Tesi: "POLITICAL SCIENCE / Women in Politics"

1

Höen, Bustos Emma. "When women opt out of politics : Exploring gendered barriers to political candidacy". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-312933.

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This study aims to explore women’s perceived barriers to enter politics investigated through a Colombian case study. The Colombian case highlights a paradox common in Latin America where representation levels of women in legislatures are low, but representation in other professions is high. Research on gender and candidate selection has so far mainly focused on applying a macro, top-down perspective and describing objectively defined barriers to women’s political representation. This study changes the perspective and focuses on applying a bottom-up approach, focusing on individual women and their subjective views on barriers to enter politics. The material was collected during an 8-week field study in various locations in Colombia between July and August 2016. The findings suggest that the intersection between socioeconomic factors and gender play a large role in defining barriers to enter politics. Personal as well as systemic factors interoperate to lower both the “supply” and “demand” of candidates. The results also suggest that some professional groups are more likely to reject institutional participation, focusing political efforts on activism, and that families and political parties both serve as “gatekeepers” enabling or disabling political representation. Key words: Gendered barriers to enter politics, political participation and representation, candidate selection, Colombia, clientelism, formal and informal institutions.

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2

Xydias, Christina V. "Women Representing Women?: Pathways to Substantive Representation". The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1269445382.

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3

Chang, Yan Margaret. "A study of political literacy of women group members in community development service in Hong Kong". [Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong], 1993. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B13857885.

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4

Prasad, Bela. "Women in politics : a cross-national demand and supply analysis". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/8174.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2002.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 142-149). Includes bibliographical references (leaves 142-149).
It is striking that the sharp increase in the number of countries moving towards self-governance and democracy has not been accompanied by more equal political representation of women. What is equally puzzling is the contrast in the share of women in positions of political authority observed between countries, with many developed nations having fewer women legislators than a number of lesser-developed countries. Why are there so few women in most parliaments and why is there such variation across countries? To understand gender-based inequality in political authority, we look at the various stages of candidacy and identify potential bottlenecks to women participation and election into public office. There are three stages which one must pass through successfully to become a legislator. The first is becoming eligible and a part of the pool from which politicians are drawn, then being selected as a candidate and finally being elected to office. Potential barriers to entry for women in the legislative process may exist at any or all of these three stages. Each of these candidacy stages is discussed through a cross-national analysis and a case study of India. The cross-national data is for 175 countries at three points in time: 1975, 1985 and 1995. The Indian case study looks at women in parliament from the first general elections in 1951-1952 and focuses most on the 1996 parliamentary data. We argue that the key factor limiting the recruitment of women into politics is women's sparse representation in the pool from which politicians are recruited. Just as in thecase of men, women are drawn from an elite pool based on their occupational achievements.
(cont.) Countries that have a greater share of women in their professional and managerial labor force are able to recruit more women into politics. Having women well represented in the eligibility pool for political candidates, broadly the elite professions is necessary to provide a conduit for women into politics. While female labor force participation has increased dramatically in the last three decades, the relative position of women in highly paid/high status professions has increased only marginally. So it is not a case of active discrimination against women in politics or a case of different gender preferences, with women having less interest in politics. It is fundamentally a case of women being less represented in the specific labor pool from which politicians are drawn. In a number of developing countries, secluded labor markets have provided access for women from elite families into top industry and professional leadership positions. This has led to a relatively larger proportion of women in the political eligibility pool and consequently to a higher level of female recruitment in politics than in countries in which women comprise a smaller part of the elite professional pool. However, in many countries, the process of industrialization has generated economic and social pressures that have imposed greater restrictions on women in the economic, and consequently, political sphere. This suggests that economic development, while it opens some opportunities for women, can also make achievement of higher leadership positions more difficult.
by Bela Prasad.
Ph.D.

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5

Ginebreda-Frendel, Elena. "Was Roe v. Wade Enough?: The Effects of Post-Roe Policies on Low-Income Women". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/243.

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6

Hanada, Nanaho. "A Bridge between Civil Society and Electoral Politics? Political Integration of Women in the Japanese Non-profit Organizations". The Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1248870159.

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7

Umerah-Udezulu, Ifeyinwa E. "The state as capitalist patriarchy: Women and politics in developing countries". DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 1995. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/1352.

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This inquiry considers how class and gender concerns affect the emergence of women in developing countries as political leaders and how they fare in power. In the contemporary era, the Marxist and the Classical approaches have been used in explicating the state. While Marxism focuses on class conflict, its classical variant perceives the state as a neutral arbiter acting in protection of its national interest. The theoretical inadequacies in the above assumptions stem from the fact that gender is not central to the state-centered models. Women as a group compose a vital segment of the global population and should not be merely described as interests and classes. My attempt is to establish a woman-centered framework in evaluating the state, while focusing on women in the contemporary era who have governed their countries. This research centers on the Philippines, India, Pakistan and Nicaragua and involves an in-depth assessment of gender/class issues. The research postulates that the mutual alliance between gender and class had a direct bearing on the emergence and decline of women as policy makers in developing countries. The research question is: How did patriarchy reinforce capitalism so as to pave the way for women to rise and fall from power? From the standpoint of methodology, the image of gender-biased state is the feminist starting point for developing hypotheses and theories about the differentiated inclusion of women and men into the state system. The case study approach was used in testing this hypothesis. The preliminary findings are that women's class affiliations affect their political advancement. While they are in office, the class and gender factors impact their performance leading to their subsequent downfall. Women, therefore, are not positioned equally with men in the state system. The state is patriarchal no matter who governs.

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8

Moorman, Kathleen A. ""Draw-the-President": An Analysis of Children's Images of the Presidency and How They Affect Women in Politics". Kent State University Honors College / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ksuhonors1525356952716329.

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9

Eggert, Elizabeth. "Gender and Politics: Why More Women Do Not Seek Candidacy". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/985.

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This thesis seeks to explore why so fewer women seek political candidacy in the United States. I begin by seeing if the political arena has progressed, if at all, within the last thirty years. A comparison between the number of female legislators in the United States versus other western industrialized nations is used to see if there are cultural or institutional causes of gender disparity in governments throughout the world. I then examine existing factors that both encourage and discourage women from running for political office. External factors include the type of electoral process the United States uses, Political Action Committees (PACs) marketed to support female candidates, media coverage, and incumbency blockades. A discussion on internally existing factors analyzes ever existing stereotypes of men, women and leaders that result both from socialization of gender roles and inherent anatomical discrepancies between males and females. After analyzing the various factors I conclude that immutable biological differences between men and women affect political ambition and will consequently affect how many women seek political candidacy. This finding may not sit well with activists striving for political parity, but it is a reality society needs to accept. We cannot use anatomical gender differences as justification to prevent women from seeking office. But understanding the inherent causes will stop the criticism and essentially the undermining of women in American politics.

