa66b755a.

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This thesis assesses whether communitarian critique can still inform contemporary liberal political theory. The suggestion is that although liberalism has correctly rejected calls for a politics of 'community', it has ignored one important aspect of that critique, namely emphasis on the social embeddedness of the individual. Investigation of this hypothesis proceeds in two stages. The first involves reconsideration of the liberal-communitarian debate in the light of Charles Taylor's distinction between ontological and normative issues. This reveals how the arguments for social embeddedness (or ontological holism) fit in with more traditional appeals to community. Further analysis of the idea of ontological holism emphasises the potentially philosophical or empirical character of holist claims. The second stage of the argument ascertains whether liberal theory should heed communitarianism's recommendation of a more holist approach. Analysis of liberal texts reveals that liberal theorists already do adopt such an approach, however they do so in a piecemeal fashion, and generally without reference to supporting empirical evidence. Given the assumption that liberal theory is not expressly Utopian, some attention to limiting empirical factors would seem to be required. To back up this claim a case-study of liberal tolerance is undertaken, comparing the theoretical and social psychological accounts of inter-group toleration and its development. This comparison reveals that liberal tolerance is too narrow in scope, failing to absorb some of the most virulent forms of inter-group antagonism (such as gender- or race-based antipathy). Further, social psychological study shows that socially intolerant attitudes may be at least as harmful as, political ones, as they undermine the development of self-respect. Overall, important conclusions are reached as to the theoretical changes required of liberalism if it is to adopt a more thoroughly holist approach. Attention to the operation of factors at the localised rather than national level is vital, as is attention to empirical detail. Thus the 'politics of locality' complements traditional focus on the nation-state.

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19

Hewitt, V. M. "Locating the Internal Emergency : Indian politics and the Congress; 1967-1977". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.384658.

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20

Davos, Afroditi Climis. "Locating the politics of contemporary public art towards a new historiography /". Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1973060661&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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21

Blanco, Alberto E. (Alberto Enrique) 1966. "Geographical and behavioral economics of political risk for foreign direct investment location". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/69880.

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Thesis (S.M.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning, 2003.
Special Program of Urban and Regional Studies (SPURS)
Includes bibliographical references (p. 139-145).
This thesis analyzes the perception gap between political risk assessments observed at the national level, and the different realities of sub-national city regions whose risk regime is not reflected by the national indicators, and its implication on foreign direct investment (FDI) location decisions. The purpose of this research is to understand how and why the national political risk assessments of countries with internal armed conflicts override the ability of regional investment promotion agencies to attract FDI into financially sound projects of high developmental value. This thesis complements the standard political risk underlying theories with geographical and behavioral economic theories, in order to propose a sub-national political-risk-assessment approach that could show the safer regions within riskier countries. It is based on the analysis of the Colombian Metallurgical Coke and Power Plant Project COLMECO, designed to be located in the Barranquilla Metropolitan Area, within the Atlantico Department, a region that has traditionally experienced no open internal armed conflict confrontation. The conclusions of this research prove and justify the sub-national risk assessment approach proposed.
by Alberto E. Blanco.
S.M.

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22

Mashele, Hlukanisa Prince. "Locating the institution of traditional leadership within the institutional framework of South Africa's new democracy". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007512.

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This study looks into the role of the institution of traditional leadership in post-apartheid South Africa. It seeks to critically engage the debate on how to locate the institution within the new politico-constitutional framework. This is done with the main objective of proposing an altemative to the current state of affairs vis-à-vis traditional leadership and governance in South Africa. In order to clear the ground, the study first deals with the important question of democracy in relation to the institution of traditional leadership. In this regard, the study unearthed that the institution of traditional leadership is fundamentally undemocratic in character, as it is largely based on heredity and devoid of principles of democracy such as equality, accountability, etc. In order to put matters into perspective the study also delves into the history of the institution of traditional leadership with the aim of getting to the role that traditional leaders played in various epochs of South Africa's political development. This investigation reveals that the denting of the integrity of the institution of traditional leadership began with the advent of colonialism and worsened by successive apartheid regimes. It is at these stages of development that the institution was subordinated to a higher authority that sought to use the institution as an instrument of domination and oppression of the black majority. Considering this role, it would seem that the place that the space that the institution occupies in the post-apartheid South African governance framework is a compromise. The institution plays an advisory role at all levels of government - with their houses in both national and provincial legislatures, whilst traditional leaders sit as ex-officio members on local councils. However, traditional leaders fiercely contest this position as, in their view, this limits their powers. The main argument of this study is that for traditional leaders to be given an advisory role in the current and future governance framework of the country is a step in the right direction, as that serves to insulate the institution from active politics. For that reason, the study recommends that the institution of traditional leadership should occupy a cultural space in society - meaning that it should be responsible for the preservation of African customs and culture. This, therefore, means that the institution is better-placed to advise government on cultural and customary aspects of development. Whilst playing this role, the institution of traditional leadership should also -be brought into line with democratic ways of governance.

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23

Heddon, Deirdre E. "In search of the subject : locating the shifting politics of women's performance art". Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1999. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1590/.

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From the late 1960s to the present, women have utilised performance art as a 'form' with which to resist, transgress, contest or reveal the position of women within wider society. However, as both the nature of feminist politics and the contexts within which the work has been produced have changed, the enactment of such oppositional strategies has also shifted. This thesis aims to locate and account for such shifts by mapping multiple subjects, including performance art, feminism(s), contemporary theory, performers and women's performance art. In the late 1960s throughout the 1970s, the strategies most often utilised by women performance artists either offered alternative, supposedly more 'truthful' representations which drew on the real, material lives of women, or completely reimagined woman, locating her in a place before or outside of the patriarchal structure. From the 1980s onwards, however, the practice of women's performance art looks somewhat different. While performers continue to contest the material conditions and results of being positioned as female in Western society, such contestations are now often enacted from within what might be considered a 'deconstructive' or 'poststructuralist' frame. Acknowledging the impossibility of ever representing the 'real' woman, since 'woman' is always already a representation (and is always multiple), I suggest that the aim of this work is therefore not so much to reveal the 'real' woman behind the fiction, but to take apart the fiction itself, revealing the way in which the signifier 'woman' has been differentially constructed, for what purpose, and with what real effects. I have nominated this shift as a movement from a performance and politics of identity to a performance and politics of subjectivity.

