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Tesi sul tema "Political influences"

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Autore: Grafiati
Pubblicato: 4 giugno 2021
Ultima modifica: 31 gennaio 2023

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1

Eslava, Marcela. "Political influences on monetary and fiscal policy". College Park, Md. : University of Maryland, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/1407.

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Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2004.
Thesis research directed by: Economics. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.
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2

Oz-Salzberger, Fania. "Scottish political ideas in eighteenth century Germany : the case of Adam Ferguson". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:6ef5e5b0-37a4-42b7-a58f-8c1e35cc451c.

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This thesis examines the reception of the works of Adam Ferguson, a major thinker of the Scottish Enlightenment, by a range of German readers in the late eighteenth century. It provides a survey of Ferguson's main political ideas, and argues that many of his prominent German readers did not come to terms with them. The thesis contrasts the political realities and concerns of Ferguson's Scotland with the profoundly different political concerns of his German readers, and their often vague and inaccurate ideas of Scotland, and of the British constitution. Their documented responses to Ferguson's works are brought as evidence for a cumulative and complex case of misreception. The terms in which Ferguson expressed his political ideas can be fruitfully analyzed as a political language, a vocabulary of recognizable and mutually complementing political terms. After a close examination of this particular vocabulary, the thesis proceeds to show in detail how Ferguson's German translators, commentators, reviewers and readers unwittingly dismantled this vocabulary, lost or ignored its republican and activist elements, and sometimes shifted it into other vocabularies which were far removed from the author's political intentions. However, the differences between the individual readers are emphasized, not only with respect to their varied intellectual backgrounds and works, but also touching on their personal profiles as readers and thinkers. The thesis aims especially to highlight three aspects of this Scottish- German encounter: the capacity of Ferguson's texts to be removed from their contexts and misread; the failure of civic humanist ideas to make a serious entry into German political discourse; and the merits of close textual analysis for supporting a type of explanation, which may supplement or counter-balance other explanations, about the limited effect of "imported" political ideas in eighteenth-century German discourse.
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3

Ray, Grady Dale. "Exogenous Influences and Paths To Activism". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2000. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2453/.

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The focus of this research was to ascertain the indirect effects upon activism of intervening variables and recognized exogenous influences upon activism. In addition, this research also focused upon the differences and similarities of a recruited activist model and spontaneous activist model. Regression and path analysis were used to measure the direct and indirect effects of the exogenous and intervening variables. This research found that when the intervening variables, political interest, political awareness, exposure to media, altruism, and self-interest were introduced to both the recruited and spontaneous models, the direct effects of the variables were enhanced.
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4

Awadh, Sami. "Islamic political groups in Kuwait : roots and influences". Thesis, University of Portsmouth, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.298049.

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5

Shehata, Adam. "Media Matter : The Political Influences of the News Media". Doctoral thesis, Mittuniversitetet, Institutionen för informationsteknologi och medier, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-11511.

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6

Makhoul, Bashir Wadia. "Contemporary Palestinian art : an analysis of cultural and political influences". Thesis, Manchester Metropolitan University, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.260076.

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7

Bean, Thomas G. "The political and economic influences on the Mexican Industrialization Program". Thesis, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/74525.

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The Mexican Industrialization Program (MIP) began as a solution to unemployment in the Mexican border region and to the loss of competitiveness of US firms vis-á-vis import competition. US and Mexican tariff exemptions facilitated the relocation of labor-intensive assembly operations from the US to the Mexican border region. Critics have argued that arrangements of this type are quickly undermined by developments in both the developed and the developing country involved. In the developed country, protectionist measures intended to defend the jobs of workers who are in competition with lower wages in developing countries might threaten the viability of coproduction. Critics also predict that social unrest stimulated by exploitative work conditions endanger this arrangement in the developing country. However, this paper concludes that in the US the impulse to protect jobs from relocation has been blunted by the desire to permit US firms to enhance their competitiveness by relocating labor-intensive stages of production in low-wage labor markets. Reinforcing the competitiveness rationale, that US opponents of the MIP lack a viable specific policy to oppose the participation of US firms has crippled their efforts. In Mexico the threat to the MIP posed by social unrest has been reduced by the low-wage level and lack of employment opportunities in the Mexican labor market. In that market maquiladoras offer the most economically vulnerable workers needed jobs and in some maquiladoras relatively attractive work conditions. Where their economic vulnerability does not ensure worker acquiescence, the desire to maximize employment has led the Mexican government to tolerate labor control tactics and on occasion to intervene to suppress labor unrest.
Master of Arts
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8

Ford, Deborah Kaylee. "An Evaluation of Moderating Influences of Employee Proactive Personality: Empowerment and Political Skill". PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/515.

