Bibliografie tematiche / Political violence – Northern Ireland – Belfast

Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Political violence – Northern Ireland – Belfast"

Autore: Grafiati
Pubblicato: 25 luglio 2024
Ultima modifica: 31 luglio 2024

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Articoli di riviste sul tema "Political violence – Northern Ireland – Belfast"

1

Abdulhasan Ali, Basma, e Sabah Atallah Diyaiy. "Violence in Martin McDonagh's The Pillowman". Al-Adab Journal 2, n. 136 (15 marzo 2021): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.31973/aj.v2i136.1279.

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The 1990s have been of utmost importance for Ireland and the Irish as this decade is characterised by a great diversity of problems: economic problems, unemployment and migration which came as a result of these problems, racial harassment experienced abroad, psychological problems, the Troubles whose serious impact was felt not only in Northern Ireland but also in the Republic of Ireland, which emerged as a consequence of the conflict between the Catholics and the Protestants because of the political status of Northern Ireland and which began at the end of the 1960s and ended in 1998 with Belfast Agreement; self-centeredness emerging as a repercussion of the Celtic Tiger period which was witnessed between 1995 and 2000 and which means economic development in Ireland, and, lastly, the problem of violence. Martin McDonagh, an Anglo-Irish playwright represents these problems emphasising the problem of violence encountered in this decade in a satirical but grotesque way particularly in The Pillowman.
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Loane, Geoff. "A new challenge or a new role? The ICRC in Northern Ireland". International Review of the Red Cross 94, n. 888 (dicembre 2012): 1481–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383113000520.

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AbstractDespite the narrative of success surrounding the Northern Ireland peace process, which culminated in the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, there remain significant humanitarian consequences as a result of the violence. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) has opened an office in Belfast after its assessments demonstrated a need for intervention. While a two-year ‘dirty protest’ in Northern Ireland's main prison has been recently resolved, paramilitary structures execute punishments, from beatings to forced exile and even death, outside of the legal process and in violation of the criminal code. This article examines the face of modern humanitarianism outside of armed conflict, its dilemmas, and provides analysis as to why the ICRC has a role in the Northern Ireland context.
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Dobrianska, Nadia. "The Weaver Street bombing in Belfast 1922: violence, politics and memory". Irish Historical Studies 47, n. 172 (novembre 2023): 259–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2023.45.

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AbstractOn 13 February 1922, an unidentified person threw a bomb into Weaver Street, which was full of Catholic children at play, killing four children and two women. The bombing became a locus of political controversy between the British government, the Provisional Government of the Irish Free State and the government of Northern Ireland, and became the archetypal story of innocent Catholic lives taken by the intercommunal conflict in the six counties which became Northern Ireland in 1920‒22. This article seeks to contribute to the understanding of the role of this intercommunal conflict in Irish and British politics, using the Weaver Street bombing as a case study. This article analyses nationalist representation of the conflict as an orchestrated campaign against Catholics, ‘a pogrom’; unionist representation of the conflict as loyalist self-defence against the I.R.A.; and the British government's effort to publicly maintain neutrality in the conflict.
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Cummings, E. Mark, Christine E. Merrilees, Alice C. Schermerhorn, Marcie C. Goeke-Morey, Peter Shirlow e Ed Cairns. "Testing a social ecological model for relations between political violence and child adjustment in Northern Ireland". Development and Psychopathology 22, n. 2 (28 aprile 2010): 405–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954579410000143.