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24

Lim, Regina. "Re-appraising secular-Islamic politics in Malaysia : locating the case for common citizenship". Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2014. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/5154/.

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This dissertation analyses the process of de-secularization of the Malaysian state. It identifies the political role of Islam as an important element in explaining how the Malaysian state sustains the language of special ethnic ‘rights’ to negate the ideal of common citizenship in Malaysia. The historical dominance and constant politicization of Islam reinvents the notion of special citizenship ‘rights’ for the majority Malay citizens, which has serious impacts upon equal opportunities and fundamental liberties of minority citizens. This process is further buttressed by legal apparatus that separates Syariah jurisdiction from civil courts, leading to unequal public access to justice and public deliberation in favour of reasons grounded in religious doctrine. Drawing on Rawlsian-informed critique of power, the thesis advances previous work on Malaysian democracy to critically assess the role of religion in politics that defends state-sanctioned differential citizenship rights. The condition of pluralism in Malaysia is an important case study for a robust understanding of the value of secularism as a principle of state practices. In doing so the thesis makes the normative claim that religion should not reside within the state where it can be politicized with the cost of justifying differential citizenship in a multi-cultural democratic society.

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25

Bonus, Enrique C. "Locating Filipino Americans : ethnicity and the cultural politics of space in Southern California /". Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 1997. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p9722824.

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26

Gershtenson, Joseph Arthur. "The determinants and consequences of U.S. Senate candidates' ideological locations /". Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3008335.

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27

Mills, David Shane. "The nation's valiant fighters against illiteracy : locating the cultural politics of 'development' in 1990s Uganda". Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1997. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/29437/.

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This dissertation is a partial account of the cultural politics of 'development' in contemporary Uganda, focusing particularly on educational institutions as sites of negotiation of modernity's gendered meanings. Utilising media representations and ethnographic research carried out in both Makerere University and in a rural secondary school, I describe how senses of the 'modern' are produced within colonial and postcolonial discourses on gender, education and the nation. Drawing on theoretical dialogues between cultural geography, social history and anthropology, I argue that historical and spatial relationships are often invoked to locate or contest the moral hierarchies that these understandings of 'progress' or 'development' depend on. By shifting position, perspective and scale, I attempt to make visible the relational production of multiple and cross-cutting Ugandan localities. Recognising the legacies of war, nationalism and religion that shape understandings of 'development' in Uganda today, this thesis is also an attempt at a 'history of the present', describing the way these turbulent pasts are retold and relived. After a brief introduction to anthropology's own troubled history of ethical debate, I discuss the influence of European ethnographies and 'Ganda' oral and textual narratives on Ugandan politics. I describe how, in the bitter aftermath of rural neglect and isolation stemming from the 1980s liberation war, monarchical idioms from Buganda's past have been suddenly reinvigorated within new Buganda nationalisms. Subsequently I interweave transnational and national media imageries with everyday lived experiences - rural school life, a speech day, urban popular music, staffroom gossip and university student romances - to create a sense of the multiple localities within which people create a sense of themselves as being both 'Ugandan' and 'modern'. Exploring the contested and political negotiations of culture in this way reveals both the material and symbolic aspects of the discursive practices of 'development'.

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28

Heinrich, Isaac. "Tahrir Sq. Location and Goal: On Changes in the Liberal Political Discourse in Post-Revolution Egypt". Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22533.

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Liberal Arab thought has long been fighting for elbow room in the political discourse in Egypt. The ruling nationalist–statist ideology from Nasser to Mubarak is renown for its repression of political dissidents, and the Islamist opposition often side with the ruling elite in its resistance against liberal reformers and democratization. Political liberalism is associated with a host of professional andpersonal risks and many are silenced. The Arab Spring revolutions across the MENA from December 2010 throughout the spring of 2011, however, seem to have revived the interest for liberal ideas in the Arab world.This thesis investigates the impact of the Arab Spring on the liberal Arab discourse in Egypt. It asks whether the revolution has lead to increased opportunities for liberal Arabs to voice their opinions, and how the tone of the public debate has been affected. A discourse analytical researchmethod is used to scrutinize thirty opinion pieces from two major Egyptian newspapers in the timeframe November 2010–September 2011, on eight sample days. The work also considers 115 articles published after the revolution on the sample days to monitor the impact of the events on the public debate quantitatively.The study finds that the most salient feature after February 2011 in the op-ed material examined is the forming of the “Tahrir Square discourse,” a symbolically charged ideational entity that associates itself with liberal political rhetoric and values. It is a major influence during the stated period affecting 77% of the 115 post-revolution articles. The Tahrir Square discourse is an expression of a more permissive climate for voicing liberal and reform-friendly opinions, the thesis concludes. The empirical material exhibits more profuse mentioning of and advocacy for these values after the revolution. The tenor and rhetorical mode vary greatly in the studied articles; despite this, a broad support for the revolution itself is present. The study, however, is reluctant as to the permanence of these changes.

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29

Mee, Jenny. "The experiences of undergraduate women nursing students : a feminist study". Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2006. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/16373/1/Jenny_Mee_Thesis.pdf.

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This study explores the experiences of women undergraduate nursing students within a feminist framework. In enquiring into the lives of undergraduate women nurses, this study sought to develop a deeper understanding of the social, historical and political factors that shape the lives of these women. An important aim of the study was to provide the women participants a political voice by which they could communicate their experiences. The methodology is developed from the theoretical insights of a range of feminist theorists and researchers and draws on some fundamental assumptions about the gendered social location of women. The study sought to test out these assumptions through an exploration of key themes within data collected from unstructured interviews with a purposeful sample of 13 undergraduate women students from a School of Nursing within a major Brisbane university. The emerging themes reveal that women have roles that are gendered in construction and that their personal stresses and traumas are shaped by gender role construction.

