Articoli di riviste: "Political participation – cross-cultural studies"

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Chan, Michael, Hsuan-Ting Chen e Francis L. F. Lee. "Cross-Cutting Discussion on Social Media and Online Political Participation: A Cross-National Examination of Information Seeking and Social Accountability Explanations". Social Media + Society 7, n. 3 (luglio 2021): 205630512110356. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20563051211035697.

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The question of whether cross-cutting discussion engenders or depresses political participation has offered mixed findings in the literature. Following recommendations from a meta-analysis, this study tests two competing arguments: the information seeking explanation for engendering participation and the social accountability explanation for attenuating participation. Probability surveys were conducted among young adults in Taiwan, Hong Kong, and China, and analyses examined the relationship between cross-cutting discussion on social media and online political participation. For the Taiwan and Hong Kong samples, political information seeking positively mediated the relationship, but desire to avoid social conflict also attenuated the relationship. Neither mechanism was significant for the China sample. The findings suggest that the competing explanations are not mutually exclusive, and they highlight the importance of examining the variety of contingent conditions that influence the relationship between cross-cutting discussion and political participation in different national contexts.

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Wong, Victoria. "Cultural/Political Activism and Ethnic Studies (1969–2019)". Ethnic Studies Review 42, n. 2 (2019): 151–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/esr.2019.42.2.151.

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The author reflects on her decades of cultural and political activism in the fight for Ethnic Studies—from her role in the 1969 Third World Strike at UC Berkeley, to her community activism after her graduation, to her participation in the fiftieth anniversary of the strike, including a transcription of her speech at the event.

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Kobayashi, Tetsuro, Asako Miura, Dani Madrid-Morales e Hiroshi Shimizu. "Why are Politically Active People Avoided in Countries with Collectivistic Culture? A Cross-Cultural Experiment". Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 52, n. 4 (13 aprile 2021): 388–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00220221211008653.

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Although most democratic theories assume that political participation other than voting constitutes an essential input to the political process, little is known about the cultural universality of this assumption. Drawing on cultural psychology findings derived from the widely shared framework of collectivism versus individualism, the present study tests the hypothesis that political demonstrators in collectivistic countries are socially avoided because they are perceived to be a threat to harmonious interpersonal relationships. A cross-national experiment in eight countries (US, UK, France, Germany, Japan, China, South Korea, and India) and one region (Hong Kong) indicated that political demonstrators are socially avoided, and this tendency was significantly stronger in collectivistic countries. Moderated-mediation analyses suggested that the social avoidance of political demonstrators in collectivistic countries is mediated by the perception that they are a threat to harmonious interpersonal relationships. The cross-cultural validity of democratic theory is discussed.

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Ginieniewicz, Jorge. "The Scope of Political Participation". Journal of International Migration and Integration / Revue de l'integration et de la migration internationale 8, n. 3 (settembre 2007): 327–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12134-007-0025-9.

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Ghandnoosh, Nazgol. "‘Cross-cultural’ practices: interpreting non-African-American participation in hip-hop dance". Ethnic and Racial Studies 33, n. 9 (ottobre 2010): 1580–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870903548799.

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Kaitavuori, Kaija. "Participation in cultural legislation". International Journal of Cultural Policy 26, n. 5 (26 agosto 2019): 668–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10286632.2019.1656202.

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Klesner, Joseph L. "Political Attitudes, Social Capital, and Political Participation: The United States and Mexico Compared". Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 19, n. 1 (2003): 29–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2003.19.1.29.

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Political values have impact when they shape political participation. A comparison of political participation rates of Mexicans, Mexican-Americans, and the general U.S. population reveals that participation is highest among the general U.S. population, lowest among Mexicans, and at intermediate rates among Mexican-Americans. The article explores the attitudinal bases of political participation, finding that political engagement is a strong predictor of participation, while general perspectives on the political regime do not shape participation rates. The strongest predictors of political participation are variables generally grouped under the category social capital: involvement in non-political organizations, social trust, and an avoidance of television. Because Mexicans and Mexican-Americans have lower levels of social capital, political participation is lower among those groups than the general U.S. population. Yet, there remain unexplained differences in participation among the three groups that can be attributed to institutional and historical constraints on political involvement in Mexico and among Mexican-Americans. Los valores polííticos tienen impacto cuando contribuyen a formar la participacióón políítica. Una comparacióón de las tasas de participacióón políítica de mexicanos, mexicano-americanos y la poblacióón general estadounidense revela que la participacióón máás alta se da en la poblacióón general estadounidense, la máás baja en los mexicanos, y el nivel intermedio en los mexicano-americanos. El artíículo explora las bases de las actitudes en la participacióón políítica, encontrando que el involucramiento políítico es un fuerte indicador de la participacióón, mientras que las perspectivas generales sobre el réégimen políítico no forman tasas de participacióón. Los pronóósticos máás fiables de participacióón políítica son las variables generalmente agrupadas bajo la categoríía de capital social: participacióón en organizaciones no polííticas, confianza social, y la anulacióón de la televisióón. Dado que los mexicanos y los mexicano-americanos tienen niveles máás bajos de capital social, la participacióón políítica es inferior entre estos grupos que en la poblacióón general estadounidense. No obstante, hay aúún diferencias no explicadas de la participacióón en los tres grupos que pueden ser atribuidas a restricciones institucionales e históóricas sobre la participacióón políítica en Mééxico y entre los mexicano-americanos.