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10

West, Diana Burghard. "Women State Legislators and Political Culture". W&M ScholarWorks, 1997. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626126.

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11

Fairio, Mary. "Women and Politics in Presence: Case of Papua New Guinea". Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1399559917.

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12

Jean-Louis, Angela. "Influencing American Health Policy: An Analysis of the Role of National Black Women-Led Organizations". DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2017. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/cauetds/73.

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Through a multiple case study approach, this dissertation outlined patterns of activism, examined the factors that assist in decision-making strategies used for the political mobilization of black women, and assessed the role and influence their organizations have in the health policy arena. Building on the belief that the intersectionality of race, gender, and class guides the activism of black women, the study acknowledges the importance of analyzing the political conditions of black women that are different from black men and white women. Furthermore, the research offered an argument for the need of a theoretical framework that provides a multidimensional analysis of black women’s political representation. For that reason, the theory developed in this study was a Black Women’s Activism Theoretical Framework. Expanding on black feminist thought, the framework reveals ways in which black female activists have mobilized for self-representation and building of their own collective self, vision, and voice. A mixed research method and holistic case studies of five national black women- led organizations in the areas of breast cancer, cardiovascular disease, and HIV/AIDS were applied. The qualitative data were quantified, coded, and placed on outcome, legislative, and perception success scales to gauge the level of successfulness achieved by the organizations from 2001 to 2015. The data were analyzed with a Black Women’s Activism model. With this analytical tool, the role and level of successfulness of black women-led organizations in the health policy arena were examined within the context of socioeconomic factors and historical barriers due to the intersectionality of their race, gender, and class, thus validating that the shared experiences of black women characterize their organizational behavior. Moreover, this study challenges the traditional definitions of activism, opting instead to place black women as political actors independent of the dominate group. The findings reveal that there are multiple pathways leading to the attainment of the ability to influence health policy and that black women-led organizations have played a pivotal role in doing so. Dispelling the myth that the political activism of black women should be through the lens of victimhood, the utilization of a Black Women’s Activism model has the potential to assist researchers in increasing their accuracy when assessing the extent in which black women-led organizations have been able to exercise a critical voice within the prevailing political culture.

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13

Kaul, Sharika. "Sexual Violence Against Women in India: The Role of Public Policy and Social Media in the Persistence of Sexually Violent Crimes". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/739.

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Following the 2012 gang-rape of a 23-year-old paramedic student in New Delhi, India's rape culture received unprecedented global attention. The Central Government sought to reduce the incidence of sexually violent crimes against Indian women by implementing policy changes. However, crimes against women and reported rapes have continued to rise. This paper seeks to explain the persistence of sexually violent crimes in India by arguing that contemporary public policies and the dominating presence of men's rights organizations on social media platforms have reproduced rapability in unique and dangerous ways.

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14

Daniels, Nathan James. "The Impact of Women on the Political Process in Latin America". University of Toledo Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=uthonors1367564219.

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15

Duque-Salazar, Juan Diego. "When armed politics empower women : Gender ideologies in armed groups and women’s political empowerment: Evidence from Colombia". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-385097.

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This study aims to account for variation on women’s political empowerment in localities during wartime. I draw upon political ideologies and civilian-armed group interaction literature to argue that gender ideologies could explain why some conflict-affected areas have more women’s political empowerment than others. I argue that gender egalitarian ideologies in armed groups leads to specific organizational structure and political discourse where women are allowed to take leadership and political-related roles within the armed groups. More specifically, I argue that gender egalitarian armed groups not only encourage women to take public roles within their group but also to engage in politics in communities under their territorial control through four strategies: ideological meetings, penetration of social and political organization, establishment of social behaviors and infiltration in electoral politics. I test this argument using quantitative sub-national data looking at territorial control of non-state armed groups and number female mayor candidates in Colombia from 1997 to 2007. I expect that guerrilla areas, are more likely to have more female candidates compared with paramilitary areas. Surprisingly, I found an opposite direction, where paramilitary areas have more female candidates compared with guerrilla areas. I offer an alternative explanation based on the qualitative sources in order to account for the unexpected findings.

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16

Mihindou, Piekielele Eugenia Tankiso. "The African Renaissance and gender : finding the feminist voice /". Thesis, Link to the online version, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/1113.

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17

Dancz, Virginia H. "Women and party politics in Peninsular Malaysia /". Singapore ; Oxford ; New York : Oxford university press, 1987. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37381932v.