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30

Mee, Jenny. "The experiences of undergraduate women nursing students : a feminist study". Queensland University of Technology, 2006. http://eprints.qut.edu.au/16373/.

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Abstract (sommario):

This study explores the experiences of women undergraduate nursing students within a feminist framework. In enquiring into the lives of undergraduate women nurses, this study sought to develop a deeper understanding of the social, historical and political factors that shape the lives of these women. An important aim of the study was to provide the women participants a political voice by which they could communicate their experiences. The methodology is developed from the theoretical insights of a range of feminist theorists and researchers and draws on some fundamental assumptions about the gendered social location of women. The study sought to test out these assumptions through an exploration of key themes within data collected from unstructured interviews with a purposeful sample of 13 undergraduate women students from a School of Nursing within a major Brisbane university. The emerging themes reveal that women have roles that are gendered in construction and that their personal stresses and traumas are shaped by gender role construction.

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31

Glas, Jeffrey M. "The Priming Effects of Polling Location on Ballot Initiative Voting Decisions". Digital Archive @ GSU, 2011. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_theses/39.

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Do the physical settings in which a voter casts their ballot affect their vote choices? Every state uses a variety of polling locations for the administration of election: churches, schools, libraries, fire stations, and etcetera. The literature on priming effects and voting is massive, but very little research examines the impact of the venue in which a ballot is cast has on voters’ decisions. In this study I argue that polling venues situated on church, school, or veteran’s association property influences the proportion of votes cast in favor of ballot measures related to each institution. I test these hypotheses using precinct level election results and population data from California’s 2008 general election and find results supporting, or suggesting, such a relationship.

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32

Bhe, Ntomboxolo Grace. "Land restitution policy in old West Bank location, East London". Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/14620.

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This thesis summarises research on the implementation of land restitution policy in the old West Bank Location, in East London. Apartheid legislation dispossessed many Black people of their land. After 1994, the new democratic government implemented a land reform programme, land policy was reviewed, and people were compensated for the loss of land either financially or through restoration of their land. The original cut-off date for claims was 1998, but the window for claims was reopened in July 2014 because of difficulties in implementation. The period for the lodging of claims was extended to end June 2019 to allow people who had not yet been able to do so to participate in the process. In case of the old West Bank Location claims, compensation was in the form of land restoration, including houses which would be built for the claimants. This study documents the successes and challenges encountered in the implementation of land policy in the old West Bank Location. Triangulation of methods was used: data were collected from documents, interviews with claimants, interviews with government officials, and observation of meetings. Recommendations with regard to land policy are made on the basis of the research findings.

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33

Jones, Peter A. "Charter School Locations Across the U.S. and Their Influence on Public School District Revenues". UKnowledge, 2014. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/msppa_etds/13.

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Abstract (sommario):

Since Minnesota passed the first charter school law in 1991, charter schools have become one of the most prominent school reforms in the U.S. While charter schools educate a small portion of public school enrollments, their existence has prompted various responses from traditional public school districts. For example, districts may change expenditure patterns or work to increase test scores in an effort to retain enrollments. In this sense, a charter school’s most significant impact on public school students may work indirectly through the traditional public school reactions they invoke. This dissertation explores education finance implications for charter schools and their encompassing public school districts. Using a dataset comprised of U.S. public school districts over sixteen years, I examine the local school district’s revenue response to the establishment of a charter school. Following a description of the multi-level policy environment in which charter schools operate, this dissertation includes a summary of the literature examining student achievement and expenditure responses of public school districts to the presence of charter schools. Next, I develop a conceptual model outlining the reasons that a school district may experience a change in revenue when charter schools locate within or nearby. Before testing the public school district response to charter schools, I had to accurately measure charter school locations across the U.S. To do this, I used geographic information system (GIS) software to improve upon alternative charter location databases maintained by the federal government and national charter school organizations. With charter school locations accurately mapped, I estimated the traditional public school district revenue response to the various measures of charter school presence. Findings from this estimation suggest that, on average traditional public school districts experienced changes in per-pupil revenues when charter schools located closer to the district. Specifically, revenues from local sources decreased as charter schools moved nearer, but revenues from federal sources increased. This relationship changed over time, however. As charter schools were authorized in more districts and states, per-pupil revenues began increasing as charter schools moved closer to school districts.

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34

Mathew, Ashwin Jacob. "Where in the World is the Internet? Locating Political Power in Internet Infrastructure". Thesis, University of California, Berkeley, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3685949.

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Abstract (sommario):

With the rise of global telecommunications networks, and especially with the worldwide spread of the Internet, the world is considered to be becoming an information society: a society in which social relations are patterned by information, transcending time and space through the use of new information and communications technologies. Much of the popular press and academic literature on the information society focuses on the dichotomy between the technologically-enabled virtual space of information, and the physical space of the material world.

My examination of Internet infrastructure focuses on the system of interconnections amongst the networks which make up the Internet, which is called the inter-domain routing system. For all that the Internet is spoken of as a singular entity, it is in fact a complex distributed system of over 47,000 interconnected networks spanning the world. It is these interconnections which allow the Internet to appear to be a single entity, and provide the means through which the apparent placelessness of virtual space is produced. I approach the problem of understanding the production of virtual space by examining the mechanisms involved in the maintenance of order within the Internet's inter-domain routing system.

To examine the mechanisms involved in maintaining order in the inter-domain routing system, I study the technology and practices involved in the interconnection of networks. The technology which enables network interconnection is the Border Gateway Protocol (BGP), which allows the establishment of network interconnections without any need for centralized oversight. In the absence of centralized oversight, I found that the practices involved in operating BGP rely on coordination and collaboration amongst the technical personnel responsible for managing the interconnection of networks. Coordination and collaboration are enabled amongst the Internet's technical personnel through social relationships of trust, running across corporate and state boundaries. Even though the inter-domain routing system operates without centralized oversight, it does rely on centralized institutional structures for specialized functions, such as standards-setting activity, and the allocation of unique numbering resources required to identify networks in the inter-domain routing system, and to identify computers within networks.

