Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Political interdependencies"

Recently, the field of comparative political economy has turned to the Chinese economy. Coherent interpretation of the drivers and fundamental institutions of China’s economic system had been frustrated by the coexistence of, on the one hand, continuously developing capitalist institutions and a burgeoning market economy, and on the other, the persisting and proliferating authoritarian system of economic administration. Therefore, commonplace dichotomous frameworks of capitalism/ socialism, or coordinated/market economies are but of little avail. Building on concepts from regulation theory, this thesis argues that the current system is one wherein state and market institutions support a distinctively industrialist orientation. The Leninist apparatus of bureaucratic controls has come to instill a dynamic wherein economic performance begets political influence, and political stature commands control of capital. Financial markets complement industrial demands for capital, while the ostensibly ‘liberalist’ reorganization of the public sector and welfare system have attenuated the financial pressures on enterprise exerted by labor. As a result of the common interest of political actors and industrialists in the continuous expansion of productive capital, growth has occurred predominantly through investments in fixed capital. Stringent limitations exist which undermine achievement of long-term sustainability of the current state-industrialist nexus. Lack of compensatory mechanisms for disenfranchised constituents and the dearth of indigenous innovation are pertinent problems, and moreover, mutually reinforcing. On the one hand, without a continuous increase in relative surplus value (i.e. output per worker) a more egalitarian distribution of income seems unlikely, while on the other, the lack of individual purchasing power subverts intentions to transition towards a model of growth premised on domestic consumption. Indeed, exceptions exist (for example within the telecommunications industry), but ultimately growth in upstream sectors requires commensurate growth in downstream industries. The Chinese ‘variety of capitalism’ is indeed an idiosyncratic one, but seems to have exhausted its potential.

En Argentine, l’activité minière métallifère de grande envergure s’est implantée dans les années 1990, à la suite des recommandations des institutions internationales et sous l’égide du gouvernement néolibéral de Carlos Menem. C’est le début de l’extractivisme, qui favorise l’expansion de la logique capitaliste d’accumulation par dépossession dans de nouvelles provinces, désormais gestionnaires de leurs ressources. Avec l’arrivée d’un gouvernement progressiste au début des années 2000, le déploiement du secteur ne ralentit pas et devient politique d’État. C’est le passage au néo-extractivisme, qui s’accompagne d’une importante multiplication des instances et de la mise en place d’un dispositif de consensus visant à légitimer, naturaliser et institutionnaliser l’activité, de plus en plus décriée, dans les territoires.Dans ce contexte, cette recherche questionne les conditions de l’adaptation locale d’un modèle globalisé. Quelles interdépendances, quels rapports de pouvoir existent entre les acteurs partisans du secteur et les territoires locaux ? Quel rôle jouent les élites locales dans l’hybridation des logiques public-privé que sous-tend le néo-extractivisme ? Comment les représentations qui forment les territoires évoluent-elles face à cette activité qui porte une définition hégémonique de la « ressource » ? Pour répondre à ces interrogations, une approche qualitative et pluridisciplinaire ainsi qu’un dispositif multisitué, polymorphe et multimodal ont été adoptés. Cette triangulation méthodologique a été pensée afin de confronter les discours et les pratiques des acteurs du secteur à l’échelle infranationale et de dégager les variations territoriales d’un modèle globalisé. Face à l’implantation d’une activité gourmande en « produits de la nature », nous invitons ainsi le lecteur à considérer le poids du local dans les relations de pouvoir multiscalaires et hybrides déployées par les acteurs de l’activité minière métallifère de grande envergure<br>In Argentina, large-scale metal mining activity began in the 1990s, following the recommendations of international institutions and under the aegis of Carlos Menem’s neoliberal government. It is the beginning of extractivism that encouraged the expansion of capitalist logic of accumulation by dispossession into new provinces, wich are now managing their resources. With the arrival of a progressive government in the early 2000s, the deployment of the sector did not slow down and became a state policy. It is the transition to neo-extractivism, which is accompanied by a significant increase in the number of organizations and the establishment of a consensus apparatus aimed at legitimizing, naturalizing and institutionalizing the increasingly criticized activity in the territories.In this context, this research questions the conditions for the local adaptation of a globalized model. What interdependencies, what power relations exist between the partisan actors of the sector and local territories? What role do local elites play in the hybridization of public-private logic underpinned by neo-extractivism? How do the representations that make territories evolve in the face of this activity, which has a hegemonic definition of “resource”? To answer these questions, qualitative and multidisciplinary approach as well as multi-site, polymorphic and multimodal methods have been adopted. This methodological triangulation was designed to compare the discourses and practices of the sector’s actors at the subnational level and to identify the territorial variations of a globalized model. Faced with the establishment of an activity that is greedy for “natural products”, we invite the reader to consider the weight of the local in the multiscalar and hybrid power relations deployed by the actors of large-scale metal mining activity<br>En Argentina, la actividad mega-minera comenzó en la década de los 1990 en sintonía las recomendaciones de las instituciones internacionales y bajo la égida del gobierno neoliberal de Carlos Menem. Este fue el comienzo del extractivismo, que alentó la expansión de la lógica capitalista de acumulación por desposesión en nuevas provincias, ahora manejando sus recursos. Con la llegada de un gobierno progresista a principios de la década de 2000, el despliegue del sector no se ralentizó y se convirtió en una política de Estado. Se trata de la transición al neoextractivismo, caracterizado por un aumento significativo del número de organismos involucrados y por el establecimiento de un dispositivo de consenso destinado a legitimar, naturalizar e institucionalizar la actividad mega-minera, cada vez más desprestigiada, en los territorios.En este contexto, esta investigación cuestiona las condiciones para la adaptación local de un modelo globalizado. ¿Qué interdependencias, qué relaciones de poder existen entre los actores partidarios del sector y los territorios locales? ¿Qué papel juegan las élites locales en la hibridación de la lógica público-privada sustentada en el neoextractivismo? ¿Cómo evolucionan las representaciones que conforman los territorios frente a esta actividad, que tiene una definición hegemónica de “recurso”? Para responder a estas preguntas, se ha adoptado un enfoque cualitativo y multidisciplinario, así como un sistema multisitio, polimórfico y multimodal. Esta triangulación metodológica fue diseñada para comparar los discursos y prácticas de los actores del sector a nivel subnacional e identificar las variaciones territoriales de un modelo globalizado. Ante el establecimiento de una actividad ávida de “productos naturales”, invitamos al lector a considerar el peso de lo local en las relaciones de poder multiescalares e híbridas desplegadas por los actores de la mega-minería metalífera