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18

Slamat, Anastasia Nicole. "NGOs as linkages between grassroots women and the state : prospects for state feminism in South Africa". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/80228.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The core question that is addressed by this research is whether, and to what extent South African women’s NGOs contribute to enhancing state feminism through their ability to articulate and mobilise the strategic interests of women at grassroots level to appear on the national agenda, through the channels provided by the National Gender Machinery (structures of the state). A literature review was conducted that draws on the work of predominantly feminist authors in order to locate this research in previous scholarly knowledge that is relevant to the purpose of this study. The literature review includes elaboration of concepts like state feminism, women’s interests, agenda setting, civil society, and linkages between the women’s movement and the National Gender Machinery (NGM). A theoretical framework developed by Stetson and Mazur (1995), which aims at measuring whether gender machineries facilitate an increase in gender equality within the state, is used. The framework utilises two dimensions in order to investigate the level of state feminism within a country, i.e. state capacity, which investigates to what extent gender machineries influence and inform policy that is feminist and gender friendly; and state-society relations, which investigates the extent to which gender machineries provide opportunities for organised civil society actors (women’s organisations) to engage and access policy making and contribute to policy influence. In order to examine the levels of state capacity present in South Africa with regard to gender equality, current patterns of politics (a concept used by Stetson and Mazur) are considered. This is done in order to evaluate whether the political context is conducive to the passing and implementation of policy that is of a feminist nature. A qualitative study of the experience of four South African women’s NGOs, using face-to-face interviews specially designed for this purpose, was undertaken. The NGOs were interviewed in order to ascertain the status of state-society linkages, and whether the state provides access to civil society actors to inform policy making and implementation from a gender-friendly perspective that is reflective of grassroots women’s interests. The NGOs interviewed are the New Women’s Movement (NWM), the Women’s Legal Centre, the Black Sash and the International Labour Research and Information Group (ILRIG). The findings of the fieldwork are analysed according to the framework of Stetson and Mazur (1995) in order to formulate a response to the research question. Findings include the presence of state capacity that is hostile to gender issues, with minimal (unreceptive) efforts to engage society actors in a flourishing state-society relationship. The provision of unreceptive and inconsistent space provided by the state, the lack of commitment to gender by women working within the state, and the state of “decline” that many South African NGOs are facing, have led to a “blockage” in the articulation of gender issues by NGOs that emanates from grassroots level to inform policy making, and contributes to the institutionalisation of state feminism. The national levels have therefore been largely out of touch with the interests of women at grassroots level as a result of minimal engagement and communication through the (dysfunctional) NGM. The state has spoken on behalf of, and decided on behalf of, women what is best for them and their livelihoods. Instead of being a gateway to the institutionalisation of state feminism, the state has acted as a patriarchal entity and has, to a very large extent, further entrenched gender inequality and the hardships faced by ordinary South African women at grassroots level.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die kernvraag wat deur hierdie navorsing aangespreek word is of, en tot watter mate, Suid-Afrikaanse vroue se nie-regeringsorganisasies (NRO’s) bydra tot die verbreding van staatsfeminisme deur hul vermoë om die strategiese belange van vroue op voetsoolvlak te artikuleer sodat dit op die nasionale agenda deur die kanale wat deur die Nasionale Gender Masjinerie (NGM) (strukture in die staat) verskaf word, verskyn. ’n Literatuurstudie, wat die werk van hoofsaaklik feministiese outeurs aanhaal, is onderneem om hierdie navorsing binne vorige akademiese kennis wat relevant is tot die doel van hierdie studie, te plaas. Dit sluit bespreking van konsepte soos staatsfeminisme, vrouebelange, agenda-skepping, burgerlike samelewing, en verhoudings tussen die vrouebeweging en die NGM in. ’n Teoretiese raamwerk wat deur Stetson en Mazur (1995) ontwikkel is, wat ten doel het om vas te stel of gendermasjinerie ’n toename in geslagsgelykheid binne die staat fasiliteer, word gebruik. Die raamwerk gebruik twee dimensies om die vlak van staatsfeminisme in ’n land te ondersoek, naamlik staatskapsiteit, wat ondersoek tot watter mate gendermasjinerie beleid wat feministies en gender-vriendelik is, beïnvloed en inlig; en staat-samelewing verhoudinge, wat ondersoek instel na die mate waartoe gendermasjinerie geleenthede bied vir akteurs vanuit die georganiseerde burgerlike samelewing om toegang te kry tot en deel te neem aan die beleidmakings- en -implementeringsproses. Om die vlakke van staatskapasiteit t.o.v. geslagsgelykheid in Suid-Afrika te ontleed, word kontemporêre politieke patrone (’n konsep wat deur Stetson en Mazur gebruik word) gebruik. Dit word gedoen om vas te stel of die politieke konteks gunstig is vir die goedkeuring en implementering van beleid van ’n feministiese aard. ’n Kwalitatiewe studie van die ervaring van vier Suid-Afrikaanse NRO’s met behulp van aangesig-tot-aangesig onderhoude wat spesiaal vir hierdie doel ontwerp is, is onderneem. Die onderhoude is met die NRO’s gevoer om die status van staat-samelewing verhoudings vas te stel, en om te bepaal of die staat toegang verleen aan akteurs vanuit die burgerlike samelewing om beleidmakings- en -implementeringsprosesse vanuit ’n gender-vriendelike perspektief, wat die belange van vroue op voetsoolvlak reflekteer, te informeer. Die NRO’s waarmee onderhoude gevoer is, is die New Women’s Movement (NWM), die Women’s Legal Centre, die Black Sash en die International Labour Research and Information Group (ILRIG). Die bevindinge is volgens die raamwerk van Stetson en Mazur (1995) geanaliseer ten einde ’n antwoord op die navorsingsvraag te bied. Die bevindinge sluit in die aanwesigheid van staatskapasiteit wat vyandig gesind is teenoor gendersake, met minimale (nie-ontvanklike) pogings om akteurs vanuit die samelewing betrokke te kry in ’n florerende staat-samelewing verhouding. Die voorsiening van ’n nie-ontvanklike en nie-konsekwente ruimte deur die staat, die gebrek aan toewyding tot gendersake deur vroue wat binne die staat werk, en die toestand van agteruitgang wat baie Suid-Afrikaanse NRO’s in die gesig staar, het gelei tot ’n “blokkasie” in die artikulering van gendersake deur NRO’s, wat hul oorsprong het vanaf die voetsoolvlak om beleidmaking te informeer, en by te dra tot die institusionalisering van staatsfeminisme. Die nasionale vlak is dus baie uit voeling met die belange van vroue op voetsoolvlak a.g.v. minimale betrokkenheid en kommunikasie deur die (disfunksionele) NGM. Die staat praat en besluit namens vroue oor wat die beste vir hulle en hul bestaanswyses is. In stede van ’n poort te wees tot die institusionalisering van staatsfeminisme, tree die staat op as ’n patriargale entiteit en dra dit grootliks daartoe by om gender-ongelykheid en die swaarkry van gewone Suid-Afrikaanse vroue op voetsoolvlak verder te verskans.

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Helton, Josh A. "Politics of Gender and Sexuality in Contemporary Altered Carbon". Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1587732433724245.

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20

Henderson, Nancy Ann. "British Aristocratic Women and Their Role in Politics, 1760-1860". PDXScholar, 1994. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4799.

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British aristocratic women exerted political influence and power during the century beginning with the accession of George III. They expressed their political power through the four roles of social patron, patronage distributor, political advisor, and political patron/electioneer. British aristocratic women were able, trained, and expected to play these roles. Politics could not have existed without these women. The source of their political influence was the close interconnection of politics and society. In this small, inter-connected society, women could and did influence politics. Political decisions, especially for the Whigs, were not made in the halls of government with which we are so familiar, but in the halls of the homes of the social/political elite. However, this close interconnection can make women's political influence difficult to assess and understand for our twentieth century experience. Sources for this thesis are readily available. Contemporary, primary sources are abundant. This was the age of letter and diary writing. There is, however, a dearth of modern works concerning the political activities of aristocratic women. Most modern works rarely mention women. Other problems with sources include the inappropriate feminization of the time period and the filtering of this period through modern, not contemporary, points of view. Separate spheres is the most common and most inappropriate feminist issue raised by historians. This doctrine is not valid for aristocratic women of this time. The material I present in this thesis is not new. The sources, both contemporary and modern, have been available to historians for some time. By changing our rigid definition of politics by enlarging it to include the broader areas of political activities such as social patron, patronage distributor, political advisor, and political/electioneer, we can see British aristocratic women in a new light, revealing political power and influence.

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Bhat, Reiya. "India’s 1947 Partition Through the Eyes of Women: Gender, Politics, and Nationalism". Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1524658168133726.

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22

Whitener, Angela Michele. "The Integration of Women into North Carolina Politics: An Examination of Boards and Commissions". NCSU, 2004. http://www.lib.ncsu.edu/theses/available/etd-01232004-153852/.