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AbstractRelations between political violence and child adjustment are matters of international concern. Past research demonstrates the significance of community, family, and child psychological processes in child adjustment, supporting study of interrelations between multiple social ecological factors and child adjustment in contexts of political violence. Testing a social ecological model, 300 mothers and their children (M = 12.28 years, SD = 1.77) from Catholic and Protestant working class neighborhoods in Belfast, Northern Ireland, completed measures of community discord, family relations, and children's regulatory processes (i.e., emotional security) and outcomes. Historical political violence in neighborhoods based on objective records (i.e., politically motivated deaths) were related to family members' reports of current sectarian antisocial behavior and nonsectarian antisocial behavior. Interparental conflict and parental monitoring and children's emotional security about both the community and family contributed to explanatory pathways for relations between sectarian antisocial behavior in communities and children's adjustment problems. The discussion evaluates support for social ecological models for relations between political violence and child adjustment and its implications for understanding relations in other parts of the world.
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Merrilees, Christine E., Laura K. Taylor, Marcie C. Goeke-Morey, Peter Shirlow e E. Mark Cummings. "Age as a Dynamic Moderator of Relations between Exposure to Political Conflict and Mental Health in Belfast, Northern Ireland". International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 19, n. 14 (8 luglio 2022): 8339. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph19148339.

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Identifying how, when, and under what conditions exposure to political conflict is associated with youth mental health problems is critical to developing programming to help youth exposed to various forms of political violence. The current study uses Time Varying Effects Modeling (TVEM) to examine how relations between exposure to ethno-politically motivated antisocial behavior and mental health problems change as a function of age in a sample of youth from Belfast, Northern Ireland. Young people (N = 583, Mage 16.51 wave 1, 17.23 wave 2) self-reported their exposure to sectarian antisocial behavior, nonsectarian antisocial behavior, and mental health problems as part of a longitudinal study of youth across multiple neighborhoods in Belfast. The results suggest mental health problems and associations with exposure to sectarian antisocial behavior change in nonlinear patterns throughout adolescence, with the strongest links between exposure to political conflict and mental health between ages 16 and 19. Significant relations between nonsectarian antisocial behavior and mental health problems were not indicated for the full sample but the results suggested a relation emerged in later adolescence for Protestant youth, the historical majority group. The value of this exploratory approach to examining relations between key context and psychological variables for youth in contexts of political tension and violence is discussed.
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Cummings, E. Mark, Christine E. Merrilees, Laura K. Taylor, Peter Shirlow, Marcie C. Goeke-Morey e Ed Cairns. "Longitudinal relations between sectarian and nonsectarian community violence and child adjustment in Northern Ireland". Development and Psychopathology 25, n. 3 (23 luglio 2013): 615–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954579413000059.

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AbstractAlthough relations between political violence and child adjustment are well documented, longitudinal research is needed to adequately address the many questions remaining about the contexts and developmental trajectories underlying the effects on children in areas of political violence. The study examined the relations between sectarian and nonsectarian community violence and adolescent adjustment problems over 4 consecutive years. Participants included 999 mother–child dyads (482 boys, 517 girls),Mages = 12.18 (SD= 1.82), 13.24 (SD= 1.83), 13.61 (SD= 1.99), and 14.66 (SD= 1.96) years, respectively, living in socially deprived neighborhoods in Belfast, Northern Ireland, a context of historical and ongoing political violence. In examining trajectories of adjustment problems, including youth experience with both sectarian and nonsectarian antisocial behaviors, sectarian antisocial behavior significantly predicted more adjustment problems across the 4 years of the study. Experiencing sectarian antisocial behavior was related to increased adolescent adjustment problems, and this relationship was accentuated in neighborhoods characterized by higher crime rates. The discussion considers the implications for further validating the distinction between sectarian and nonsectarian violence, including consideration of neighborhood crime levels, from the child's perspective in a setting of political violence.
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Knox, Colin, e Seamus McCrory. "Consolidating peace: Rethinking the community relations model in Northern Ireland". Administration 66, n. 3 (1 agosto 2018): 7–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/admin-2018-0025.