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Lagaert, Susan, e Henk Roose. "Gender and highbrow cultural participation in Europe: The effect of societal gender equality and development". International Journal of Comparative Sociology 59, n. 1 (19 gennaio 2018): 44–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020715217753271.

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Existing individual-level research links women’s higher participation in high-status cultural activities to their position in work and family spheres. This article studies how cross-national variation in women’s and men’s cultural participation relates to societal care- and work-related gender equality and development. Multilevel analyses on Eurobarometer data (2013) indicate that male engagement in the feminine domain of care and societal development stimulates frequent participation in highbrow culture, but more for men than for women, thus partly explaining gender gap variation in highbrow cultural participation across European Union countries. We conclude that men play an important but underestimated role in the explanation of the gender gap.

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Heras Monner Sans, Ana Inés, e María del Socorro Foio. "Discourse, meaning, and political participation". Journal of Multicultural Discourses 4, n. 3 (novembre 2009): 297–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17447140903390846.

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Castellino, Joshua. "Muslim political participation in Europe". Ethnic and Racial Studies 37, n. 10 (14 aprile 2014): 1906–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2014.894204.

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Kuan‐Hsing, Chen, Ti Wei e Ken‐fang Lee. "Political participation in 2004: an interview with Hou Hsiao‐Hsien". Inter-Asia Cultural Studies 9, n. 2 (giugno 2008): 324–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14649370801965760.

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Wrinkle, Robert D., Joseph Stewart, J. L. Polinard, Kenneth J. Meier e John R. Arvizu. "Ethnicity and Nonelectoral Political Participation". Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences 18, n. 2 (maggio 1996): 142–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/07399863960182004.

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Wong, Janelle. "The Making of Asian America through Political Participation". Journal of American Ethnic History 22, n. 2 (1 gennaio 2003): 103–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27501294.

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Klemmensen, Robert, Peter K. Hatemi, Sara Binzer Hobolt, Inge Petersen, Axel Skytthe e Asbjørn S. Nørgaard. "The genetics of political participation, civic duty, and political efficacy across cultures: Denmark and the United States". Journal of Theoretical Politics 24, n. 3 (18 giugno 2012): 409–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0951629812438984.

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Recent studies have shown that variation in political attitudes and participation can be attributed to both genes and the environment. This finding raises the question of why genes matter to participation, and by which pathways. Two hypotheses suggest that feelings of civic duty and sense of political efficacy intermediate the relationship between genes and political participation and, thus, that these traits have a common heritable component. If so, how robust are the relationships across cultural contexts? Utilizing two new twin studies on political traits, one in Denmark and one in the United States, we show that the heritability of political participation and political efficacy is remarkably similar across cultures. Moreover, most of the covariation between efficacy and political participation is accounted for by a common underlying genetic component.

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Bot, Willemijn, e Maykel Verkuyten. "Evaluating the political organisation of Muslim citizens in the Netherlands: The role of political orientation, education and multiculturalism". Journal of Social and Political Psychology 6, n. 2 (27 luglio 2018): 364–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v6i2.901.

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Political participation is an important aspect of the integration of Muslim citizens into western societies. However, Muslims’ formal political participation is often met with resistance from the majority population. In two studies, we investigated among national samples of majority Dutch whether the level of resistance to the democratic political organizations of Muslim citizens is associated with political orientation and level of education. Furthermore, we examined whether these associations are mediated by the endorsement of multiculturalism. Findings from both studies show that the higher educated and politically left-wing individuals are more supportive of Muslim political organisation and that this association is (partly) explained by the endorsement of multiculturalism. Additionally, in Study 2 it is found that attitudes toward cultural tradition and group equality mediate the relations between education and political orientation with multiculturalism.

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Nyqvist, Fredrica, Mikael Nygård, Rodrigo Serrat e Marina Näsman. "DOES SOCIAL CAPITAL ENHANCE POLITICAL PARTICIPATION? A MULTILEVEL ANALYSIS OF YOUNGER AND OLDER ADULTS IN EUROPE". Innovation in Aging 7, Supplement_1 (1 dicembre 2023): 510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/geroni/igad104.1675.