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This thesis examines women?s participation in politics by utilizing a model of gender integration. This model shows that there are two ways that women enter the political world: horizontally and vertically. Horizontal integration represents the increase of women into politics in numbers while vertical integration requires that women ascend to positions of power and leadership within the institution. The main focus of this study is an analysis of women?s appointment to boards and commissions in North Carolina. My analysis focuses on the number of women serving on forty boards and commissions over an eight-year period. The boards and commissions were chosen in two groups. First, a survey of elected officials and other key individuals was performed to assess the state?s most powerful boards and commissions. The top twenty of these were chosen for examination. Then, twenty lesser boards and commissions were chosen at random. After a statistical analysis of my results, I conclude that women are not making significant gains in their appointments to boards and commissions and I explain this lack of progress as an example of the continuing significance of political roles. Throughout the paper, I explore definitions of gender and how a woman?s experiences may affect her participation in certain issue areas in the political realm, particularly with regard to appointments to boards and commissions. In addition, I discuss women in North Carolina politics from 1920 to the present and give substantive examples of how women have influenced public policy in North Carolina.

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23

Tucker, Katherine K. "The impact of socialization on the political participation of women in the American political system". DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 1999. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/1385.

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The purpose of this study is to explore the extent to which political socialization agents influence the role that women participate in the American Political Process. These agents include the family, the school, peer groups, religious institutions, the mass media, and occupation class and status. In addition, to determine to what degree have women participated in the American Political Process. In an attempt to fulfill these purposes, the political activity of Trailblazers in the American Political System was examined, and compared to current female electives. Also, the traditional views of women, beginning from the late 1960s to the present were examined, to determine if ideal societal roles of women have changed. Other procedures used included the use of secondary data derived from the U.S Census reports from the late 1960's to the present. Additional data were taken from the U.S. Board of Elections, the Internet and the 1996 Political Attitudes Survey conducted by the Department of Political Science at Clark Atlanta University. The results revealed different value systems in society and how they have changed over time. Although women are still far from being equal to that of men, great improvement has been made. Today, women continue to out number men at the polls and are increasingly being elected to political positions. Results also revealed that women were politically active within their, communities, churches, etc, long before gaining the franchise. They were campaign organizers, in attendance at rallies, active demonstrators and even rebellion leaders. Unfortunately, they were not given notoriety for their activism, and consequently, appeared to be less mobile than they truly were.

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24

Conti, Erika. "Political rights and representation for women in Egypt". Thesis, IMT Alti Studi Lucca, 2008. http://e-theses.imtlucca.it/63/1/Conti_phdthesis.pdf.

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Since their independence, Arab countries have experienced several periods of political openness based firstly on the establishing and then the strengthening of democratic institutions: universal suffrage, elections, representative assemblies, the system of checks and balance to foster rule of law. By the Nineties, a wave of potentially deepreaching political changes seemed to be underway in the Arab region in general and the North Africa in particular In Egypt, Mubarak launched a new period of political liberalisation with even more vigour with the starting of the XXI century. The first multi-party presidential elections held after the approval of a constitutional amendment was the most optimistic sign of this shifting period. Probably triggered by international organization, Mubarak continued seeking for a public support of its political reform. The government officially claims higher participation of all citizens and promises concrete actions in favour of under-represented groups, such as women. A deeper analysis reveals some discrepancies between government’s rhetorical discourse and actions. Restriction on political rights and freedom with the maintenance of the emergency law questioned seriously the reversal trend toward authoritarianism. Is the real government’s engagement towards the rule of law? Is it effectively involved in the construction of a more inclusive system where all fragments of the society are represented? The present research is intended to provide some answers by a twofold structure: some general tools for analysis and, afterwards, the case-study focused on the exercise of women’s political rights.

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Awomolo, Abiodun Adegboye. "The political economy of market women in Western Nigeria". DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 1998. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/601.

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This study examined the political- economy of market women paying close attention to the impact of governmental economic policies on women’s trade. Our analysis was based on the experiences of market women in western Nigeria as a case study. The study focused particularly on the wage and salary restructuring awards awards (Udoji) of the 1970S and the Structural Adjustment Policies (SAPs) of the late 1980s to present. On a secondary level, the study attempted theory-building of Africana feminism using the position of market women as the focus of analysis. To achieve its primary goal, the study presented and analyzed the following: (a) the impact of presumablY gender-neutral policies on women’s trade; (b) the plight of women traders in a gender-differentiated market arena; and (c) coping mechanisms market women utilize in light of the two preceeding conditions. To fulfill the secondary objective, an examination was conducted of feminist writings theoretizing the situation of African women vis-a-vis the reality of their existence. In this case study, triangulation was used to test the validity of the data collected. Secondary data was collected as well as primary data using a questionnaire and personal interviews. In addition, a videotape recording of markets was undertaken to conoborate survey findings. From our examination of the data, both primary and secondary, we found that market women were adversely impacted by SAPs conditionalities. Three major findings resulted from this study: (1) Stagnation of trade: the combination of devaluation of the naira, lack of money in circulation, ban on imports, high maintenance fees for market space, and non-payment of workers salaries by the government, aggravate consumer buying power and result in the stagnation of trade; (2) Market overcrowding: mass retrenchment brought women and men into the market who would normally not consider trade as an occupation. This situation in turn creates a reduction in individual sales, excessive competition for customers, and market overcrowding; and (3) Political alienation of market traders by the state: The current oppressive administration, fluctuation in leadership, arbitrary enforcement of policies, and police harassment have forced market women to assume a reactionary posture whereby they ignore state policies, attempt to dialogue with government officials, or stage marches and riots in order to demonstrate their dissatisfaction. Finally, our theoretical examination revealed the need for a socio-cultural construct to be integrated into the nexus of race, class, and gender within Africana feminism in order to make it a viable framework to discuss market women as a microcosm of women in developing countries.

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26

Belcastro, Julia. "Political Representation of Women in Argentina and Bolivia : A comparative case selection study on the effects of women´s movements on political representation". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-437700.

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27

Nelson, Scott G. "Feminist critiques of politics/science : discursive controversies at the intersection of gender and science /". Thesis, This resource online, 1993. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-06302009-040430/.

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28

Wide, Jessika. "Kvinnors politiska representation i ett jämförande perspektiv - nationell och lokal nivå". Doctoral thesis, Umeå University, Political Science, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-921.

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The purpose of this dissertation is to map and analyze the spatial and temporal variation in women’s political representation at both the national and local level. In the dissertation it is argued that women’s political representation is the outcome of the interplay between structures, institutions and actors. The perspective is a comparative one, in which quantitative analyses and more qualitative case-studies complement each other. When analysing spatial variation a mainly quantitative approach is taken, while the case-study approach is applied to the temporal variation.