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Abstract (sommario):
An action-orientation within the workplace is often sought out by organizations as a source for competitive advantage. Organizational leaders are increasingly reliant on independently driven employees that will take action without being instructed to do so. Toward this effort, proactive personality has become increasingly popular within the literature as a personality trait associated with an employee's propensity to take charge of situations and demonstrate initiative to make a positive impact. In identifying potential variables that will moderate the effects of proactive personality, a highly relevant construct is empowerment. Proactive personality is thought of as a trait, whereas empowerment can be thought of as the contextual counterpart. In this study, I research both psychological empowerment as an employee interpretation of organizational conditions, such as feelings of self-efficacy, control, and flexibility for action (Arnold, Arad, Rhoades, & Drasgow, 2000) and structural empowerment as the influence of situational workplace context (Kanter, 1977). Despite the theoretical overlap between proactive personality and empowerment, very little has been done to integrate or investigate these variables together to evaluate their relative influences on important outcomes. Given that limited concentration has been focused on boundary conditions of proactive personality, employee political skill is hypothesized as a moderator that will encourage the attainment of important organizational outcomes (i.e., job task performance, job satisfaction) and minimize negative outcomes (i.e., occupational stress and strain) from proactive personality and empowerment. This study is a more complete investigation of proactive personality that not only provides a meaningful theoretical examination, but also informs applied practice. Despite a number of theoretical links between proactive personality and empowerment, the two constructs have been investigated in isolation from one another. Therefore, the relationship between empowerment and political skill is largely unknown. It is unclear whether empowerment and political skill are both necessary to realize optimal results or whether being high on both leads to exponentially better outcomes. This study included 252 nurses from union organizations in Oregon, Florida, and Missouri that registered and were invited to participate (53%). They were surveyed across two points in time, 176 participated at Time 1 and Time 2 and 76 participated in only Time 1. Results did not show support for my hypotheses that improvements would be observed for those high on any two research variables: proactive personality, empowerment, and political skill. However, results consistently support a compensatory model. In general, task performance, perceived effectiveness, and satisfaction with quality of care improved when nurses were high on either proactive personality or empowerment (either structural or psychological). Those high on either proactive personality or political skill had higher levels of task performance and satisfaction with quality of care. Similarly, those high on either structural empowerment or political skill had higher levels of task performance and satisfaction with quality of care. Only when a nurse was low on both variables in the model did they show reduced benefits. Several clear practical solutions are readily apparent based on study results. Given that empowerment can be manipulated within an organizational culture and proactive personality can be integrated with selection systems, the results are important for organizational leaders and organizational development consultants. Similarly, this research adds greatly to the literature on political skill, an area that is relatively new. By examining the moderating influence of political skill, this adds to the theoretical advancement of the three constructs while also informing practitioners regarding potential selection, training, and organizational design. Political skill has been seen as an attribute with the capacity to change over time with training, experience, and mentoring (Ferris, Perrewé, Anthony, & Gilmore, 2000). Therefore, the practical implications for organizations are clearly evident. Further, given that both proactive personality and empowerment have received limited evaluation into their boundary conditions, an evaluation of potential moderators helps advance into the understanding of the processes related to action within the workplace.
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9

Cox, George Stanley. "Standards for school leaders considering historical, political, and national organizational influences /". Auburn, Ala., 2007. http://repo.lib.auburn.edu/07M%20Dissertations/COX_G_58.pdf.

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10

Shaari, Halimahton. "Influences on ethics in news production : the socio-cultural and political influences on the mass media in Malaysia". Thesis, University of Leicester, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/30577.

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Abstract (sommario):
The thesis examines the approaches to the study of ethics in journalism, with emphasis on the concept of ethics as defined and practised in the socio-cultural and political context of Malaysia. The media environment with its social and cultural sensitivities provides an insight into the journalistic practices in the process of news production. Studies on media ethics have long been dominated by the moral-philosophical perspective which views ethics as a personal choice and decision. This viewpoint is relevant in the Western libertarian media system where personal freedom is a right taken for granted. However, it is too narrow to throw light on the influences on ethics in other media structures. In these media systems, other socio-cultural and political factors intertwine to influence the ethical conduct of news workers. The thesis contends that the practices of ethics in the Malaysian media extend beyond organisational norms and media professionalism as defined by the West.;The data for the study was collected by analysing three case studies covered in two mainstream newspapers in Malaysia, the New Straits Times and Utusan Malaysia; newsroom observations and interviews with the Group Editors, editors and journalists of the said newspapers. The data leads to an examination of the political and social context that is unique to Malaysia which plays a significant role in influencing the ethical conduct of news workers. The study draws on the political economy approach, the cultural studies perspective and the social organisation of news as the framework to examine the internal and external factors that influence ethical decision-making in news production. The routines and practices of these media organisations are examined to gauge how they are affected by the political/government elite which sometimes wields more power than any other factor to influence media output.
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11