I argue that order is maintained within the inter-domain routing system through a distributed system of trust relationships, which are anchored by centralized institutional structures. As an arrangement of mechanisms for maintaining order, I consider this to be a governance arrangement, which I term "distributed governance".

Distributed governance is an unusual, and possibly unique, model of governance. It has three distinguishing features which mark it off from hierarchical and market-based models of governance. First, in its reliance on a distributed system of trust relationships. These are produced and reproduced in the practice of interconnecting networks, and through professional communities of the technical personnel responsible for managing network interconnections. Second, in its centralized institutional structures, which are uniquely organized amongst global governance institutions. None of these centralized institutional structures are formed by international treaty, and all of them are strongly committed to openness and participation. Third, in its operation over the particular technological form of BGP which emphasizes coordination and collaboration. To change the technology of inter-domain routing would be to change the range of governance possibilities for inter-domain routing, modifying the nature of distributed governance itself.

These distinguishing features are sites of contestation. Although technical personnel do owe allegiance to their professional communities, and to one another through trust relationships, they are also employees of corporations which invest in Internet infrastructure, and citizens of nation states which regulate Internet infrastructure in their territories. Distributed governance is accordingly complicated by market relationships, the interests of nation states, and international relations amongst nation states, just as markets, nation states and international relations are complicated by distributed governance.

To make sense of distributed governance as a global system, I study its instantiation in professional communities of the Internet's technical personnel, centralized institutional arrangements, and state and market interests across two different regions: North America, which is relatively central to the global Internet, and South Asia, which is relatively peripheral. This provides the opportunity to perform a comparison between these two cases, to understand at once how distributed governance varies under different conditions, and how different articulations of distributed governance are linked into a single global system of governance.

The range of social possibilities within a society are shaped by the model of governance which provides it with order. To understand the nature of the information society, it is essential to understand the mechanisms of distributed governance. Indeed, I argue that the social values of "freedom" and "democracy" which are often ascribed to the Internet are only made possible through distributed governance. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

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35

Toukan, Hanan. "Art, aid, affect : locating the political in post-civil war Lebanon’s contemporary cultural practices". Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.604312.

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36

Coronado, Teresa Marie Freeman 1975. "Locating the butt of ridicule: Humor and social class in early American literature". Thesis, University of Oregon, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/8309.

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x, 196 p. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number.
This project critiques the performance of class identity through the works of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century colonial and early national period authors using the lens of humor, primarily as posed by Elliot Oring and Henri Bergson's theories of laughter and the ridiculous. My argument is that under the guise of laughter these works conceal the underpinnings of an American class system which can be revealed through close reading and historical research. In my dissertation, I examine the performance of each author in his or her own autobiography and the reflection of that performance within the larger frame of the development of American status structures. The characters in the texts of the authors I work with in this project demonstrate the use of the comic persona to, as scholar Robert Micklus states, "locate the butt of ridicule anywhere but in their own mirrors"; however, in my project I examine this within the context of class. Chapter I examines the work of Madame Sarah Knight, The Journal of Madame Knight, and William Byrd II's The Secret History of the Line --both of whom use humor to disguise their class insecurities. In Chapter II, I examine the performance of class hierarchy, as seen through Franklin's Autobiography and John Robert Shaw's John Robert Shaw: An Autobiography of Thirty Years, 1777-1807. In Chapter III, I examine the complications of race involved in class relations, using John Marrant's autobiography, A Narrative of the Life of John Marrant, a Free Black. Chapter IV examines David Crockett's humorous performance of the middle landscape frontiersman as part of a valorized national identity in The Narrative of David Crockett. The ideology that prompts the so-called invisibility of class in United States society today requires us to examine it under a critical lens; this project uses humor as that lens. In questioning the laughter of early American texts, we can see the class divides of early American society being created--an important step to realizing how these divides are maintained in our world today.
Adviser: Gordon Sayre

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37

Vincent, Renee Michele. "The Great Radical Dualism: Locating Margaret Fuller’s Feminism in Nathaniel Hawthorne’s Fiction". ScholarWorks@UNO, 2016. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/honors_theses/82.

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The purpose of this thesis is to establish a foundation built on the congruencies between Margaret Fuller’s feminist theory and Nathaniel Hawthorne’s fiction, with the aim of addressing two major points: first, the implications of universalizing gender in the context of identity politics; and second, to show how gender universality is challenged within Hawthorne’s fiction and Fuller’s prose. Given that Nathaniel Hawthorne’s characters depict a range of personal variability, the act of synthesizing Margaret Fuller’s feminist theory with Hawthorne’s fiction functions to link the personal with the political. The overall goal of this study is to substantiate both writers within a feminist discourse and further, as contributory in the fight for gender equality.

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38

Lu, Kelan. "The Political Determinants of Fdi Location in Prchina, 1997-2009: Application of a New Model to Taiwanese Fdi in Mainland China". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2012. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc149633/.

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This research seeks to identify the political determinants that account for the uneven geographical distribution of foreign direct investment (FDI) across Chinese counties. I compare the political determinants of Taiwanese FDI (TDI) and non-Taiwanese FDI site selection across counties in China. I focus on the central-local politics in China, especially the effect of county government autonomy on FDI and TDI site selection. I investigate whether the effect of county government autonomy and its interaction with TDI agglomeration varies across the three economic regions of China (i.e. eastern, central, and western regions). I argue that county government autonomy is critical to attracting inflows of FDI, and its impact is conditional on the existing level of FDI in a given county. Counties with higher autonomy are able to make greater commitments to and involvement in the market economy, have more flexibility to give preferential treatment to FDI and to improve the local investment environment. With the political burden that Taiwanese investors face from the special military and political relationship across the Strait, I argue that TDI is more sensitive to county government autonomy not only for the economic gains like other foreign investors but also for pursuing local protection against the political uncertainties from Beijing and the social instabilities of the local population. I also argue that county government autonomy’s impact on TDI inflow is strongest in the central region due to the less dominating role of the geographic and cultural advantages enjoyed by the eastern region and its better economic, cultural, political and geographic conditions that are lacking in the western region. Using the System General Method of Moment model to analyze the county level FDI/TDI panel data sets, I find autonomy’s impact on future FDI inflows fades with the increases in the existing level of FDI but gets stronger with the increases in the existing level of TDI inflows. I also find county government autonomy’s impact is strongest for the central region when the existing TDI inflows are zero or at the national average level.