This thesis evaluates and develops a method for studying the occurrence of cascading effects between critical infrastructures. The thesis also analyzes how the results of previous research using the method may have been affected by certain aspects of the method. Applying different inclusion thresholds and exploring how material could be gathered differently, the thesis provides some tentative answers to the value of using newspaper articles when studying cascading effects. In addition, the thesis offers recommendations for future research and policy on the protection of critical infrastructures.

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the unintended political effects of economic interdependence among South American members of the Alliance of the Pacific by tracing the evolution of their mutual trade in relation to the intensity of their military competitive dynamics from 2001 to 2015. Two measurement instruments are use: an intra-regional trade index based on commerce data, and a coordination index based on arms purchases. The question is if the formation of the Alliance and trade relations now embedded in it have had any effect on the cooperation-conflict political balance. Issues concerning the method are discuss as well as the implications of the research for the intertheory debate. Last section is dedicate to discuss briefly the historical understanding of regional conflicts and normative aims of regional integration.<br>El texto aborda los posibles efectos políticos no intencionados de la interdependencia económica entre los miembros sudamericanos de la Alianza del Pacífico examinando el desarrollo de sus relaciones comerciales en relación con la intensidad de sus dinámicas militares de competencia entre 2001 y 2015. Se emplean dos instrumentos de medición: un índice de comercio intragrupal basado en datos de comercio exterior y un índice de coordinación basado en datos de compras militares. Los resultados permiten observar si la creación de la Alianza del Pacífico y el comercio intragrupal han tenido efecto en el carácter de las relaciones políticas. Se discuten los alcances y limitaciones del método y las implicancias de la investigación para el debate inter-teórico. Finalmente, se discuten brevemente el carácter histórico de la conflictividad y los rasgos normativos del integracionismo regional.

The dissertation investigates the influence of domestic and international politics on economic interdependence among states in the age of globalization. On the one hand it aims at updating the studies on the influence of political variables on international trade taking into consideration the post-Cold War years. On the other hand it aims at expanding the operational definition of economic interdependence performing the first empirical of the influence of politics on bilateral flows of FDI. Through an extensive use of panel data analysis, I find that both domestic and international politics have a relevant impact on economic interdependence even in the context of globalization. However, none of the classic theories of international relations on the causes and consequences of interdependence can fully explain the current dynamics. The system is increasingly complex and the realist and liberal seem to work together accounting for different phenomena that happen contemporaneously.

Thesis (S.M. and S.B.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2006.<br>Includes bibliographical references (p. 150-156).<br>We implement techniques of graph theory to international trade in order to empirically inspect the international system of trade. Examining macro and submacro levels of the international system of trade from 1962-2003, we find the presence of a Scale-Free Network with a Multiscalar Hierarchy. Such structures are resilient to bottom-up economic collapse, but are susceptible to top-down and horizontal economic failures. Our findings are based upon an especially novel approach for examining submacro systems, applying latent community identification analysis to identify trading communities that are not necessarily formalized or institutionalized as trading blocs. Following this analysis, we examine the role of international institutions in the international trade network, specifically considering macro level institutions for stability solutions and examining the effects of joining a trade bloc. We find evidence that supports the intergovernmentalist framework, whereby certain types of trade blocs seem to succeed while others fail, leading to different results in integration and unification.<br>by Dinsha Mistree.<br>S.M.and S.B.