Poe, John. "HOW THE CLIMATE OF OPINION IN STATES AND COUNTRIES INFLUENCES GAY RIGHTS". UKnowledge, 2017. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/polysci_etds/22.

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This dissertation examines attitudes on same-sex marriage and how personal predispositions toward support and the climate of opinion interact to help create attitudes. Over the past few decades, support for gay rights has increased dramatically in the United States and many other countries around the world. I argue that, while the set of basic personal determinants of attitudes toward homosexuality and gay rights stays roughly the same, the impact of such determinants changes over time and space. The framework used in this dissertation draws on attitudinal and political psychology, political sociology and theories of contextual effects. I argue that over the course of their lives, people develop an overall propensity to tolerate or approve of homosexuality and support gay rights based on their political and social characteristics, such as religiosity, partisan or ideological identities, personality characteristics and various demographic characteristics (e.g., education, race, gender and age). The influence of these predispositions on gay rights attitudes is moderated by the political and social environments in which people live. Even among people whose predispositions push them consistently toward support for gay rights, if they live in a homophobic environment, support for gay rights will be attenuated compared to a similar individual living in a more socially tolerant environment.
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12

Beam, Amanda G. "The political ambitions and influences of the Balliol dynasty, c.1210-1364". Thesis, University of Stirling, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/2533.

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This study examines the importance of the Balliol dynasty in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries through their political ambitions and influences in the three realms of Scotland, England and France. The generally accepted opinion in previous historiography that John (II), king of Scots from 1292-96 (d. 1314) and Edward Balliol (d. 1364) were politically weak men and unsuccessful kings has not been challenged until recently, when historians began evaluating the family from a British approach. Despite this, challenges have remained and it has been necessary to re-examine the life of John (I) (d. 1268) in order to bring a new perspective to the Balliol family. During the eleventh and twelfth centuries, the Balliols had slowly increased their power and influence in English politics, acquiring a significant landed wealth, which, by the early thirteenth century, propelled the family into a class of leading nobles. At this point in 1229, John (I) inherited his father's wealth and position and would substantially increase the family's influence in England and Scotland over the next four decades, while retaining their French links. The influence that John (I) had in the three realms and his relationships with kings Alexander II and Alexander III of Scotland and Henry III of England have been thoroughly examined in this study and have uncovered John (I)'s power and ambition as an independent lord, who remained wholly English in identity. With this evidence, a new perspective has developed. In reassessing John (I), the Balliols are revealed as committed English lords and loyal servants of the kings of England. This has thrown new light on the political roles of John (II) and Edward Balliol and underlines how the family has been unfairly judged through centuries by both chroniclers and historians who have assessed them as Scottish kings rather than as English lords. With this new perspective, the political roles of King John (1292-96) and King Edward (1332-5 6), before, during and after their respective kingships have been reexamined and re-evaluated. Admittedly, both men lacked the power which John (I) possessed in his lifetime under Henry III, and although John (I) had laid the foundations for a great baronial dynasty, the deaths of Hugh Balliol (d. 1271) and Alexander Balliol (d. 1278) limited the territorial base which John (II) would inherit. Similarly, King John's deposition in 1296 would alter any strong landed and political following to which Edward Balliol might have hoped to succeed. Despite the loss of wealth in the 1270s and the forfeiture of the Balliol estates in England and Scotland in 1296, John (II) and Edward still retained close relationships with the successive English kings and used these connections to fuel their political ambitions. Their kingships illustrate their desires to recover some influence in English politics which the family had enjoyed in the mid-thirteenth century. However, the decrease in landed wealth resulted in a less significant baronial identity within the Scottish and English political communities and perhaps affected their roles as Scottish kings. The reassessment of the Balliols as Anglo-Scottish lords has underlined their relationship with the English crown and the political nature of the family.
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13

McCullough, Nichola. "Specific influences of poverty and political conflict on wellbeing in middle childhood". Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.437475.