The first empirical chapter examines whether female representation in the lower houses of the world’s parliaments co-varies with other indicators of the political situation of women in order to ensure the validity of the analysis. In the second empirical chapter female representation in parliaments of the world during the post-war period is analyzed. In the third empirical chapter the focus narrows down to women’s political representation in Western Europe during the post-war period, where both the national and local level is analysed. The fourth empirical chapter consists of case studies of six countries. Sweden, Norway and the Netherlands feature high female representation; France, Greece and Ireland low female representation. In the fifth empirical chapter women’s political representation at the local level in Norway and Sweden is analysed during the post-war period. In the sixth empirical chapter the temporal variation in female representation in a number of Swedish municipalities is analysed, from the introduction of female suffrage in 1921 until 2002.

The result is that both structures, institutions and actors are necessary to explain the spatial and temporal variation in female representation. There is no direct link between structures and female representation. The structure does affect the actors and co-varies with the institutions, but successful actors as entrepreneurs might boost female representation. Actors are important. The increase in female representation cannot be seen as an automatic process taking care of itself. Conscious actors are necessary both to affect and to monitor the development. An unfavourable structural context might be compensated for by actors and institutions which favour female representation.

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Jacobs, Chantal, e Chantal Rowena Jacobs. "Attitudes towards Gender Equality and the Representation of Women in Parliament: A comparative study of South Africa, Uganda and Zimbabwe". Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4053.

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Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Although gender equality is evident in many spheres in African countries, the entry of women into political institutions has often been described as slow and unequal. In sub-Saharan African countries this trend is particularly associated with social, cultural and historical barriers within political spheres that hinder gender equality in political leadership and an equal representation of women in parliament. The issues of gender equality and the representation of women in parliament have long been hotly contested debates on the continent and in sub-Saharan African countries more specifically, largely as a result of different cultural heritages and countries‟ being poised at varying phases within the democratic consolidation process. It is necessary to evaluate attitudes towards gender equality in order to determine whether a populace embraces the principles of gender equality. Of equal significance is the evaluation of the percentage of women represented in parliament as an important indicator of whether gender equality is perceived by the populace to be an important principle in practice. In order to gauge the levels of gender equality and the representation of women in parliament in sub-Saharan Africa, this study evaluates attitudes towards gender equality and a number of its dimensions, namely women in leadership positions, equal education and the economic independence of women; it also investigates the representation of women in parliament by examining the actual numbers of women representatives in parliament in South Africa, Uganda and Zimbabwe. This in an attempt to determine whether there is a link – either directly or indirectly – between attitudes towards gender equality and the number of women represented in parliament. For comparative purposes the attitudinal patterns and trends towards gender equality, as measured in the World Values Survey 2001, are evaluated amongst respondents in South Africa, Uganda and Zimbabwe. This study also identifies four independent variables, namely gender, level of education, residential status (urban vs. rural) and age in an attempt to explain some of the differences in attitudes towards gender equality between the three samples. iii The main findings include, amongst others, that: the South African sample has by and large the most positive attitudes towards gender equality in comparison to its Ugandan and Zimbabwean counterparts; and that a higher percentage of women are represented in the South African parliament in contrast to Uganda and Zimbabwe. The independent variables prove to be fairly good predictors of the varying attitudes towards gender equality across the three samples. This study concludes that in sub-Saharan Africa positive attitudes towards gender equality can indeed be linked to a higher percentage of women represented in parliament; however, the inverse – that negative attitudes towards gender equality can be linked to low percentages of women represented in parliament – is not substantiated.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Alhoewel geslagsgelykheid sigbaar is in baie sfere in Afrika lande word die toegang van vroue tot politieke instellings dikwels beskryf as stadig en ongelyk. In sub–Sahara Afrika-lande word hierdie neiging in besonder geassosieer met sosiale, kulturele en historiese hindernisse binne politieke instellings wat geslagsgelykheid in politieke leierskap en gelyke verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlement belemmer. Die kwessie rondom geslagsgelykheid en die verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlement is ŉ sterk debat op die Afrika kontinent en meer spesifiek in sub-Sahara Afrika-lande, hoofsaaklik as gevolg van verskillende kulturele tradisies en verskille in die fases van demokratisering. Dit is nodig om die houdings ten opsigte van geslagsgelykheid te evalueer om te bepaal of ŉ bevolking die beginsels van geslagsgelykheid aanvaar. Hiermee saam is die evaluering van die persentasie van vroue verteenwoordiging in die parlement ŉ belangrik aanwyser van die feit dat geslagsgelykheid deur die bevolking as ŉ belangrike beginsel beskou word. Ten einde die vlakke van geslagsgelykheid en die verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlemente in sub-Sahara Afrika te meet, bespreek hierdie studie die houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid en ŉ aantal van sy dimensies, naamlik vroue in leierskap posisies, gelyke opvoeding en die ekonomiese onafhanklikheid van vroue. Dit bestudeer ook die vroue verteenwoordiging in die parlemente in Suid-Afrika, Uganda en Zimbabwe. Hierdie studie poog verder om te bepaal of daar ŉ verbintenis - direk of indirek - bestaan tussen die houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid en die aantal vroue verteenwoordigers in die parlemente van die lande onder bespreking. Die studie se doel is om vas te stel of positiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid verbind kan word met ŉ hoër persentasie van vroulike verteenwoordigers in die parlement. Vir vergelykende doeleindes, is die houdingspatrone en neigings teenoor geslagsgelykheid, soos gemeet in die die Wêreld Waardes Opname, ondersoek tussen die respondente in Suid-Afrika, Uganda en Zimbabwe. Die studie identifiseer ook vier onafhanklike veranderlikes, naamlik geslag, opvoedingvlak, woongebied (stedelik vs plattelands) asook ouderdom, in ŉ poging om sommige van die verskille in houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid tussen die drie lande te verduidelik. v Die vernaamste bevindings sluit onder meer in dat: Suid-Afrika by verre die sterkste positiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid het in vergelyking met Uganda en Zimbabwe; en, dat daar ŉ hoër persentasie van vroue verteenwoordiging in die Suid-Afrikaanse parlement is, in vergelyking met Uganda en Zimbabwe. Die onafhanlike veranderlikes blyk redelike goeie voorspellers te wees van die verskille in houdings teenoor geslagsykheid regoor die drie lande. Die studie kom tot gevolgtrekking dat binne hierdie drie lande, positiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid verbind kan word met ŉ hoër persentasie van verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlement, maar dat die teenoorgestelde - dat negatiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid verbind kan word met ŉ laer persentasie van verteenwoordiging van vroue in parlement – nie ondersteuning in die data kry nie.

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30

Wildschut, Angelique Colleen. "Investigating women's participation in protest politics between 1991 and 2001". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53473.