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Abstract Political participation encompasses institutionalised activities such as attending meetings of a political organisation as well as non-institutionalised activities including contacting politicians, signing petitions or boycotting. Both forms of activities tend to be dependent upon birth cohort, political socialisation, and period effects like changes in the welfare state design. Furthermore, it is also connected with other domains of civic engagement as well as trust. Social capital theory focuses on social connections and roles fostering civic engagement, including political participation, however, the relationship between social capital and political participation might look different for different types of political activities. The aim of this study was, therefore, to test the importance of social capital for different types of political participation in younger and older adults by analysing cross-national data from the European Quality of Life Survey (EQLS) in 2016. Data was collected in 33 European countries and includes more than 36,000 individuals aged 18 and over. Multilevel regression analysis was used to explore individual-level and country-level social capital on different measures of institutionalised and non-institutionalised political participation in younger and older adults. The results showed that a third of the sample participated in non-institutionalised activities whereas 11 percent participated in institutionalised activities. Both forms of political participation were lower among older adults as compared to younger age groups. While social capital was identified as an important predictor of political participation, it was also shown that these associations were conditioned by larger cultural, political and welfare institutional contexts.

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Kim, Sunmin. "RETHINKING MODELS OF MINORITY POLITICAL PARTICIPATION". Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 16, n. 2 (2019): 489–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x19000201.

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AbstractPolitical science research has repeatedly identified a strong correlation between high socio-economic status and political participation, but this finding has not been as robust for racial and ethnic minorities. As a response, the literature on minority political participation has produced a series of different models for different groups by adding group-specific variables to the standard SES model. In assigning a single model per group, however, the literature tends to overlook intra-group differences as well as inter-group commonalities, thereby effectively reifying the concept of race and ethnicity. Using survey data from Los Angeles, this article develops a different approach aimed at detecting intra-group differences as well as inter-group commonalities through a recognition of political “styles.” First, using latent class analysis (LCA), I identify a set of recurring configurations of individual dispositions (education, political knowledge…) and political acts (voting, protest…) that define different political styles. Then I examine the distribution of these political styles across racial and ethnic groups. The results reveal three novel findings that were invisible in the previous studies: 1) all groups feature a considerable degree of intra-group difference in political styles; 2) each group retains other political styles that cannot be captured by a single model; and 3) there are commonalities of political styles that cut across racial and ethnic boundaries. Overall, this article presents a model for quantitative analysis of race and ethnicity that simultaneously captures intra-group differences and inter-group commonalities.

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Moeller, Judith, Claes de Vreese, Frank Esser e Ruth Kunz. "Pathway to Political Participation". American Behavioral Scientist 58, n. 5 (17 dicembre 2013): 689–700. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764213515220.

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Lu, Chieh, Ching Wan, Pamsy P. Hui e Yuk-yue Tong. "In Response to Cultural Threat: Cultural Self-Awareness on Collective Movement Participation". Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 51, n. 1 (16 dicembre 2019): 70–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022022119888795.

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This study investigated the role of cultural self-awareness, an individual’s awareness of culture’s influence on the self, on collective movement participation. We posited that individuals who were highly aware of their culture’s influence on them would more likely perceive self-relevance of cultural circumstances. In the context of a cultural threat, such perception of self-relevance would lead to psychological and behavioral reactions that affirm one’s collective identity. We tested our predictions during a collective political movement in Hong Kong. Results showed that among Hong Kong university students, the higher the cultural self-awareness, the more they participated in the collective movement. The relationship was mediated by increased pride in Hong Kong and a more exclusive Hong Kong identity. The findings highlighted the importance of metacognitive reflection of the self in collective processes.

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Vissandjée, Bilkis, Shelly Abdool, Alisha Apale e Sophie Dupéré. "Women's Political Participation in Rural India". Indian Journal of Gender Studies 13, n. 3 (ottobre 2006): 425–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097152150601300305.

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Kim, Hang-Seob. "Political Participation of Conservative Protestant Churches and Democracy in Argentine". Iberoamérica 23, n. 2 (28 dicembre 2021): 55–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.19058/iberoamerica.2021.12.23.2.55.

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Schneewind, Sarah. "Beyond Flattery: Legitimating Political Participation in a Ming Living Shrine". Journal of Asian Studies 72, n. 2 (21 marzo 2013): 345–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911812002203.

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Ming (1368–1644) subjects of all classes, theoretically without a voice in the selection of bureaucratic personnel and setting of government policy in their hometowns, exploited the dynamic tensions within the orthodox Mandate of Heaven ideology to claim a legitimate political voice through one ubiquitous yet understudied local institution, the pre-mortem shrine. Meant to express gratitude to good magistrates and prefects moving on to other positions, the shrines were suspect as flattering an official in hopes of return favors. To forestall accusations of such corrupt gentry networking, steles for living shrines included or invented the voices of local commoners. Whether this meant that commoners living under the reality of autocracy and class oppression could actually affect personnel and policy or not, erecting such steles as permanent features in the landscape did legitimate commoners’ political participation within the same discourse that justified imperial rule and the dominance of educated men.

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Skórzyńska, Agata. "Czy możliwe jest kulturoznawstwo aktywistyczne? Partycypacja w perspektywie filozofii praxis". Prace Kulturoznawcze 19 (15 settembre 2016): 15–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0860-6668/19.2.