Le récent développement de politiques alimentaires dans les territoires relève d’une innovation de l’action publique locale dont les modalités de construction et de mise en œuvre ont cependant peu été étudiées. En effet, les politiques alimentaires locales sous-tendent avant tout des choix politiques informant tant les changements poursuivis en termes de régulation locale de l’alimentation au sein des systèmes alimentaires territoriaux, que les stratégies de légitimation des acteurs publics qui en sont porteurs. Cette thèse analyse les coulisses de la construction et de la mise en œuvre d’une politique alimentaire intégrée départementale, en prenant comme cas d’étude celle du Conseil départemental de la Gironde (CD33). En appliquant une nouvelle grille d’analyse constituée au croisement de trois littératures - approche par les interdépendances, travail politique et intégration dans les politiques publiques, la thèse éclaire le travail politique mené par les acteurs départementaux dans les étapes de problématisation et d’instrumentation de la stratégie alimentaire girondine et interroge les effets de cette action publique locale sur le système alimentaire local ainsi qu’au sein du Département. Pour ce faire, ce travail s’appuie sur une immersion de plus de trois ans au sein de l’Agenda 21 départemental, du fait d’un conventionnement Cifre, ayant permis la constitution d’un matériau de recherche composite, constitué d’une observation participante, associée à l’analyse d’une littérature grise et complété par deux séries d’entretiens. L’analyse donne à voir les modalités et les processus de la fabrique de la politique alimentaire intégrée girondine sur quinze ans, entre 2008 et 2023. Elle met en lumière que le travail politique en termes d’interdépendances mené par les acteurs départementaux – dont l’influence varie – est sans cesse renouvelé, amenant à distinguer quatre cadrages cognitifs à travers quatre politiques alimentaires départementales avec leurs propres configurations d’acteurs, leurs propres arbitrages en termes d’interdépendances et leurs propres niveaux d’intégration. Autrement dit, durant ces quinze années, le CD33 ne s’est pas saisi de l’alimentation avec une vision constante et il n’y a pas associé les mêmes objectifs. A travers ces cadrages, la thèse éclaire de nombreux aspects de la « boîte noire » de la fabrique de la stratégie alimentaire intégrée girondine : les jeux d’acteurs entre sphères politique et administrative, les arbitrages faits entre domaines d’intervention publique, la variation des postures du CD33 lorsqu’il s’agit d’amener du changement dans le système alimentaire et sa régulation, et plus généralement, les stratégies du CD33 pour se légitimer au sein de l’échiquier politique. Finalement, l’analyse met en lumière des imbrications entre policy, politics et polity dans la fabrique de la stratégie alimentaire du CD33 et permet de conclure sur un mouvement perpétuel de bascule entre politisation et dépolitisation du fait alimentaire au gré de l’évolution des cadrages cognitifs, de la définition des objectifs (visée transformative ou affichage politique), des relations interterritoriales (relais ou opposant à l’Etat ; coopérations ou évitement), des reconfigurations d’acteur au sein même du Département (influence des acteurs administratifs et politiques) ou encore des évolutions dans la posture prise par le Département (logique de guichet, animateur, expérimentateur, etc.). Finalement, la thèse informe sur la construction d’une politique alimentaire intégrée instable, dont les éléments constitutifs sont sans cesse remodelés, et par laquelle il est donné à voir que la régulation locale de l’alimentation n’est pas tant l’objectif poursuivi par l’acteur public en tant que tel, mais plutôt un moyen participant d’une stratégie plus globale de légitimation d’un Département se positionnant continuellement comme un acteur intermédiaire<br>Despite the fact that local food policies are seen as an innovation in local public action, nevertheless their construction and implementation have received little study. Indeed, local food policies underpin, above all, political choices that inform both the changes pursued in terms of local regulation of food within territorial food systems, and legitimisation strategies led by public actors which support them. This thesis takes a ‘behind-the-scenes’ look at the construction and implementation of an integrated departmental food policy, using the Gironde Departmental Council as a case study. Applying an original conceptual framework which brings together three literatures: i) an interdependency approach, ii) political work and iii) policy integration, the thesis sheds light on the political work carried out by departmental players during the problematisation and instrumentation stages of the Gironde food strategy, and examines the effects of this local public action on the local food system as well as within the department. To this end, this work is based on an immersion of more than three years within the departmental Agenda 21 mission, due to a Cifre thesis contract, which enabled the constitution of a composite research material made up of participatory observation, the analysis of grey literature, and two series of semi-structured interviews. An analysis based on interdependencies shows how the integrated food policy for the Gironde was developed over a fifteen-year period, between 2008 and 2023. It highlights the fact that the political work in terms of interdependencies carried out by departmental actors - whose influence varies - is constantly renewed. It also allowed us to distinguish four cognitive frameworks leading to four ‘types’ of departmental food policies, each with their own configurations of actors and their own arbitrations in terms of interdependencies - and hence their own levels of policy integration. In other words, over the last fifteen years, the Department of Gironde has not approached food with a consistent vision and has not associated the same objectives with it. Through identifying and exploring these different framings, the thesis sheds light on many aspects of the 'black box' of the Gironde integrated food strategy: the interplay of actors between political and administrative spheres, the trade-offs made between areas of public intervention, the variation in the Department's positions when it comes to bringing about change in the food system and its regulation, and more generally, the Department's strategies for legitimising itself within the political arena. Finally, the analysis of political work carried out by the players around different types of interdependency (e.g. territorial, public/private, knowledge) highlights the interweaving of policy, politics and polity in the creation of the Gironde Departmental Council's food strategy. We consequently conclude that there is a perpetual shift between politicisation and depoliticisation of the food issue as a result of changes in cognitive frameworks, the definition of objectives (transformative aim or political display), inter-territorial relations (in alliance with or opposing the State ; cooperation or avoidance), reconfigurations of players within the Department itself (influence of administrative and political players) or changes in the stance adopted by the Department (front-office approach, facilitator, experimenter, etc.). Finally, the thesis provides new knowledge on the construction of an unstable integrated food policy, whose constituent elements are constantly being reshaped, and through which it is shown that local regulation of food is not so much the objective pursued by the public actor as such, but rather a means of participating in a more global strategy of legitimisation of a Department continually positioning itself as an intermediary actor