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Abstract Northern Ireland has now moved from ‘negative’ peace (the absence of violence, largely) to ‘positive’ peace (confidence-building measures to consolidate gains in voting practice and in reducing discrimination against the minority community in employment and housing allocation). This transition has involved funders at the European, regional and local levels investing in peace and reconciliation measures to consolidate political gains made since the Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement in 1998. This paper examines the achievements made to date, the extent to which they have resulted in a peace dividend for those most impacted by the violence, and whether the focus of peace-building interventions should shift away from the traditional community relations model. It finds that the reformed local authorities in Northern Ireland and the border regions could play a pivotal role in making a significant difference to peace-building through new legal powers in community planning.
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Barry, John. "Class, political economy and loyalist political disaffection: agonistic politics and the flag protests". Global Discourse 9, n. 3 (1 settembre 2019): 457–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/204378919x15646705882384.

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The flag protests in Northern Ireland (2012–13) offer an opportunity on the one hand to examine the politics of dispossession, national identity, decline and political violence in loyalist areas in Belfast. On the other, they are an opportunity to examine of hope, leadership and change within working class loyalism – not least, around the re-imagining of what Britishness can/could or perhaps should mean in post-Agreement Northern Ireland. This article offers an activist-academic perspective on and interpretation of the meaning and potential of those protests around how they reveal both a fracturing and potential for rethinking Britishness. It suggests the possibilities and limits of an inclusive, civic, rather than ethnic, national identity, and a sense of Britishness sufficient to the task of agonistic (as opposed to antagonistic) engagement and contestation with Irish nationalism and republicanism. By antagonistic I mean relations that are characterised in whole or part in terms of ‘friend-enemy’ thus containing within them the possibility of violence, while by agonistic I mean oppositional relations that do not contain this threat of violence. Agonism (from Greek agon, meaning ‘struggle’) emphasises the potentially positive aspects of certain (but not all) forms of political conflict. It accepts a permanent place for such conflict, but seeks to show how we might accept and channel this positively. It is also to affirm the legitimacy of one’s political adversary and their objectives even if one fundamentally disagrees with those objectives. The article argues that an agonistic conceptualisation of democracy and democratic change understood as non-violent disagreement (as opposed to consensus and agreement) is a more accurate and useful understanding than a conceptualisation of democracy and politics as either agreement or antagonism. In this way one can interpret the flag protests as vacillating between a legitimate democratic agonistic politics of struggle and contestation and an illegitimate, reactionary antagonistic politics of violence and threat.
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Prince, Simon. "Against Ethnicity: Democracy, Equality, and the Northern Irish Conflict". Journal of British Studies 57, n. 4 (ottobre 2018): 783–811. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2018.117.

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AbstractThe study of the Northern Irish Troubles is dominated by ethnic readings of conflict and violence. Drawing on new scholarship from a range of different disciplines and on fresh archival sources, this article questions these explanations. General theories that tie together ethnicity with conflict and violence are shown to be based on definitions that fail to distinguish ethnic identities from other ones. Their claims cannot be taken as being uniquely or even disproportionately associated with ethnicity. Explanatory models specifically developed for the case of modern Ireland do address that weakness. Yet, this article contends, they rest upon the fallacy that the Catholic and Protestant peoples are transhistorical entities. Political ideas, organizations, and actions cannot be reduced to fixed group identities. This article argues instead that the Troubles centered on a political conflict—one over rival visions of modern democracy. The pursuit of equality, the core value of democracy, led not only to conflicts but also to some of those conflicts becoming violent. Focusing on Belfast in the summer and autumn of 1969, this article sets out how the main political actors asserted competing claims to popular sovereignty and traces how multiple dynamic and intersecting conflicts became arrayed around the central one.
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Maksimova, P. V. "Overcoming Identity Crisis: Limits of Consociationalism and Stagnation in Northern Ireland Conflict Regulation". Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 101, n. 2 (23 giugno 2021): 144–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2021-101-2-144-162.