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Is methodological activism in culturalstudies possible? Participation inthe perspective of the philosophy of praxisThe main aim of the paper is to refine and highlight one of the topics of this book, which is the overlap of several different understandings of cultural participation: 1 based on cultural theories and traditional, continental cultural studies discourses, where participation was usually understood as acontribution of the subject to the collective systems of beliefs; 2 based on the “critical theories” of culture, British cultural studies, political philosophy and critique or art theory and practice, where the term participation is often used to explain agrassroot, bottom-up activity, civic participation and acontribution of individuals and groups to public domain, 3 based on the political philosophy and the political practice, 4 based on contemporary theory and critique of art practices, empirical social research of cultural participation. All of these understandings have a lot in common, they are negotiable as well. What differentiates them, possibly, is the concept of social/cultural change which they involve. However, the concept of relation between action, knowledge and beliefs which they assume is far more important. The theoretical perspective, which in my opinion can serve as a way to negotiate these approaches, is modern philosophy of praxis and contemporary theories of social practice. I discuss whether there is apossibility to integrate these discourses in the model of activist research for Polish cultural studies in the context of increasingly intensifying debates around the performativity of cultural research and the need to “came back to the rough ground” of social practice.

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Ennaji, Moha. "Multiculturalism, Gender and Political Participation in Morocco". Diogenes 57, n. 1 (febbraio 2010): 46–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0392192110374247.

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Hansen, Louise Ejgod. "Histories of cultural participation, values and governance". International Journal of Cultural Policy 28, n. 2 (11 gennaio 2022): 253–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10286632.2022.2025787.

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Hayes, Robin J., e Christina M. Greer. "The International Dimensions of Everyday Black Political Participation". Journal of African American Studies 18, n. 3 (19 dicembre 2013): 353–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12111-013-9275-0.

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Kim, Harris Hyun-soo. "Generalised Trust, Institutional Trust and Political Participation". Asian Journal of Social Science 42, n. 6 (2014): 695–721. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685314-04206002.

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The main objective of this study is to examine the role of trust as it relates to individual political behaviour. Previous research suggests that social (generalised) trust and political (institutional) trust are associated with the likelihood of getting involved in both informal and formal political activities. Despite the large volume of studies, however, the extant scholarship is not clear on the exact nature of the relationship between trust and civic engagement. Moreover, the existing evidence is largely based on data that consist of Western-developed democracies. This study seeks to contribute to the literature by examining the associations between the two forms of trust and informal (signing a petition, boycotting, protesting) and formal (voting) political activities in the context of Central and Southeast Asia. The data come from AsiaBarometer Survey (2005), which contains cross-national data on probability samples from this region. Hierarchical linear models are estimated to examine the political impact of trust in strangers and confidence in political institutions. Findings show that only institutional trust is significantly related to voting, i.e., formal political participation. On the other hand, both forms of trust are found to be associated with informal political activities. There is also cross-level interaction between institutional trust and level of democracy. In a less democratic country, where individual democratic rights are limited, institutional trust plays a greater role in facilitating political participation.

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Literat, Ioana. "Interrogating participation across disciplinary boundaries: Lessons from political philosophy, cultural studies, art, and education". New Media & Society 18, n. 8 (9 luglio 2016): 1787–803. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444816639036.

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Oso, Laura, Ana López-Sala e Jacobo Muñoz-Comet. "Migration Policies, Participation and the Political Construction of Migration in Spain". Migraciones. Publicación del Instituto Universitario de Estudios sobre Migraciones, n. 51 (7 maggio 2021): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.14422/mig.i51y2021.001.

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This article offers a state of the art of research on migration policies, participation and the political construction of immigration in Spain. It starts with an overview of migration policy, addressing the impact of the 2008 economic crisis on the configuration of the political agenda. Secondly, it addresses the political participation of immigrants in Spain and their role as “new” voters. Finally, the appearance of the extreme right political party VOX has shifted the classic debates on the attitudes of the population towards immigration and built a new anti-immigration discourse. The article argues that academic interest and scientific production have been modulated in line with the various phases of Spain’s configuration as a country of immigration. The text ends with some reflections on the impact of the COVID-19 crisis, which has opened up a period of major challenge and uncertainty.

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Maltos-Tamez, Ana-Laura, Francisco-Javier Martínez-Garza e Oscar-Mario Miranda-Villanueva. "Digital media and university political practices in the public sphere". Comunicar 29, n. 69 (1 ottobre 2021): 45–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3916/c69-2021-04.