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39

Murphy, Gretchen. "Locating the nation : literature, narrative, and the Monroe Doctrine, 1823-1904 : a genealogy of American exceptionalism /". Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/9312.

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40

Powell, Jared, e Jared Powell. "Locating Responsibility in the Discourse of Contemporary U.S. Education Reform". Diss., The University of Arizona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/621829.

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Abstract (sommario):

Framed by insights from critical human geography, political economy, and educational studies, this dissertation offers a critique of the contemporary education reform movement in the United States (hereafter U.S.). The overarching argument made here is that the powerfully positioned individuals and groups at the head of this movement have been less motivated by a desire to actually pursue social justice than by the political expediency that comes with appearing to be doing so. The three papers that follow speak to the existing critical literature on public schooling in the U.S., which argues that the perpetual discussion about how to 'fix' the U.S.'s educational system should be seen as an attempt by its powerfully positioned interlocutors to collapse popular discontent with a variety of persistent social injustices into a focused dissatisfaction with the public schools. This literature has also argued that although the public education system in the U.S. is indeed quite inequitable as it presently exists, and thus an appropriate target for transformation, the education reform movement's efforts to that end have actually reproduced many of the social and pedagogical causes of educational inequity. This dissertation builds on the literature just summarized by demonstrating that the rhetoric of the individuals and groups associated with the education reform movement coalesces around a spatial discourse through which the causes of a variety of social ills are presented as endogenous to the spaces inhabited by the individuals and groups that suffer them with the greatest frequency and intensity. Further, the artificially discrete, enclosed spaces conjured in the name of education reform are enrolled as part of a broader project of legitimizing coercive, individualizing, and competitive-rather than supportive, dialogic, collaborative-forms of pedagogy, and governance more generally.

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41

Arkaraprasertkul, Non. "Locating Shanghai: Globalization, Heritage Industry, and the Political Economy of Urban Space in a Chinese Metropolis". Thesis, Harvard University, 2016. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:33493323.

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Given the rapid urbanization of Shanghai in the past three decades, how might we attempt to understand the changing meanings, usages, and values of urban space and the built environment, as occupied, lived, and experienced by its residents? In this dissertation, I use ethnography to explore the complex processes of urbanization and globalization in Shanghai – China’s largest and most urbanized city – examining the myriad ways that space orients and even determines the actions, commitments, and everyday sociocultural practices of the various agents and stakeholders involved in this transformation. By investigating how residents, planners, and local officials variously conceive of historic preservation and urban renewal programs, and by eschewing the artificially coherent image of the city promoted by state planners, I paint a more nuanced picture of the specific challenges faced by the populace and their creative methods of negotiation, adaptation, and appropriation in the face of a rapidly changing landscape. My primary case study is the Shanghai’s traditional alleyway neighborhoods (known locally as the lilong: 里弄) through which I investigate issues arising from their restoration and preservation: state discourse and law enforcement, globalization and local heritage, place-making, and aesthetics. What my research demonstrates is how knowledge of the global not only informs but encourages pragmatic residents to "foresee" a different future and voluntarily get involved in the process of urban renewal to enhance their interests. In this dissertation, I develop new concepts such as "gentrification from within," to explain this unique process of demographic change involving capital investment and cultural reproduction, in which the original residents themselves are agents. Also developed in this dissertation are the concepts of "traditionalism as a way of life," and "emancipatory masculinity," which explain the undergirding tension between the traditional belief of homeownership and the economic reality of modern life resulting in unprecedented patterns of social reproduction and familial formation.
Anthropology

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42

Albino, pimentel Joao eduardo. "Three Essays on the Influence of Political Connections on Firms International Expansion Strategy". Thesis, Université Paris-Saclay (ComUE), 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016SACLH003/document.

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Abstract (sommario):

Cette thèse est composée de trois essais, chacun contribuant à mieux comprendre la façon dont différents types de relations politiques affectent les stratégies d'expansion internationale et la performance des entreprises. Le premier essai examine le rôle des relations politiques comme modérateur de la relation entre les attributs du pays hôte et le choix d’investir dans ce pays par des entreprises. Nous examinons le cas des premiers investissements dans les pays concernés par des entreprises du secteur manufacturier au cours de la période 2003-2010. Les autres essais examinent le rôle des relations politiques comme antécédents directs des décisions et des performances des stratégies d'expansion internationale des entreprises. Le deuxième essai étudie l’influence des différents types de relations politiques dans l’ampleur et le profil de risque des investissements internationaux des entreprises. Enfin, le troisième essai analyse le rôle des connexions politiques en tant que facteur explicatif de la capacité des entreprises à accélérer le financement et le développement de leurs projets. Les deux derniers essais sont testés sur une base de données originale recensant les relations politiques dont bénéficient les plus grandes entreprises françaises au cours de la période 2003-2012
This dissertation is composed of the three essays, each contributing to address part of the puzzle regarding how different types of political connections affect firms’ international expansion strategies and performance. The first essay examines how political connections moderate the relationship between host country attributes and international strategy in a sample of greenfield investments in manufacturing during the 2003-2010 period. The second and third essays examine how political connections directly impact a firm’s international expansion strategies and performance. The second essay investigates the role of different types of political connections on a firm’s international investments amount and risk profile. Finally, the third essay analyzes the role of political connections as an explanatory factor of firms’ ability to accelerate the provision of funding and development of their project finance-based investments. Both the latter two essays rely on an original dataset on various political connections enjoyed by the largest French firms during the 2003-2012 period

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43

Kocabicak, Evren. "Locating Thirdspace In The Specifities Of Urban: A Case Study On Saturday Mothers, In Istiklal Street Istanbul". Master's thesis, METU, 2003. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/130766/index.pdf.