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Abstract (sommario):
For many decades, Northern Ireland has been characterized by a tense conflict of identities with frequent outbreaks of political and religious violence. At the end of the 20th century, a consensus was reached between the opposing sides on the need for a peaceful settlement of the contradictions, which was reflected in the 1998 Belfast Agreement. The most important part of the agreement was a transition to the consociational model of governance. Consociationalism was assumed to “cure” the Northern Irish region, save it from violence and antagonism, and help to establish a dialogue between the representatives of the region’s key collective identities — unionists and nationalists. However, although 22 years have passed since the introduction of the consociational system, the settlement of the conflict has not seen any obvious progress. The article attempts to trace the reasons for this state of affairs and, in particular, to find out whether consociational model could, in principle, live up to the expectations. Based on the analysis of the fundamental characteristics of this model, as well as the institutional patterns in the Northern Irish politics, P.Maksimova comes to the conclusion that consociational practices not only failed to contribute to the elimination of the antagonistic moods in the society, but also helped to preserve them. According to the author, consociational system is merely an instrument of crisis management, which, if misinterpreted, can only intensify confrontation and block the final settlement of the conflict. This is exactly what happened in Northern Ireland, where the specific features of the consociational system made it almost impossible to abandon group identities.
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Tesi sul tema "Political violence – Northern Ireland – Belfast"

1

Lee, Stuart Joseph Wilson. "The relationship between political violence and conventional crime in Northern Ireland". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609888.

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Richards, Anthony. "Political fronts of terrorist groups : a comparative study of Northern Ireland political fronts, their evolution, roles and potential for attaining political change". Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14395.

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This thesis outlines the evolution and roles of the political fronts in Northern Ireland and their potential for attaining political change. It will assess the impact of a number of selected 'variables', both 'internal' and 'external', on the utility (or lack of utility) of these fronts. The variables that have been selected for consideration are: 1) Ideology, structure and leadership, 2) The notion of violence as a habit, 3) Popular support, 4) State response and 5) Other factors and events in the External Environment. Alexander George's 'structured, focused, comparison' methodology will be employed and the selected cases are the Irish Republican Army, the Ulster Defence Association and the Ulster Volunteer Force. Although all of the 'variables' have had a significant impact the thesis argues that the greatest motivation behind the use of Simi Fein has been the desire to mobilise or tap perceived existing support. In the case of the loyalist political fronts the domestic external environment, specifically the perception that the loyalist working classes had been manipulated by 'respectable' unionist politicians, was the most important factor behind their greater use. Paradoxically, it is unionist culture (such as its 'law abiding' nature and division of labour ethos) that has presented the most significant obstacle to their utility. The thesis will then assess whether or not political fronts represent moderation towards the use of violence on the part of the groups. It will suggest that they have in the loyalist cases. Although the following argues that political fronts are very much part of the 'terrorist machinery' as the political voices and propaganda outlets for terrorist groups, and that it is a misconception to view them as the 'moderate half of a movement, the thesis will contend that Sinn Fein has also ultimately come to represent moderation towards the use of violence. The conclusion will then suggest that the selected variables be tested in other examples and, assuming that Sinn Fein has come to represent moderation towards the use of violence, will then attempt to draw some lessons from the case of the IRA and its political front that might be considered when studying other cases.
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Ives-Allison, Nicole D. "P stones and provos : group violence in Northern Ireland and Chicago". Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6925.

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Although the government of the United States of America was established to protect the rights to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness among all American citizens, this thesis argues intractable gang violence in inner-city Chicago has persistently denied these rights, in turn undermining fundamental (and foundational) American political values. Thus, gang violence can be argued to represent a threat to both civil order and state legitimacy. Yet, where comparable (and generally lower) levels of community-level violence in Northern Ireland garnered the sustained attention and direct involvement of the United Kingdom's central government, the challenge posed by gang violence has been unappreciated, if not ignored, by the American federal government. In order to mobilise the political commitment and resources needed to find a durable resolution to Chicago's long and often anarchic 'uncivil war', it is first necessary to politicise the problem and its origins. Contributing to this politicisation, this thesis explains why gang violence in Chicago has been unable to capture the political imagination of the American government in a way akin to paramilitary (specifically republican) violence in Northern Ireland. Secondly, it explains how the depoliticisation of gang violence has negatively affected response, encouraging the continued application of inadequate and largely ineffective response strategies. Finally, it makes the case that, while radical, a conditional agreement-centric peace process loosely modelled on that employed in Northern Ireland might offer the most effective strategy for restoring the sense of peace and security to inner-city Chicago lost over half a century ago.
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O'Kane, Damian Patrick. "Stress and the appraisal of political violence : a longitudinal study in Northern Ireland". Thesis, University of Ulster, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.260477.