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In a predominantly digital communicative context, the political practices of young university students are relevant for the vitality of public spheres and the consolidation of participatory democracy. The objective of this study was to learn how the use of digital media relates to the political talk and participation practices of university students. Using quota sampling, a survey was conducted among 435 undergraduate students residing in the Metropolitan Area of Monterrey, Mexico, during the second semester of 2020. Among these students with favorable access to digital media, positive correlations with small to moderate and statistically significant magnitudes were found between the various uses of digital media and their political practices. News use was moderately correlated with political talk, as was social use with politically motivated activities, and creative use with all forms of participation. Political talk mainly affected the relationship between participation and news use. These findings support the relevance of the active role of young people in their political socialization, as social interaction and content creation were more closely correlated with political participation than news consumption was, which was more beneficial to participation when articulated through political talk. En un contexto comunicativo predominantemente digital, las prácticas políticas de los jóvenes universitarios son de importancia para la vitalidad de las esferas públicas y la consolidación de la democracia participativa. El objetivo de este estudio fue conocer cómo se relaciona el uso de los medios digitales con las prácticas de conversación y participación políticas de los universitarios. Mediante un muestreo por cuotas, se realizó una encuesta a 435 estudiantes de nivel licenciatura residentes en la Zona Metropolitana de Monterrey, México, durante el segundo semestre de 2020. Entre estos estudiantes con acceso favorecedor a los medios digitales, se encontraron correlaciones positivas con magnitudes de pequeñas a moderadas y estadísticamente significativas entre los diversos usos de los medios digitales y sus prácticas políticas. El uso noticioso se correlacionó moderadamente con la conversación política, así como el uso social con las actividades políticamente motivadas, y el uso creativo con todas las formas de participación. La conversación política incidió principalmente en la relación entre la participación y el uso noticioso. Estos hallazgos respaldan la relevancia del papel activo de los jóvenes en su socialización política, pues la interacción social y la creación de contenidos se relacionaron más estrechamente con la participación política que el consumo de noticias, el cual fue más provechoso para la participación al articularse a través de la conversación política.

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Alonso, Paula. "The Many and the Few: Political Participation in Republican Buenos Aires". Hispanic American Historical Review 82, n. 4 (1 novembre 2002): 828–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-82-4-828.

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Glasser, Ruth, e Carol Hardy-Fanta. "Latina Politics, Latino Politics: Gender, Culture, and Political Participation in Boston." Hispanic American Historical Review 76, n. 2 (maggio 1996): 325. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2517150.

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Glasser, Ruth. "Latina Politics, Latino Politics: Gender, Culture, and Political Participation in Boston". Hispanic American Historical Review 76, n. 2 (1 maggio 1996): 325–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-76.2.325.

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Waller, Lisa, Tanja Dreher e Kerry McCallum. "The Listening Key: Unlocking the Democratic Potential of Indigenous Participatory Media". Media International Australia 154, n. 1 (febbraio 2015): 57–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1515400109.

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This article explores how a listening approach might address the complex challenges of researching the relationship between Indigenous participation in media and mainstream policy-making processes. An overview of contemporary Indigenous media demonstrates how digital and social media have built on the vibrant and innovative Indigenous media tradition, and enabled a proliferation of new Indigenous voices. But do the powerful listen to Indigenous-produced media, and does this constitute meaningful participation in the political process? The article distinguishes between participation as involvement in the production and dissemination of media, and participation as political influence. It argues that both meanings are crucial for fully realising the potential of Indigenous participatory media, and contends that a listening approach might offer ways to research and unlock the democratic potential of Indigenous media participation.

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Grasso, Maria T., e Marco Giugni. "Political values and extra-institutional political participation: The impact of economic redistributive and social libertarian preferences on protest behaviour". International Political Science Review 40, n. 4 (18 agosto 2018): 470–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512118780425.

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Previous studies have found that left-wing and libertarian individuals are more likely to engage in extra-institutional political activism. However, due to a lack of suitable data, studies to date have not analysed the relative influence of economic redistributive and social libertarian values for the intensity of protest participation. By analysing data from a unique cross-national dataset on participants in mass demonstrations in seven countries, this article addresses this gap in the literature and provides evidence of the relative impact of economic redistributive and social libertarian values in explaining different degrees of protest participation. We show that there are divergent logics underpinning the effect of the two value sets on extra-institutional participation. While both economically redistributive and libertarian social values support extra-institutional participation, economically redistributive protesters are mobilized to political action mainly through organizations, whereas the extra-institutional participation of social libertarian protesters is underpinned by their dissatisfaction with the workings of democracy.

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de-la-Garza-Montemayor, Daniel-Javier, José-Antonio Peña-Ramos e Fátima Recuero-López. "Online political participation of young people in Mexico, Spain and Chile". Comunicar 27, n. 61 (1 ottobre 2019): 83–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3916/c61-2019-07.