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Abstract (sommario):

By recontextualizing spatiality, it is arguable that the meaning of &lsquo
space&rsquo
as a term varies from the most local to the global geographies. &lsquo
Space&rsquo
as a term for this thesis does not only mean the architectural spaces, but also the social spaces. This thesis aims to define and investigate the dynamics of &lsquo
Thirdspace&rsquo
as a key term and to locate it in the specifities of urban within the area of resistance and transgression. &lsquo
Thirdspace&rsquo
is illustrated as a wider sphere of participation forpolitical resistance. As a space, it is the new meeting places for diverse oppositional practices, for multiple communities of resistance. It is a space that is both center and the margin, which enables the radical social action everywhere in the world, from local to the global. The theoretical framework for understanding the tools of our critical approach will be provided by a comprehensive literature about &lsquo
identity politics,&rsquo
which can be defined as the theoretical base of the concept of &lsquo
Thirdspace.&rsquo
After an extensive analysis about the dynamics of &lsquo
Thirdspace&rsquo
for political resistance, it is concerned to locate the concept of &lsquo
Thirdspace&rsquo
within the material world as a case study. The case study aims to exemplify firstly the &lsquo
Istiklal Street&rsquo
as &lsquo
Thirdspace&rsquo
, secondly political position of &lsquo
Saturday&rsquo
s Mothers&rsquo
as &lsquo
thirdspace of political choice&rsquo
, and lastly to demonstrate the reciprocal relations between them within the framework of the relationship between space and politics.

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44

Sabuktay, Aysegul. "Locating Susurluk Affair Into The Context Of Legal-political Theory: A Case Of Extra-legal Activities Of The Modern States". Phd thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12605186/index.pdf.

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The study locates Susurluk Affair into the legal-political theory, around an axis passing through two standpoints that defines the state either as a legal or as a political institution. Two words, Susurluk Affair refer to an accumulation of incidents and relationships that point to extra-legal activities of the state that are revealed by a traffic accident in Turkey. Susurluk Affair and similar cases of extra-legal activities of the state are frequent in modern political life, although the modern state is founded on the presumption of legal use of public authority. Susurluk Affair is discussed with reference to Max Weber&
#8217
s and Jü
rgen Habermas&
#8217
s theories of the rule of law, and Hans Kelsen&
#8217
s legal positivism, both of which provide perspectives that define the state as a legal institution, and from the viewpoints of doctrine of raison d&
#8217
etat and Carl Schmitt&
#8217
s theories of the political and sovereignty that conceptualize the state as a political institution. Susurluk Affair can be interpreted in accordance with Weber&
#8217
s, Habermas&
#8217
s and Kelsen&
#8217
s theoretical standpoints either as a deficiency in legitimacy or violations by certain persons, however it can be interpreted as activities for maintaining the state in the framework of the doctrine of raison d&
#8217
etat. On the other hand, the Schmittian approach acknowledges extra-legal activities of the state, but Susurluk Affair cannot be interpreted as a case of deciding the exception in the Schmittian sense.

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45

Roig, Tierno Honorat. "Análisis de áreas comerciales mediante técnicas SIG: Aplicación a la distribución comercial y centros tecnológicos". Doctoral thesis, Universitat Politècnica de València, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10251/32832.

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Esta Tesis centra la atención en la aplicación que los SIG pueden tener en diferentes campos de la economía como las empresas minoristas o los centros tecnológicos intensivos en conocimiento. Los SIG pueden definirse como el conjunto de herramientas para recoger, almacenar, transformar y mostrar los datos espaciales para un conjunto particular de propósitos (Burrough, 1988). Por su parte, Barredo (1996) precisa que los SIG son sistemas digitales que, a través de un conjunto de herramientas de hardware y de software, permiten el análisis y manipulación de datos geográficos proporcionando una modelación de la realidad. Por una parte, en el sector minorista, la apertura de un nuevo local es un factor crítico ya que comporta una serie de riesgos monetarios y de imagen muy elevados para la empresa. Por ello, resulta clave realizar un correcto análisis de la localización para las nuevas aperturas (Hernández & Bennison, 2000). El uso de los SIG ha facilitado la comprensión de la información geográfica para los gerentes que carecen de conocimientos técnicos, ayudándoles, por tanto, a tomar decisiones difíciles y de gran envergadura (Ozimec et al., 2010). Además, los SIG son capaces de gestionar la información cartográfica con datos alfanuméricos. Por ello, los SIG se están convirtiendo en una herramienta indispensable para la toma de decisiones sobre la localización de establecimientos (Mendes & Themido, 2004). Por otra parte, los centros tecnológicos, cuando se conciben como proveedores de servicios avanzados para permitir la innovación (COTEC, 2003), también pueden ser considerados ¿minoristas¿ cuyo producto son los servicios intensivos en conocimiento o knowledge intensive business services (KIS). Por lo tanto, el concepto de trade areas también se puede aplicar a los centros tecnológicos en cuanto a su ubicación y el diseño de sus estrategias, entre otros aspectos. Así, diferentes autores destacan la importancia de la proximidad geográfica de los centros de tecnología para que puedan ofrecer un servicio eficaz y apoyar a las empresas (Barrio & García-Quevedo, 2005; Tödtling & Kaufmann, 2001). Por ello, en la investigación que se llevará a cabo en esta Tesis, también se aplicarán técnicas GIS a los centros tecnológicos, en un intento de mejorar el conocimiento sobre los determinantes de la distribución espacial entre las empresas asociadas a un centro tecnológico.
Roig Tierno, H. (2013). Análisis de áreas comerciales mediante técnicas SIG: Aplicación a la distribución comercial y centros tecnológicos [Tesis doctoral no publicada]. Universitat Politècnica de València. https://doi.org/10.4995/Thesis/10251/32832
TESIS

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46

De, Ines Anton Tamara. "Translating Central American life writing for the Anglophone market : a socio-narrative study of women's agency and political radicalism in the original and translated works of Claribel Alegría, Gioconda Belli and Rigoberta Menchú". Thesis, University of Manchester, 2017. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/translating-central-american-life-writing-for-the-anglophone-market-a-socionarrative-study-of-womenas-agency-and-political-radicalism-in-the-original-and-translated-works-of-claribel-alegraa-gioconda-belli-and-rigoberta-mencha(9cab9568-fd8d-4107-9cf8-e09990d75c52).html.