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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The involvement of women in both conventional and unconventional forms of political participation in South Africa has over the past 10 years, and often at present, been experienced as problematic and limited. Exacerbating the problem of limited access and information, the study of, and literature about, women's participation in unconventional forms of politics have also been limited. It is the aim of this study to contribute to our knowledge in this area. This study investigates women's participation in unconventional politics between 1991 and 2001. This period is specifically important, as it makes possible the examination of trends in women's political participation before and after the democratic transition in 1994. This makes it possible for us to speculate about the influence of transition on women's political participation. I propose and evaluate two mam hypotheses in which I; firstly, expect women's participation in protest politics to decrease between 1991 and 2001, and secondly, expect to find women's levels of participation in protest to be consistently lower than that of their male counterparts. The complex set of variables influencing women's participation is evaluated according to the socialization and structural approaches, which offer different assumptions about the reasons for the trends in women's participation. In conclusion, I offer the main findings of my research, as well as suggesting possible areas still to be investigated within the field, as deduced from the questions arising out of my analysis in this project.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die betrokkenheid van vroue in beide konvensionele en onkonvensionele vorme van politieke deelname in Suid Afrika, was oor die laaste 10 jaar, en is steeds ervaar as problematies en beperk. Wat die probleem vererger, is die beperkte toegang tot informasie, die studie van, en literatuur oor, vroue se deelname in onkonvensionele vorme van politiek. Dit is in die strewe na die oorkoming van hierdie leemtes, dat hierdie werk aangepak word. Hierdie werk ondersoek vroue se deelname in onkonvensionele politiek tussen 1991 en 2001. Hierdie periode is spesifiek belangrik, omdat dit die demokratiese transisie na 1994 insluit, en om neigings in vroulike deelname voor en na 1994 te bestudeer. Dit maak dit moontlik om oor die invloed van die transisie op vroue se politieke deelname te spekuleer. Ek stel, en evalueer twee hoof hipoteses waarin ek; eerstens, verwag dat vroue se deelname in protes politiek sal verminder tussen 1991 en 2001, en tweedens, verwag ek om te vind dat vroue se vlakke van deelname in protes, deurentyd laer sal wees as die van mans. Die komplekse stel veranderlikes wat vroue se deelname beinvloed, word geevalueer in terme van die sosialisering- en strukturele benaderings, wat verskillende voorstelle oor die motivering van die geobserveerde neigings in vroue se deelname oplewer. Ten slotte, bied ek die hoof bevindinge van my navorsing aan, so wel as voorstelle ten opsigte van moontlike areas vir verder ondersoek binne die veld.

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Spence, RuthAnne. "Raise their voices: Maine legislative women making meaning of feminism". Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.

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32

Urquhart, Diane. "The political role of women in north-east Ulster, 1890-1940". Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.286860.

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33

Brown, Dorian L. "Survivors: an analysis of relocated Somali women in Georgia". DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2001. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/874.

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The purpose of this study was twofold. The first priority was to determine how relocated Somali women in Georgia addressed their political, economic, social, and psychological needs. The second priority was to determine whether gender roles changed, and how those changes impacted the lives of relocated Somali women in Georgia. This research is necessary due to the lack of literature on relocated women, especially African women, and the obstacles they face once they resettle in a country of asylum, especially in their own words. This study is significant because it documents relocated women’s experiences in their own words. Fifty surveys and ten interviews were administered to obtain oral histories of the women’s experiences from Somalia to the United States. The research conducted under a Third World feminist framework yielded the following results. Relocated Somali women in Georgia address their political, economic, social, and psychological needs by utilizing government and nongovernment agencies, their community, and network preservation. Findings from the work suggest that relocated Somali women should be traced to further examine their progress. The findings also provide an opportunity to assess and compare the progress of relocated Somali women in Georgia with relocated Somali women in Canada, Australia, or other states, such as Minnesota.

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34

Ljung, Johanna. "Protecting Women to Protect the World? : A critical examination of the `Women and Peace´ thesis through process tracing in the case of Kenya". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-384101.

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Despite the number of decades dedicated to research the causes of conflict, an answer has yet to be found. The theoretical discussions to date have in large been blind to the implications of gender. However in 2009, in spite of gender’s general dismissal as ultimate cause, five professors joined together and formulated the ‘Women and Peace’ thesis. It argues, with the statistical significance to show, that women’s physical security greatly effects state security. To explain how women’s physical security affects state security the ‘Women and Peace’ thesis use, amongst other theories, the controversial choice of evolutionary biology and psychology. The purpose and aim of this study has its point of departure within that choice; it aims to critically examine the statements of the ‘Women and Peace' thesis that are based in evolutionary biology and psychology, and social learning theory. It has done so by conducting a process tracing in the case of Kenya, with the help of a theoretical framework derived from segments of the ‘Women and Peace’ thesis. The findings in this study represents a first step towards the essential empirical research for it to be possible to decide wether there is causality and not just covariation behind the statistical significance presented in the 2009-study. In this case, the findings largely corroborate the initial skepticism towards evolutionary theory, while also concluding that social learning theory shows signs of having some explanatory power to it. This study argues that, if found to be empirically accurate, the results of the ‘Women and Peace’ thesis have the potential to completely change the universal strategies used for peacebuilding today. Therefore this study argues that it should not be dismissed, but developed to a state where it is less dependent of evolutionary theory due to its issues with measurement and causality.

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Sray, Karen L. "Accessing the power within the challenge of gender and cultural identity to post-conflict reconstruction in Iraq /". Quantico, VA : Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA490818.

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36

Ojior, Omoh Tsatsaku. "African women and political development: A case study of Etsako women in Edo State of Nigeria". DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2000. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/3313.

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This dissertation draws attention to covert efforts directed at African women that seek to negatively affect the family structure and the historic cultural value systems, thereby destabilizing the African family setting, and destroying the society through a process of depopulation in Etsako in Edo State, and by extension, Nigeria and Africa. The researcher employed the African philosophy of politics and government as the conceptual framework most suitable for this research. The American woman’s knowledge of the African woman was investigated. Equally, the African woman was examined to determine what she thinks of her womanhood role. The findings established that the struggle for political development of the African woman is pregnant with meaning, as it is a vital aspect of some of the covert and overt influence of the West directed at the Africans’ root of existence. Other finding include the following: 1. That the Western World has targeted the entire population of Etsako, Nigeria and Africa by an extension, for a political resocialization that is alien to the people of Africa. 2. That the American woman has limited knowledge of the African woman. 3. That in the effort to adversely influence the African woman, some African American women of the intelligentsia are unknowingly being used to facilitate some of the covert efforts. 4. That the African women appreciates her womanhood roles in the home front and her external relations; and, 5.that the African woman’s political efficacy, from a Western political framework, in the African political systems, will destroy the traditional family structure, the cultural and moral basis of the people. This will further destroy the historic African cultural value systems and, eventually lead to a moral void and the collapse of these societies. Deviant behavior and deliberate depopulation will trigger the collapse. The study, therefore, recommends among other things that to prevent such cultural destabilization, the Etsako people and possibly, Nigeria need to educate and politically socialize their women, from an African socio-cultural political framework. This is a major way by which Etsako and Africa by extension will command Western political respect.