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Reilly, Paul John. "Framing online communications of civil and uncivil groups in post-conflict Northern Ireland". Connect to e-thesis. Move to record for print version, 2008. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/131/.

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Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of Glasgow, 2008.
Ph.D. thesis submitted to the Faculty of Law, Business and Social Sciences, Department of Politics, University of Glasgow, 2008. Includes bibliographical references. Print version also available.
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Ellis, Kate. "The impact of community and political violence on children in Northern Ireland and Israel". Thesis, University of Ulster, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.554240.

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The following body of work consists of 4 studies examining the impact of community and political violence on children in Northern Ireland and Israel. The first study is an examination of mother's reports of their children's experiences and examines a number of factors including social identity, emotional security as well as emotional and behavioural adjustment. The first phase of the study involved conducting four focus groups in Belfast to guide the construction of two measures of sectarian and non sectarian anti social behaviour in Northern Ireland. The second phase then involved the administration of the questionnaire battery to mothers living in Londonderry with at least one child under the age of 17 years old. The second study was an investigation into children's experiences of political and community violence carried out with a sample of school children aged 15-18 years old living in Belfast and Londonderry. The study examined the impact of exposure on outcomes such as emotional and behavioural adjustment and depressive symptomology. This was a quantitative study of children's self reports. The third study was a replication of the Northern Irish school study with Israeli children. All measures were translated into Hebrew in order to allow a cross cultural comparison of two countries experiencing varying levels of political conflict. Finally, an investigation of the psychometric properties of the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (Good man, 1996). Both the Northern Irish sample and the Israeli sample responses were examined and a comparison made of the different factor structures obtained through factor analysis.
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de, Pretis Maura. "Women, politics and political violence in Northern Ireland : a study in historical feminist criminology". Thesis, University of Bristol, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.368719.

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Brock, Christopher. "Political violence and inter-ethnic conflict : An analysis with reference to Chechnya and Northern Ireland". Thesis, London Metropolitan University, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.523009.

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Voronkova, Anastasia. "Understanding the dynamics of ethnonationalist contention : political mobilization, resistance and violence in Nagorno-Karabakh and Northern Ireland". Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2012. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/2516.

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This thesis analyzes the dynamics of ethnic conflict evolution, mobilization and radicalization with a focus on Nagorno-Karabakh (1987–1992) and Northern Ireland (early 1960s–1969). It concentrates upon the periods when intersocietal communication was gradually being reinterpreted and reshaped on an ethnic basis, which also became increasingly crucial to public discourse. I argue that many of the weaknesses of the existing interpretations of these conflicts arise from an absolutization of single theoretical and methodological approaches. This study utilizes a synthesis of the literatures on ethnic conflict, social movements, collective action and nationalism. The perspective offered in this research sees nationalist activity as embedded in cultural contexts, social networks and intersubjective relations of reciprocity. I stress that the understanding of these dimensions is crucial to account for temporal evolution within and variation across nationalist movements. Securing the success of a specific nationalist agenda requires operating in an interdependent field of rival strategies of legitimation. The study also highlights unintended consequences in the trajectory of conflict development. Many academic accounts approach this subject from the point of view of one of the respective communities without recognizing the value of alternative conceptualizations. This study systematically examines the interactions, perceptions and attitudes of the main parties to the conflicts in question avoiding one-sided and often static interpretations. The thesis builds on extensive documentary and press material, archival research and over 50 semi-structured interviews. New empirical evidence presented here casts doubt on strong versions of the ‘ethnic entrepreneurship’ literature by emphasizing the fact that the connection 3 between developments on the ground and elite conduct was not purely automatic, and drawing attention to the symbolic repertoires, selfperceptions, categorizations and ideas that feed into the collective representation of the nation. I suggest that the constraints facing elites within each ethnic bloc, as well as ‘external’ (state) leaders, are built into the process of ethnic contestation. Overall, the thesis makes a strong case for greater attention to the limits of elite flexibility in sustaining uniform group preferences, freely opting for the path of compromise and/or (constitutional) reform.
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Marotte, Guilhem. "« The war is not over » : Analyse géopolitique d'une stratégie violente de contrôle du territoire communautaire républicain dans un Belfast post-conflit". Thesis, Paris 8, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA080071/document.