Lo scopo di questa tesi `e di analizzare la presenza di una struttura sociale di preferenze interdipendenti in un oligopolio di Cournot. Per fare ci`o, in- troduciamo un gioco in cui la rete di interazioni si riflette nelle funzioni di utilit`a delle imprese. Considerando le preferenze interdipendenti, possiamo identificare un ulteriore canale di interazione tra le imprese, parallelamente all’ interazione di mercato, che stabilisce un’altra interazione, possibilmente locale o anche una forma di interazione one-to-one. La modellizzazione proposta si rivela adatta per estendere i risultati sull’esistenza e unicit`a dell’equilibrio di Nash per modelli oligopolistici Cournotiani senza preferenze interdipendenti. Studiamo il ruolo dell’interdipendenza delle preferenze sulle risultanti pro- priet`a dell’equilibrio di Nash, in termini di sostituibilit`a/complementarit`a strategica. Caratterizziamo, inoltre, l’equilibrio di Nash attraverso i due canali di in- terazione tra imprese. Ci`o che emerge `e quindi il primato della sfera so- ciale su quella economica in particolari strutture economiche (es. oligopoli Cournotiani) con preferenze interdipendenti. La caratterizzazione dell’equilibrio, il conseguente grado di competitivit`a derivante dall’interdipendenza delle preferenze sociali e la statica comparata possono essere tutte espresse in termini di misure che descrivono le propriet`a del network. La statica comparativa ci consente di capire sia come un cambiamento nella struttura di interazione sociale di un singolo giocatore influenzi il risultato del giocatore stesso, in termini di aumento/diminuzione della sua quota di mercato, sia come un cambiamento nella struttura dell’interazione nel suo insieme influisca sul risultato collettivo, in termini di aumento/diminuzione dei profitti.<br>The aim of this thesis is to analyze the presence of a structure of social in- teredependent preferences in a Cournot oligopoly. To do this, we introduce a game in which the network of interactions reflects on the utility functions of firms. Cconsidering interdependent preferences, we can identify an ad- ditional channel of interaction among firms, along with the usual market interaction that establish another, possibly local or even one-to-one form of interaction. The proposed modelling approach proves to be suitable to extend the re- sults about existence and uniqueness of the Nash equilibrium for Cournotian oligopoly models without interdependent preferences. We study the role of preference interdependence on the resulting properties of the Nash equilibrium of any game, in terms of strategic substitutabil- ity/complementarity. We characterize the Nash equilibrium through the two channels of interac- tion among firms. What emerges is then the primacy of the social sphere over the economic one in particular economic structures (i.e. Cournotian oligopolies) with interdependent preferences. The characterization of the equilibrium, the resulting degree of competitive- ness arising from the interdependence of social preferences and the compar- ative statics can be all expressed in terms of measures that describe the network properties. Comparative statics allows us to understand both how a change in the social interaction structure of a single player influences the outcome of the player itself, in terms of increased/decreased market share, and how a change in the interaction structure as a whole affects the collective outcome, in terms of increased/decreased profits.