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At a time when scholars have rekindled the old debate about what is world literature and how can one study it (Casanova, 2004; Moretti, 2000, 2003; Damrosch, 2003, 2009), this thesis analyses the canonisation of Central American Revolutionary women's writing as it moves toward the 'centre' and becomes part of the world literary canon. Drawing on a core-periphery systemic model, this thesis examines how translation for the Anglophone market involves the marginalisation at various levels of the narratives of political radicalism and the erotic that feature in the life writing works of Gioconda Belli, Claribel Alegría and Rigoberta Menchú. The dataset chosen for this study consists of the Spanish originals and English translations of La mujer habitada (1988) and El país bajo mi piel (2001) by Belli; No me agarran viva (1983) and Luisa en el país de la realidad (1987) by Alegría, in collaboration with her husband Darwin J. Flakoll; and Me llamo Rigoberta Menchú (1983) and Rigoberta: La nieta de los mayas (1998) by Menchú. To develop this core-periphery systemic model, I have drawn on the work of scholars in the field of the sociology of translation such as Pascale Casanova (2004), Johan Heilbron (1999, 2010) and Gisèle Sapiro (2008). In the context of the study, peripheralisation has been reconceptualised to assist in locating the texts included in the dataset within a hierarchical power structure (external level of peripheralisation); and identifying the shifts that arise during the translation and circulation of the ontological and public narratives underpinning such texts (internal level of peripheralisation). The study of the internal level of peripheralisation will draw on narrative theory, as elaborated by Margaret Somers and Gloria Gibson (1994), Somers (1997) and Mona Baker (2006). The choice of narrative theory employed in the thesis aims to foreground the impact that translation and the publishing field have on the selection and consecration of a literary genre; facilitate the comparison between the texts and paratexts of the originals and their English translations, and disclose the mechanisms through which the agency of the woman/author is neutralised, and the narratives of sexuality, body, political radicalism and feminine subjectivity are constructed in the original and reinterpreted through translation. This comparative (para)textual analysis questions the nature of the process by which peripheral texts have accessed the Western canon. In light of the findings, the thesis advocates the need to redefine the concept of canonisation in order to acknowledge a possible conflict between the new assumed centrality of the consecrated/translated text and the layers of peripheralisation that might still be constraining the original narratives. Secondly, these findings draw attention to a gap in world literatures scholarship. By assuming the autonomy of literature as an artistic form, world literature scholars might be in danger of obscuring the potential for manipulation inherent in translation practice, particularly in spaces favouring domesticating approaches to translation. Thirdly, this work aims to serve as a reminder to scholars and activists not to overlook the impact of literary translation on the circulation of theories and narratives, particularly in the case of highly canonical texts such as that of Rigoberta Menchú (1984).

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47

Rodrigues, Sueli Nogueira. "AvaliaÃÃo da Acessibilidade e do Atendimento Espacial das Escolas PÃblicas em Ãrea Urbana â Estudo de Caso na Cidade de Fortaleza". Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2009. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=4662.

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nÃo hÃ
A expansÃo do ensino pÃblico implementada pelas polÃticas educacionais, desde a dÃcada de 90, aliada ao crescimento desordenado das cidades, gerou um aumento das distÃncias dos munÃcipes aos equipamentos pÃblicos educacionais. Estes dois fatores levam Ã necessidade de se avaliar a acessibilidade espacial e o atendimento das escolas pÃblicas nas cidades, uma vez que a distÃncia a ser percorrida no trajeto casa-escola Ã um fator decisivo para a manutenÃÃo do aluno na escola, sobretudo para a faixa etÃria de 7 a 14 anos. Nesse contexto, este trabalho se propÃe a avaliar as polÃticas educacionais de atendimento e de acessibilidade espacial da rede pÃblica escolar em uma regiÃo da cidade de Fortaleza/CE. Esta avaliaÃÃo tem como elemento principal a obrigatoriedade da oferta de ensino pÃblico fundamental para todas as crianÃas entre 7 e 14 anos (LDB 9695/96). Para tanto, a partir da concepÃÃo de uma metodologia de anÃlise da distribuiÃÃo espacial das escolas pÃblicas, usou-se o Sistema de InformaÃÃes GeogrÃfica (SIG), como ferramenta computacional para analisar as unidades de ensino na regiÃo da cidade delimitada pelas fronteiras administrativas da Secretaria Executiva Regional V. ApÃs as anÃlises verificou-se que a rede pÃblica municipal de ensino fundamental nÃo atende a todos os setores censitÃrios na maioria dos bairros que compÃe a Ãrea em estudo, assim como, os 4 (quatro) bairros que atendem Ã acessibilidade pelo critÃrio de deslocamento em estudo nÃo ofertam vagas suficientes. E, ao agregar a rede pÃblica estadual Ã municipal, constata-se que permanece a falta de atendimento quanto Ãs matrÃculas ofertadas e principalmente quanto a questÃes de acessibilidade. Estes fatos convergem para a identificaÃÃo de uma distribuiÃÃo espacial sem um planejamento adequado a real necessidade do local quanto Ã rede pÃblica de educaÃÃo municipal no ensino fundamental, assim como a nÃo observÃncia das polÃticas educacionais vigentes no paÃs. Considera-se que este tipo de avaliaÃÃo pode ser de grande utilidade na elaboraÃÃo de polÃticas pÃblicas educacionais, principalmente relacionadas Ã definiÃÃo da localizaÃÃo das unidades escolares acessÃveis em Ãreas urbanas, visando o conhecimento mais detalhado da realidade na busca de soluÃÃes eficazes.
The expansion of public education implemented by the educational policies, since the 90s, coupled with the uncontrolled growth of cities, has generated an increase of the distances of the residents to the public schools. These two factors lead to the need to evaluate the spatial accessibility and the attendance of the public schools in the cities, because the distance to be travelled in the home-school path is a decisive factor for keep the student in school, especially for the 7 to 14 years old children. Therefore, this study is to evaluate the educational policies of attendance and of spatial accessibility of public school in a region of Fortaleza/CE. This evaluation has as main element the mandatory provision of basic public education for all 7 to 14 years old children (LDB 9695/96). Thus, from the design of a methodology of analysis of the spatial distribution of the public schools, it was used the Geographic Information System (SIG), as computational tool for analyze the educational units in the city region bounded by the administrative boundaries of Regional Executive Secretary V (SER V). After the analysis, it was found that the basic public education does not meet all the census sectors in the most of neighborhoods that comprise the area in study, as well as the four neighborhoods that meet the accessibility by the shift criteria in study do not proffer sufficient vacancies. And, by adding the schools that belong to the city with the ones that are state property, it is noted that remains the lake of attention to the offered enrollments and primarily to the accessibility issues. These factors converge to identify a spatial distribution without adequate planning to the real needs to the local related to the basic public education, as well as the non-compliance of the current educational policies in the country. It is considered that this type of evaluation should be very useful in the elaboration of educational public policies, mainly related to the definition of the localization on the accessible schools in urban areas, aiming more detailed knowledge about the reality in the search for effective solutions.