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Grâce au Good Friday Agreement (GFA) signé en 1998, l’Irlande du Nord connait une période de pacification sans précédent depuis les Troubles (1969-1998). Dans cette situation de post conflit, la violence liée aux affrontements entre groupes paramilitaires et forces de sécurité britannique a très largement diminué. Cependant, de petits groupes paramilitaires républicains s’opposent toujours au traité de paix. Cette thèse a pour objectif comprendre pourquoi les paramilitaires républicains anti-GFA continuent d’utiliser la violence alors qu’ils reconnaissent que, dans le contexte actuel, la lutte armée a peu de chance de conduire à la réunification de l’Irlande. A Belfast, l’analyse spatiale des violences intracommunautaires (perpétuées dans le cadre d’un système de justice alternatif) et des attaques contre les forces de police montre que la stratégie des organisations paramilitaires anti-GFA repose sur la création d’un cycle d’agitation. Il s’agit d’une stratégie de développement locale qui vise à maintenir des territoires d’exception. Ce terme désigne ici des territoires où la normalisation voulue par le processus de paix est limitée par les actions des républicains anti-GFA et où le monopole de la violence légitime est disputé. Cependant, cette stratégie de contrôle du territoire communautaire se heurte à toute une série de problèmes. En effet, les organisations paramilitaires anti-GFA sont de petits groupes fragmentés qui tendent à se diviser dans le temps. Enfin, l’influence des paramilitaires anti-GFA est limitée par un contexte social extrêmement défavorable à la lutte armée, par les actions des forces de sécurité, et par la présence et la stratégie du Sinn Féin
Thanks to the Good Friday Agreement (GFA) signed in 1998, Northern Ireland knows a period of pacification unknown since the Troubles (1969-1998). In this post-conflict situation, violence in the form of confrontation between paramilitary groups and British security forces has greatly decreased. Nevertheless, small republican paramilitary groups are still opposing the peace treaty. The goal of this dissertation is to understand why republican paramilitaries opposed to the GFA continue to rely on violence while recognizing that, in the current context, armed struggle has little chances of leading to the reunification of Ireland. In Belfast, spatial analysis of intracommunal violence (carried out within an alternative justice system) and attacks against the police indicate that the strategy of the paramilitary organizations opposed to the GFA relies on creating a cycle of unrest. This is a strategy of local development aiming at maintaining territories of exception. This concept here means territories where the normalization sought by the peace process is limited by anti-GFA republicans’ actions and where the monopole of legitimate violence is disputed. This strategy of communal territory control is however facing a series of problems. Anti-GFA paramilitary organisations are indeed small fragmented groups which often splinter overtime. Finally, anti-GFA paramilitary organizations’ influence is limited by a social context extremely unfavourable to armed struggle, by security forces, and by the presence and strategy of the Sinn Féin
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Libri sul tema "Political violence – Northern Ireland – Belfast"

1

Parker, Tony. May the Lord in His mercy be kind to Belfast. London: Cape, 1993.

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2

Belfrage, Sally. Living with war: A Belfast year. New York, N.Y., U.S.A: Penguin Books, 1988.

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Belfrage, Sally. Living with war: A Belfast year. New York, N.Y: Viking, 1987.

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Belfrage, Sally. Living with war: A Belfast year. New York, N.Y., U.S.A: Viking, 1987.