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Clarke, Roland Tuwea. "Postwar Reconstruction in Liberia: The Participation and Recognition of Women in Politics in Liberia". PDXScholar, 2013. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1038.

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Despite the remarkable contributions made by women to secure peace in Liberia, women's representation in politics is still low. The first female African President has been elected, as well as a few women to strategic government positions, but the vast majority of women remain invisible. The reliance on these few women in government is inadequate to produce the significant changes that will be required to bring equality for all women. This study examines the recognition of women's relative participation and recognition in postwar reconstruction in Liberia. Differences between traditional and non-traditional women's participation in Liberia were found. This study includes interviews and document review as methods for exploring how women, traditional and nontraditional, may or may not participate in Liberian political decisions.

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38

McCrystal, John. "For God or Man: Notions of Women in Seventeenth Century England". Thesis, University of Auckland, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/2292/2083.

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This study argues that 'new' ways of speaking about the nature and status of women are evident in the literary record of late seventeenth century England, particularly in the writings of Mary Astell (1666-1731). Writing to oppose the natural rights-based political theory of the 'Father of Modern Liberalism', John Locke, Astell employed the secular, rationalist, individualistic language which Locke himself used to argue the equal human dignity of women with men. Hers was the first unequivocal plea made by an English writer. The subject of this study is the provenance of these new modes of thinking about women. The result of a survey of primary sources, dating primarily from the period 1600-1700, it first seeks to show that seventeenth century England inherited a 'traditional' notion of women and their status from antiquity; scriptural, philosophical and empirical evidence of women's moral and intellectual equality with men coexisted uneasily with the consensual notion that they were men's subordinates. This notion survived the Continental and English Reformations to be incorporated into the theology of both the Church of England and the Puritans alike. Thinking and writing about women took place in the context of an 'ideology of order', wherein individuals were considered solely in relation to society and in terms of their obligations and status. It is then argued that the paradox of women's equal humanity and subordinate status first received serious interrogation during the political crises of 1640-1660. Radical Protestants, who placed the individual believer - male or female - at the centre of religious life, allowed women to participate to an unprecedented degree in worship. The potential of radical Protestantism to challenge the traditional subordination of women was obvious in the political theory of the 'Levellers', who secularised religious individualism to produce a programme of democratic reform. The invisibility of women in this proto-liberal programme is given special attention here. The paradox inherent in the traditional notion of woman was thrown into sharp relief, furthermore, in the course of the political debates between royalists and parliamentarians during the Civil War; both sides attempted to liken the relationship between king and people to that between husband and wife. The marriage analogue served to highlight the gap which was opening between political analysis and the justifications for the subordination for women. Finally, it is argued that renewed political crisis in the last two decades of the century saw the introduction of secular individualism to English political thought, reinforced with the 'new' metaphysics of Descartes. John Locke considered that since individuals constructed society for their own ends, they could resist government where these were not being served. Yet as Astell pointed out, Locke fell back upon the traditional assumption that women ought to be subordinated in this society to men. She adopted the new metaphysics to show not only that Locke's political conclusions were wrong and dangerous, but also to show that women, their subordinate social status notwithstanding, were of equal dignity and worth to men.
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39

Morton, Ennette Y. "Leadership traits and characteristics of elected California women political leaders". Thesis, Pepperdine University, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3558398.

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From the beginning of women’s entry into government and politics, namely the suffrage movement, the male lead political system did not embrace women’s involvement. While women have played an influential role in the political system, they were largely relegated to supporting roles. However, within the past century, women have become a stronger force in policy making and continue to shatter the stereotypes that has persisted through the years.

The purpose of this study was to examine how specific leadership traits and characteristics have contributed to the career progress of 6 elected women who represent California constituents within the local, state, and federal levels of the U.S. legislative system. By exploring the leadership traits and characteristics of women political leaders, this research can (a) contribute to the scholarly studies of women political leaders, (b) provide information for women who aspire to serve in a political office, (c) offer an oral history and a rare personal perspective of current-day women political leaders, and (d) further the dialog regarding women’s participation in the political arena.

This study used a qualitative design and an ethnographic research methodology to evaluate and elicit information on the shared experience of the elected women. The researcher used a purposive sampling strategy to select the participants who were women currently seated in elected positions at the local, state, and federal level of California government.

Semi-structured interviews were conducted. Each participant was videotaped and the transcripts of the videotape, along with the notes were the data source for the study. The information was analyzed and grouped by themes. The data yielded 7 themes the participants self reported as the key traits, skills, and characteristics that are important to their political success: (a) responsibility, (b) sociability, (c) relationships, (d) consensus building, (e) self-confidence, (f) cooperativeness, and (g) persistence. The video analysis produced results that showed participants’ nonverbal mannerisms were consistent with the themes they identified as important in their success.

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40

Berwing, Sandra. "Traditionella könsmänster eller ökad jämställdhet? : Partiernas jämställdhetspolitik under 30 år". Thesis, Växjö University, School of Social Sciences, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-1893.

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Abstract

The aim of this thesis is to investigate how the Swedish political parties have been discussing gender politics since 1970 to nowadays, in order to see which problems and solutions that have been suggested by the parties to increase the representation of women and the equality between the sexes. The theoretical framework is constructed by theories of women´s representation, gender politics and women’s interest.

To describe how the discussions about gender politics have been between the different parties, the methodological foundation consists of an ideology critical textual analysis of the political programs from the Swedish parties.

The analysis confirms that the discussions about gender politics and the political representation of women increase over time. The most important issue of equality is the lack of women´s rights and possibilities in the labor market as a consequence of women´s responsibility of home and childcare. The analysis also shows that parties which discuss women as a category and the underrepresentation of women also point out the importance to increase equality between men and women.

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Vertus, Neree Nathalie. "Exploring the Leadership Strategies of Women of the 111th Congress". ScholarWorks, 2015. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/1985.