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Digital media are present in all areas of society, even configured as a new space for political socialization. This is especially applicable in the case of young people due to their high use of new technologies, as they are also trained with the necessary skills to do so. In this context, social networks have prompted the emergence of a new type of political participation: which takes place online. Therefore, this study delves into the relationship between the socialization that occurs in the network, digital skills and political participation online and offline. A quantitative survey-based methodology was used with university students from three Ibero-American countries: Mexico, Spain and Chile. The fieldwork was conducted between the months of December 2017 and June 2018. The results obtained show that young people consume mainly digital media, which does not prevent them from being critical with the quality they deserve. In this sense, the political participation actions in which they are involved are mostly developed in the network, thus participating to a lesser extent offline. Therefore, young people enter the world of politics through the consumption of information on the Internet, which favors a subsequent online political participation. Los medios digitales están presentes en todos los ámbitos de la sociedad, configurándose incluso como un nuevo espacio para la socialización política. Ello es especialmente aplicable en el caso de los jóvenes debido al elevado uso que realizan de las nuevas tecnologías, al estar capacitados también con las habilidades necesarias para ello. En este contexto, las redes sociales han propiciado el surgimiento de un nuevo tipo de participación política: la que tiene lugar de forma online. Por tanto, esta investigación indaga sobre la relación existente entre la socialización que se produce en la red, las habilidades digitales y la participación política en línea y fuera de línea. Se utiliza una metodología cuantitativa a partir de la realización de encuestas a jóvenes universitarios de México, España y Chile. El trabajo de campo se desarrolló entre los meses de diciembre de 2017 y junio de 2018. Los resultados obtenidos muestran que los jóvenes consumen principalmente medios digitales, lo cual no impide que sean críticos con la calidad que merecen los mismos. En relación con ello, las acciones de participación política en las que se implican se desarrollan en su mayoría en la red, participando así en menor medida fuera de línea. Por tanto, los jóvenes se introducen en el mundo de la política a través de Internet mediante el consumo de información, lo que favorece una posterior participación política online.

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Fitriani, Fitriani, Rini Dewarusi Nebore e Poetri Enindah Suradinata. "The Papuan Women's Participation Perspective in Political Leaders". Musamus Journal of Public Administration 4, n. 2 (11 aprile 2022): 046–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.35724/mjpa.v4i2.4090.

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This study observes that the participation of Papuan women in politics is very small to date, even after the government policy regarding women's representation of 30% and changes in cultural and customary perspectives in Papua towards the position of women still have not been able to increase the participation of Papuan women in the ranks of political leadership. , so that the purpose of this research is to describe how the perspective of Papuan women's participation in political leadership is. This study uses qualitative research methods by using literature/library studies that support the results of this study. The framework of this research uses the Longwe analysis approach (Sara Hlupekile Longwe) or commonly referred to as the Women's Empowerment Criteria or Women's Development Criteria, is an analytical approach developed as a method of empowering women with five analytical criteria. include: welfare, access, critical awareness, participation, and control. However, this research will focus on the cultural background and the dimensions of participation. The results of this study found that there was already participation of Papuan women in political leadership, but the number was still small due to external factors, especially the background in the form of an existing culture, and internally in terms of individual motivation who really needed a figure or role model.

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Kitschelt, Herbert P. "Political Opportunity Structures and Political Protest: Anti-Nuclear Movements in Four Democracies". British Journal of Political Science 16, n. 1 (gennaio 1986): 57–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000712340000380x.

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Since the 1960s, successive protest movements have challenged public policies, established modes of political participation and socio-economic institutions in advanced industrial democracies. Social scientists have responded by conducting case studies of such movements. Comparative analyses, particularly cross-national comparisons of social movements, however, remain rare, although opportunities abound to observe movements with similar objectives or forms of mobilization in diverse settings.

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Robnett, Belinda, e James A. Bany. "Gender, Church Involvement, and African-American Political Participation". Sociological Perspectives 54, n. 4 (dicembre 2011): 689–712. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sop.2011.54.4.689.

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While numerous studies discuss the political implications of class divisions among African-Americans, few analyze gender differences in political participation. This study assesses the extent to which church activity similarly facilitates men's and women's political participation. Employing data from a national cross-sectional survey of 1,205 adult African-American respondents from the 1993 National Black Politics Study, the authors conclude that black church involvement more highly facilitates the political participation of black men than black women. Increasing levels of individual black church involvement and political activity on the part of black churches increases the gender gap in political participation and creates a gender participation gap for some political activities. These findings suggest that while institutional engagement increases political participation, the gendered nature of the institutional context also influences political engagement outcomes.

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Hensby, Alexander. "Networks of Non-Participation: Comparing ‘Supportive’, ‘Unsupportive’ and ‘Undecided’ Non-Participants in the UK Student Protests against Fees and Cuts". Sociology 51, n. 5 (13 ottobre 2015): 957–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038038515608113.

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As a topic in its own right, political non-participation is under-studied in the social sciences. While existing approaches have tended to focus on the gaps between engagement patterns and public policy, or the rational disincentives to an individual’s participation, less attention has been paid to the explanatory power of socio-cultural factors. Taking its lead from studies by Oegema and Klandermans and Norgaard, this article uses recent student protests in the UK as a case study for exploring non-participation. Drawing on survey and interview data, findings indicate that whereas network access and collective identification are commonly seen as helping produce and sustain political participation, networks of collective dis-identification might help to produce and sustain political non-participation.

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Machitadze, Elisabed, e Guranda Chelidze. "Issues on Teaching Area Studies in Georgia". INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF MULTILINGUAL EDUCATION VII, n. 2 (29 dicembre 2019): 19–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.22333/ijme.2019.14003.