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14

Ali, A. M. "Communication influences on the political socialisation of Bangladeshi adolescents in West Yorkshire". Thesis, University of Leeds, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.234915.

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15

Fang, Zihan 1962. "Chinese city parks: Political, economic and social influences on design (1949-1994)". Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/278614.

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This thesis is an attempt to understand the purposes of modern Chinese park design. The goal of this work was to identify the social, economic, and political factors influencing contemporary park design. The primary approach was analysis of case studies. By analyzing characteristics of parks constructed at different stages in urban park history and in the cultural history of China, the results provide strong support for important political, economic, and social influences on park design.
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16

Brown, J. J. "The social, political and economic influences of the Edinburgh merchant elite, 1600-1638". Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.356399.

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17

Buchanan, Angela S. "The Sophists and The federalist : re-examining the classical roots of American political theory". Virtual Press, 1995. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/941733.

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The field of rhetoric has recently begun to position the Sophists as an integral part of the history of the discipline. Sophistic influence has been acknowledged in other fields as well, particularly philosophy and literary theory; however, Sophistic influence on political theory has been virtually ignored. This thesis examines the epistemology of the Sophists within the context of the debates of ancient Greece, and illustrates the connections between Sophistic thought and the ideology behind the structuring of the American federal government. Specific connections are made between the epistemology of the Sophists and that expressed in The Federalist, as well as that of earlier political theorists Thomas Hobbes and John Locke.
Department of English
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18

Platte, James Edward. "National decision making and nuclear fuel cycles| An analysis of influences". Thesis, Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy (Tufts University), 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3559057.

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This study examines the factors that influence national decisions about developing nuclear fuel cycle technology, and the central question for this study is why countries have developed different national nuclear fuel cycles. Prospect theory is used as the basis of an analytical framework for studying nuclear fuel cycle decision making. In essence, prospect theory states that nations are risk averse when in a gains domain and risk acceptant when in a losses domain. This study hypothesizes that a country's nuclear fuel cycle decision making is determined by the frame of reference and domain (either gains or losses) and that security concerns are a factor driving policy behind all nuclear programs.

A structured, focused comparison of Indian, Japanese, and South Korean nuclear fuel cycle decision making was conducted in order to test the hypotheses. Major nuclear fuel cycle decisions made between approximately 1950 and 1990 in each country were analyzed. The results verified this study's hypotheses. Decisions were mostly made according to the tenets of prospect theory, and security concerns (national security or energy security) were a driver for the nuclear programs in all three countries. The study also emphasized that nuclear fuel cycle technology is strategic and highly valued by countries and that national leaders are involved with making major nuclear fuel cycle decisions.

Prospect theory proved to be a more powerful analytical tool than existing theories of nuclear weapons proliferation. Prospect theory accounts for a country's capabilities, intentions, and situational and temporal context. In this way, prospect theory gives a holistic view of how all nuclear technologies fit into strategic interests and how a country's leadership's frame of reference with regard to strategic interests influences the direction of nuclear fuel cycle decision making. Prospect theory on its own does not offer a model or predictor of nuclear fuel cycle technology development, but it illuminates how leaders viewed nuclear fuel cycle decisions and why certain decisions were made.

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19

Andreassen, Felicia. "Gymnasieungdomars politiska intresse : En kvantitativ enkätstudie". Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-184890.

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Abstract (sommario):
The general view among researchers is that a well-functioning democracy rests in the handsof the political behaviour of citizens. In this behaviour, political interest is one of thecornerstones. Thus, there are reasons to regard it as a threat to democracy when young peopletend to have ever-lower levels of political interest. Therefore, to know how interest couldincrease, there is a need to know where it comes from and why it differs. There is yetuncertainty regarding this, notably since political interest as a concept rarely is used as adependent variable. Consequently, this thesis was aimed to explain why political interestdiffers among upper-secondary school students in Sweden. The focus was on the two types ofnational programmes, political socialization and socio-economic background. The findings of survey data (N=398) suggest that the average youth has low levels of politicalinterest. As hypothesized, there are, on average, higher levels of political interest amongstudents in preparatory academic programmes compared to vocational programmes. Alonethough, this pattern cannot explain variations of interest. Instead, agents of politicalsocialization have strong explanatory power, in particular friends and media. Also, family dohave a direct effect on political interest. However, this relationship appears to be dependent onsocio-economic background. The school as a political socialization agent cannot explaindifferences in political interest.
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20

Jones, Leslie Tara. "Arthur Gooch : the political, economic, and social influences that led him to the gallows /". Read thesis online, 2010. http://library.uco.edu/UCOthesis/JonesLT2010.pdf.