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48

Archer, Max. "Social movements in crisis : locating disaster communities in rhetoric and rhetoric in disaster communities". Thesis, Manhattan, Kan. : Kansas State University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/1043.

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49

Gavillon, Póti Quartiero. "Videogames e políticas cognitivas". reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/104367.

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Esta dissertação se inscreve em estudos das tecnologias da informação e comunicação e suas relações com os campos da educação e da saúde. O estudo toma por objeto os movimentos de um grupo de pesquisa na constituição de um jogo locativo a ser utilizado no Jardim Botânico de Porto Alegre. Foram cartografadas as controvérsias e os impasses que se apresentaram no desafio de desenvolver um jogo locativo articulando um espaço virtual com o espaço concreto do Jardim Botânico. Para este jogo foi utilizada a plataforma ARIS, uma ferramenta para produção de jogos locativos para serem usados exclusivamente em dispositivos móveis. O conceito de política cognitiva é desenvolvido no texto de forma a contribuir com a análise da cartografia a partir de um entendimento produtivo das teorias sobre cognição. Com este estudo busca-se contribuir para pensar o design de jogos e o seu estudo com objetivos voltados à aprendizagem, através de uma análise das políticas cognitivas envolvidas nos processos de produção e da forma com que se atualizam em controvérsias. Percebemos que o encontro entre as propostas político-teóricas e as possibilidades técnicas de produção do jogo gera diferentes controvérsias que demonstram que a construção de jogos, assim como a aplicação de teorias sobre aprendizagem são negociadas em um coletivo de humanos e não-humanos. Verificamos que os jogos desenvolvidos a partir de uma determinada forma ou determinada teoria possibilitam e produzem relações específicas e as ferramentas utilizadas para a sua produção têm esta mesma agência.
This dissertation is part of the studies about information and communication technologies and their relationship to the fields of education and health. The study takes as its object the movements of a research group in the development of a locative game to be used in the Botanical Garden of Porto Alegre. We mapped the controversies and dilemmas that were presented in the challenge of developing a locative game combining a virtual space with the concrete space of the Botanic Garden. For this game the ARIS platform was used, it is a tool for production of locative games to be used exclusively on mobile devices. The concept of cognitive politics is developed in the text in order to contribute to the analysis of the cartography from a productive understanding of theories of cognition. With this study we seek to contribute to thinking game design and its study with goals focused on learning, through an analysis of the cognitive politics involved in the design process and the way they are performed in controversies. We noticed that the encounter between the political-theoretical proposals and the technical possibilities of game production generates different controversies, that demonstrate that building games as well as the application of theories of learning are negotiated in a collective of humans and non-humans. We found that games developed in a particular form or based on a particular theory allow and produce specific relationships and the tools used to produce them have this same agency.

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50

King, Samantha Jane. "Locating moral responsibility for war crimes : the new justiciability of 'system criminality' and its implications for the development of an international polity". Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/421.

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This thesis examines the question of international responses to system criminality. It argues that the assignation of moral responsibility, expressed in the act of prosecuting individuals, expresses a fundamental conceptual shift towards an international polity. Although political rhetoric, the media and international legislation express the moral dimension of system criminality, the character of humanitarian law and the contingency of its operation is the most concrete indicator of such a development. The status of an embryonic international polity becomes particularly evident- with 'individual responsibility' being a criminally liable offence, as set against 'collective responsibility' which entails 'civil', (non-penal) liabilities. However, the principle of individual criminal responsibility, and therefore the expression of a nascent international polity, is by no means as well developed as it may appear because the moral consensus necessary to fully support this shift is still undeveloped. A thoroughly radical re-orientation to a potential international polity had not fully arrived with the Nuremberg Principles and a paucity of individual prosecutions for system crimes indicates the limits of this development. Nevertheless, the contribution to knowledge of this thesis lies in its finding that with the radical developments of criminal tribunals and the International Criminal Court there has been a qualitative shift in the structure of international legal norms.

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Tesi sul tema "Politics of location"

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