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Today, influence of globalization can be apparently seen in the spheres of politics, economics, culture and education. The countries are not able to isolate from one another anymore. Globalization influences social systems, institutes, communication sphere and this clearly shows that this process impacts the higher education as well. Changes in teaching of different discipline were put on agenda. Collapse of the Soviet Union, gaining of independence by Georgia, geopolitical position of Georgia, diplomatic contacts made, all these have increased the role of Georgia as an independent actor on international arena. Since that time, Georgia gradually became part of the global processes. Thus, in the 21st century, against the background of globalization and dialogue of civilizations, Georgia faced new challenges. The country has to take its position in the contemporary world. Today, implementation of the proper policies would determine our prospects, both, in short and long run. Goal of the research is to investigate the issue of education of the proper professionals against the background of such challenges. Today, regarding its political, economic and cultural relationships, Georgia increasingly needs highly qualified professionals in the spheres of regional studies and area studies. Mostly we imply gaining of wide knowledge about the European and oriental countries and generalization of this knowledge in the process of inter-country relationships development. Today we regard that due consideration of the experience of foreign countries is of great significance to adjust modernization and globalization to the historical and cultural traditions of our country. In this respect, it is important to study history and current situation of the Europe and Near East, Georgia has great traditions of this. As for the Europe, together with teaching Western European languages, it is desirable to develop teaching of European studies in interdisciplinary context, as this responds to the globalization challenges. Georgia’s active participation in Bologna Process, internationalization of education processes provide good opportunities, with respect of improvement of teaching of cross-cultural studies, though together with education, expansion of scientific researches, conducting of interdisciplinary studies is of significance as this would allow introduction of the new approaches, provide opportunity of training of the highly qualified and competitive professionals. In addition, teaching of cross-cultural studies should become more pragmatic to ensure its contribution to the state building.

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Hing, Lo Shiu. "Political participation in Hong Kong, South Korea, and Taiwan". Journal of Contemporary Asia 20, n. 2 (gennaio 1990): 239–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00472339080000131.

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Bermúdez, Anastasia, e Francisco J. Cuberos-Gallardo. "Colombian-Spanish Migrants in London since the Great Recession". Migraciones. Publicación del Instituto Universitario de Estudios sobre Migraciones, n. 51 (7 maggio 2021): 181–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.14422/mig.i51y2021.007.

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This article discusses the (dis)integration processes of Colombian-Spanish migrants arriving in London since the 2008 economic crisis, as the background to understand their political attitudes and participation. It is based on data from qualitative quantitative fieldwork, complemented with statistical and bibliographical sources. From a transnational perspective that takes into account the home country and more than one destination, the results indicate that the context of the Great Recession in Spain and Brexit in the United Kingdom have had diverse impacts in migrants’ integration processes, which are appreciable in their remigration trajectories, work and social experiences, but also in their political interests, participation and ideologies. From this data, we confirm the need to interpret migrants’ complex mobilities and their political participation based on a broader conception of integration processes, which includes their multidimensional character and reversible condition, and reflects the growing diversity of (im)mobile political experiences in contexts of crises.

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Holt, Amy-Ruth. "Symbols of Political Participation: Jayalalitha’s Fan Imagery in Tamil Nadu". Journal of Hindu Studies 12, n. 2 (1 agosto 2019): 242–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jhs/hiz014.

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Abstract Contributing to the growing literature on fandom, this study investigates the political fan imagery in Tamil Nadu of the past AIADMK chief-minister J. Jayalalitha (1948–2016) that arouse popular devotion in her followers as if she was a Hindu deity (Hills 2002; Porter 2009; Duffett 2013). During Jayalalitha’s reign, her AIADMK followers, often called bhaktas, pursued her favour by making divine-like icons of her as well as by performing extreme physical acts for her attention that may be reproduced as visual narratives in the local press. The Tamil karate star Shihan Hussaini crucified himself on a cross wearing a t-shirt with Jayalalitha’s political nickname on it, the MLA representative M.V. Karuppaiah floated in a swimming pool holding an AIADMK flag in his mouth for forty-eight hours, and minister Sellur Raju organized huge ritual processions derived from local traditions, repurposed for Jayalalitha’s praise. These bhakti images involve a transactional visuality between iconic depictions of Jayalalitha and supportive narratives featuring her devotees’ unusual actions that serve as defining symbols of their political participation.

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Connaughton, Brian F. "Conjuring the Body Politic From the Corpus Mysticum: The Post-Independent Pursuit of Public Opinion in Mexico, 1821-1854". Americas 55, n. 3 (gennaio 1999): 459–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007650.

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Political theory, consensus and participation have often had deeply religious motivations and inspirations driving them. And however peculiar to theology the concept of corpus mysticum may seem to us today, it has often been used in association with politics. In the late Middle Ages, the notions of political office as against personalism, continuity of sovereignty in spite of the unexpected and politically perilous deaths of monarchs, unity over factionalism, the relationship between authority and the law, and that between authority and the people, were persuasively addressed through this religious metaphor.