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Men dominated the Senate and the House of Representatives for the first 128 years of the United States history until Jeannette Rankin became the first female congresswoman in 1917. This phenomenological study included in-depth interviews with 20 women of the 111th United States Congress. The critical mass theory and the token status theory are 2 theories to explore the negative environment and stereotyping that undermine a woman's performance and leadership. The participants were selected through a snowballing technique. A modified Van Kaam method was used to analyze the data by grouping similar ideas, identifying key points, and relating concepts and developing themes and constructs. Four themes emerged from the study: perseverance, mentorship, teamwork, and leadership. Perseverance was a strategy to bill passage. Being labeled as the gender minority encouraged the congresswomen to persevere not only for their success but also for their country and the multitude of women depending on them. Women in leadership positions facilitated and encouraged their political parties to prioritize issues related to women such as childcare, gender equality, and equal pay. Teamwork was quintessential to the passage of legislation. Members of the United States congress were able to form alliances and develop sustainable relationship through bill sponsorship. Social implications include the ability to provide guidance to women who aspire to engage in leadership roles and to provide organizations with information to create leadership development programs that focus on career paths for women seeking leadership positions in industries in which women are underrepresented.

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42

Fotopoulou, Aristea. "Remediating politics : feminist and queer formations in digital networks". Thesis, University of Sussex, 2012. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/39666/.

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This thesis examines feminist and queer actors emerging in highly mediated environments and the forms of political organisation and critical knowledge production they engage in. It indicates that older debates around gender and sexuality are being reformulated in digital networks and identifies alternative understandings which are being developed. The study foregrounds a performative conceptualisation and argues that political realities are produced in dynamic configurations of communication media, discourses and bodies. It suggests that network technologies constitute sources of vulnerability and anxiety for feminists and stresses the significance of registering how embodied subjectivities emerge from these experiences. To achieve its aims and to map activity happening across different spaces and scales, the project attended to context-specific processes of mediation at the intersections of online and offline settings. It employed ethnographic methods, internet visualisation, in-depth interviewing and textual analysis to produce the following key outcomes: it registered changing understandings of the political in relation to new media amongst a network of women's organisations in London; it investigated the centrality of social media and global connections in the shaping of local queer political communities in Brighton; it complicated ideas of control, labour and affect to analyse emerging sexual identities in online spaces like nofauxx.com, and offline postporn events; finally, it traced feminist actors gathering around new reproductive technologies, at the crossing fields of grassroots activism and the academy. Today, women's groups and queer activists increasingly use networked communication for mobilisation and information-sharing. In a climate of widespread scepticism towards both representational politics and traditional media, questions about the role of digital networks in enabling or limiting political engagement are being raised. This thesis aims to contribute to these debates by accounting for the ways in which feminist and queer activists in digital networks reformulate the relationship between communication media and politics.

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43

Shames, Shauna Lani. "The Rational Non-Candidate: A Theory of Candidate Deterrence". Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11438.

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This research presents results of a multi-year, multi-site investigation into the political ambition of young eligible candidates, with a focus on ambition gaps in gender and race. Using an original survey and interviews with an untested population (law and policy school students at elite
Government

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Hughes, Melanie M. "Politics at the Intersection: A Cross-National Analysis of Minority Women's Legislative Representation". Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1217434642.

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45

Donaghy, Tahnya Barnett. "Women, political recruitment and candidacy in Scotland and Northern Ireland, 1996-1998". Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.301698.

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46

Modlin, Jessie. "Analyzing the Discourse: How Khomeini and Khamenei Shape the Role of Women in Iran". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/941.

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47

Lundborg, Regnér Anna. "A greater evil – the emerging role of women in al Qaeda". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-324382.

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48

Wyatt, Gina E. "The portrayal of black men and black women in selected works of selected black authors". DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 1988. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/344.

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Abstract (sommario):

Black male and female authors have been known to place black men and black women in stereotypical roles. Black male authors usually depict black women as weak and uneducated while black female authors illustrate black men to be users, abusers, drug addicts and uneducated individuals. The negative depictions are believed to have come about as a result of slavery. There has been strong criticism by black men and women in the way we depict each other in literature. Eight books by black male and female authors have been selected in order to fairly review how they portray each other in their literature. The study’s conclusion will determine whether each gender portrays the opposite gender in a derogatory manner.

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Blomgren, Emelie. "Women and Political Participation : A Minor Field Study on Hindrances for Women's Political Participation in Georgia". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, SV, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-9910.

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This thesis examines hindrances for women’s representation in Georgian politics at national level. The purpose is to understand what causal mechanisms that impact female representation in the National Parliament of Georgia. More precisely, the main purpose is to examine the hindrances for women to participate in politics in order to facilitate a deeper understanding of the known phenomenon of under-representation of women in politics. The thesis seeks to understand the contemporary situation in Georgia. The thesis is carried out with the case-study design and material consists mainly of interviews with female members of Parliament, representatives from political parties, and gender-issue experts from NGOs. The analysis of this thesis is also based on the results of previous research. The questions asked in the study are: What are hindering factors for women’s political participation in contemporary Georgia? and What are women’s organisations’, political parties’ and policy entrepreneurs’ role in increasing women’s political participation in Georgia? The overarching theoretical framework used in the thesis consists of structures, institutions and actors as well as feminist theory. The thesis argues that major obstacles for women to participate in politics are public opinion, the electoral system and the nomination process in political parties in Georgia. Further, influential individuals, so called policy entrepreneurs are seen as having an important role for the increase of women’s political participation and gender-equality issues in general. The most likely action to be seen is continued training and education for society as a whole, mainly targeting women. Affirmative actions such as party quotas seem far away.

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Abdelzadeh, Ali. "Kvinnor i en mansdominerad värld : En jämförande studie om kvinnors representation i de etablerade demokratiernas parlament". Thesis, Örebro University, Department of Social and Political Sciences, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-2357.

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Abstract (sommario):

The purpose of this study is to map out and to analyze the spatial variation of female representation at the national level in established democracies. The aim is also to explain the variation in the female representation. The main questions that the paper tries to answer are:

1.How does women representation in established democratic parliaments vary?

2.Why does women representation in established democratic parliaments vary?

This study is a comparative and statistic study, i.e. a study that includes a bigger number of countries and where quantitative analysis methods are used in order to achieve comparative analyses. This study is both a descriptive and an explanatory study. The statistical method that is used in this study is mainly bivariat analysis and multivariat regression.

The results show that the variation in female representation in the established democracies is quite considerable. Sweden, Norway, Finland, Denmark and Netherlands feature high female representation at the national level during the period 1995-2005. The result also implies that the proportion of women in parliament increases during the current period. The result also shows that political institutions, socio-economic -and cultural factors, are important and necessary in order to explain the variation in female representation. The overall standards that can be discerned of the statistical analyses is that the proportion of women in parliament is higher in countries with a proportional electoral system, high number of parliament members, high socio-economic development (high HDI, GDI and GNP per capita) contemporary as the country introduced female suffrage in an early stage and have a more positive attitude toward female leadership.

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Tesi sul tema "POLITICAL SCIENCE / Women in Politics"

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