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Belfrage, Sally. Living with war: A Belfast year. New York, N.Y., U.S.A: Penguin Books, 1988.

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Parker, Tony. May the Lord in His mercy be kind to Belfast. New York: H. Holt, 1994.

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Baróid, Ciarán De. Ballymurphy and the Irish war. Baile Atha Cliath: Aisling Publishers, 1989.

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Cadwallader, Anne. Holy Cross: The untold story. Belfast: Brehon Press, 2004.

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Myers, Kevin. Watching the door: A memoir 1971-1978. Dublin, Ireland: Lilliput Press, 2006.

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Myers, Kevin. Watching the door: A memoir 1971-1978. Dublin, Ireland: Lilliput Press, 2006.

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Capitoli di libri sul tema "Political violence – Northern Ireland – Belfast"

1

Teague, Paul. "The Northern Ireland economy since the Belfast Agreement". In Brexit and the Political Economy of Ireland, 10–29. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. | Series: Routledge studies in the European economy: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003153283-2.

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de Búrca, Aoibhín. "Northern Ireland and the Provisional IRA". In Preventing Political Violence Against Civilians, 46–91. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137433800_3.

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Cairns, Ed, e Ronnie Wilson. "Stress, Coping, and Political Violence in Northern Ireland". In International Handbook of Traumatic Stress Syndromes, 365–76. Boston, MA: Springer US, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4615-2820-3_30.

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Hunter, John A., Maurice Stringer, Anita A. Azeem, Qiuyi Kong e Damian Scarf. "The Language of Political Violence in Northern Ireland". In Leadership and Politics, 443–67. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-56415-4_18.

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Borooah, Vani K. "Growth and Political Violence in Northern Ireland, 1920–96". In The Political Dimension of Economic Growth, 266–77. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26284-7_14.

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White, Lisa. "Masculinities, Pain and Power: Gendering Experiences of Truth Sharing in Northern Ireland". In Gender, Agency and Political Violence, 184–99. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-37024-1_11.

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Farrington, Christopher. "Introduction: Political Change in a Divided Society — The Implementation of the Belfast Agreement". In Global Change, Civil Society and the Northern Ireland Peace Process, 1–21. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230582552_1.

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McKiernan, Joan, e Monica McWilliams. "The Impact of Political Conflict on Domestic Violence in Northern Ireland". In Gender Relations in Public and Private, 244–60. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24543-7_13.

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Simpson, Kirk. "Untold Stories: Unionist Remembrance of Political Violence and Suffering in Northern Ireland". In Unionist Voices and the Politics of Remembering the Past in Northern Ireland, 80–96. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230244894_4.

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Simpson, Kirk. "‘It was worse in the beginning’ Recalling the Adjustment to Political Violence". In Unionist Voices and the Politics of Remembering the Past in Northern Ireland, 61–79. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230244894_3.

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Rapporti di organizzazioni sul tema "Political violence – Northern Ireland – Belfast"

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Milligan, James. Power-Sharing as a Means of Conflict Resolution. Fribourg (Switzerland): IFF, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.51363/unifr.diff.2023.40.

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Abstract (sommario):
Historical ethnic cleavages transpiring into periods of intense violence and political disarray are features that characterise both Northern Ireland and Cyprus in their recent history. Many similarities about the conflicts in both countries can be observed, yet Northern Ireland has been successful at securing peace and Cyprus has not. This paper aims to explain why this has been the case and if it could be possible for Cyprus to reach an agreement in the future. The approaches used in both countries concerning power-sharing are addressed and a considerable focus is applied to the theory of power-sharing known as consociationalism. The main conclusion taken from the study is that the peace process in Cyprus has been a long and arduous development, that whilst many will consider as a failure, has been successful in agreeing on a framework for the institutional makeup of the country through a bi-zonal and bi-communal federation. The next step for Cyprus is to overcome the external contextual factors holding back a peace agreement and this paper argues that the approach taken in Northern Ireland could be used to influence future negotiations.
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