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Zulawski, Ann. "La Paz's Colonial Specters: Urbanization, Migration, and Indigenous Political Participation, 1900–52". Hispanic American Historical Review 102, n. 2 (1 maggio 2022): 373–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-9653921.

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Harris, Brandon C., Maxwell Foxman e William C. Partin. "“Don’t Make Me Ratio You Again”: How Political Influencers Encourage Platformed Political Participation". Social Media + Society 9, n. 2 (aprile 2023): 205630512311779. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20563051231177944.

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Ratioing describes when a reply earns more likes than an original post on social media. They also offer influencers opportunities to convert audience attention into political actions capable of temporarily shaping online discourse. Ratios are then one of many influencer-driven strategies that leverage platform features and affordances to direct audiences to specific actions that amplify the influencer’s content in the crowded social media entertainment market. Hasan Piker is one of the most popular political influencers on Twitch, which he uses as a base to organize and direct his audience into coordinated actions across multiple platforms. Piker reigns on Twitch, but has significantly less Twitter followers than all of his targets, meaning the ratio strategy prompts targeted actions that simultaneously increase his visibility. This article uses three case studies to highlight ratioing as a strategy for eliciting political participation, such as when Piker ratioed rivaling political influencers, a US Senator, and a famous rapper.

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Kirkizh, Nora, e Olessia Koltsova. "Online News and Protest Participation in a Political Context: Evidence from Self-Reported Cross-Sectional Data". Social Media + Society 7, n. 1 (gennaio 2021): 205630512098445. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305120984456.

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Availability of alternative information through social media, in particular, and digital media, in general, is often said to induce social discontent, especially in states where traditional media are under government control. But does this relation really exist, and is it generalizable? This article explores the relationship between self-reported online news consumption and protest participation across 48 nations in 2010–2014. Based on multilevel regression models and simulations, the analysis provides evidence that those respondents who reported that they had attended a protest at least once read news online daily or weekly. The study also shows that the magnitude of the effect varies depending on the political context: surprisingly, despite supposedly unlimited control of offline and online media, autocratic countries demonstrated higher effects of online news than transitional regimes, where the Internet media are relatively uninhibited.

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Jermsittiparsert, Kittisak, Puthisat Namdech e Noppon Akahat. "Opinions of Voters towards the Issue of Political Participation during the General Election of 2014: The Case of Kalasin, Thailand". Review of European Studies 8, n. 1 (13 febbraio 2016): 178. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/res.v8n1p178.

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<p class="Body">This research aims to study voters’ opinions within the province of Kalasin, Thailand with respect to the topic of political participation during the general election of 2014 and to conduct a comparative study on the collected opinions, which will be determined by individual factor and employ a quantitative analysis research method in the form of questionaries as a research tool. This study’s database is compiled from information collected from selected number of 397 voters domiciled within Kalasin. Statistics tools include, namely, Arithmetic Mean, T-Test, and One-way Analysis of Variance (ANOVA). From the data analysis, the findings reveal that, with regard to the average means of voters’ opinions within the province of Kalasin with respect to the topic of political participation during the general election of 2014, the overall result is average ( = 3.40). Voters turnout ( = 3.88) is found to contain the highest level of opinions whilst a political related public assembly ( = 2.71) is found at the lowest ranking. Nevertheless, upon comparing between the average means of voters’ opinions within the province of Kalasin with respect to the topic of political participation during the general election of 2014 using individual factor assessment, it is discovered that Kalasin voters, as vary in sex, age, education background, occupation, and earned income, bare significant statistic differences when examining their opinions towards political participation during the general election of 2014. In contrast, Kalasin voters varying in marital status hold trivial statistic differences towards the concerned issue.</p>

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Fazulov, Azat, e Aidar Zakirov. "Factors and Determinants of Political Participation of Ethnic Groups". International Journal of Criminology and Sociology 9 (5 aprile 2022): 2586–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.6000/1929-4409.2020.09.318.

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This paper discusses the problem of identifying factors and determinants of the political participation of ethnic groups in politics. Analysis of scientific literature allows us to identify several approaches to solving this problem. Some people view the political participation as an activity by which individuals try to influence the government through ethnic groups so that it takes the actions they want. This impact on the processes of political decision-making and the implementation of political programs related to them. Others believe that the driver of political activity is the need for internal improvement of an individual, when political participation contributes to their full functioning in the life of the state and gives them a sense of involvement in political processes. A comprehensive approach to determining the essence of the political participation of ethnic groups will be justified, according to which the institution of political participation is a multifaceted sociocultural phenomenon that affects many aspects of the socio-political dynamics of modern society. In accordance with this approach, political participation is equally manifested in both democratic and non-democratic political regimes; at the same time, the trigger of political mobilization can be not only the impact of political leaders, but also their own need for people to actively participate in political processes.

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