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21

Mo, Seng-yeuy (Alex). "Cinematographs contextualising historical, political and philosophical influences on the development of education in Vietnam". Curtin University of Technology, School of Management, 2003. http://espace.library.curtin.edu.au:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=13830.

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It is arguable that at all times the long-term prosperity of a nation is inextricably linked to its educational system, especially of higher education. This study of Vietnam's educational structure and system is both unique and necessary. It provides detailed information and considerable analysis not previously available to readers outside Vietnam. As a historical study, it covers aspects of more than 2,000 years of the country's educational developments, from the invasion of China in 111 B.C. to the present. The study is divided into six chapters, each of which deals with a major period of time. Each chapter is self-contained. Historical background and essential materials are presented and analysed. The writing of historical events is based on chronological order. Vietnam was a country without written language before the coming of the Chinese who, in their invasion of Vietnam in 111 B.C., brought with them their civilization, culture, educational system and language. The introduction of Chinese language to Vietnam can be taken as the overture of Vietnamese education. The first two chapters provide detailed information and historical factors as to how an early educational system of Vietnam was established under the influence of China and through its impact of education on the formation of a Confucian political system and Confucian society, which continued to exist for over 2,000 years. The political decline of China in the late 19th century provided the opportunity for the French to enter Vietnam and finally replace the Chinese sovereignty over the country in 1885. The invasion and ruling of the French (1886-1954) brought forward significant changes in Vietnam politically, socially and educationally.
The French introduced a new, modem educational system to Vietnam and set up an elite colonial educational system which had a great impact on Vietnamese society as well as its education. Traditional Chinese education and its imperial examination system commenced to fade out in Vietnam from the early 20th century and came to an end in 1917. During this colonial period, Western ways of thinking and culture began to flow into Vietnam and continued thenceforth. With the division of the country into North and South as separate regimes under the Geneva Accords in 1954, the educational systems of each regime developed under different political systems and different ideologies from 1955-1975. In the North, the educational system was totally reformed according to Communist doctrine while in the South, education continued to develop in the Western ways. The world-known Vietnam War ended in April 1975. However, the unification of the North and South failed to be effected in many aspects due to varied ideologies and political systems. During the period of 1975-85 Vietnam underwent a transitional reform of education in the South, which continued up to the practice of the nation's `open-door policy' starting from 1987. Narration of a significant profile of attributes of Vietnam's system of education today is fully sketched. The concluding chapter comprises two major parts; the summing up and a general review on Vietnam's educational system and practices, together with some of the issues evident in the system at present.
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22

Kan, Man Yee. "Symmetrical relationships? : influences of partners' characteristics on each other's housework participation and political choice". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.432146.

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23

Gould, Terence. "A historical study of the political and religious influences on the Alsatian language theatre". Thesis, University of Warwick, 2006. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/52299/.

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Abstract (sommario):
The object of this thesis is to produce an academically rigorous historical study of the political and religious influences on the Alsatian language theatre. To achieve this end, four research targets were established, designed to produce Conclusions, the evidence of research being listed in the Bibliography. The research targets were each to express a part of the study, being: - Political history and culture of the region. - History and present political situation of the language. - History and politics of the theatre in the language. - Influence of the Church in the theatre in Alsace. Additionally, the thesis includes an analysis five Alsatian plays which I feel embody the spirit of the theatre in the language, as evidence of my assertions in meeting the research targets.
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24

Norton, Erle Leo III. "An examination of political and technical influences on human service system and agency evaluation". The Ohio State University, 1993. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1261500380.

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25

Norton, Erle L. "An examination of political and technical influences on human service system and agency evaluation /". The Ohio State University, 1993. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487841975359268.

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26

Norton, Erle Leo. "An examination of political and technical influences on human service system and agency evaluation /". Connect to resource, 1993. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view.cgi?acc%5Fnum=osu1261500380.

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27

Mo, Seng-Yeuy (Alex). "Cinematographs contextualising historical, political and philosophical influences on the development of education in Vietnam". Thesis, Curtin University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11937/976.

Testo completo
Abstract (sommario):
It is arguable that at all times the long-term prosperity of a nation is inextricably linked to its educational system, especially of higher education. This study of Vietnam's educational structure and system is both unique and necessary. It provides detailed information and considerable analysis not previously available to readers outside Vietnam. As a historical study, it covers aspects of more than 2,000 years of the country's educational developments, from the invasion of China in 111 B.C. to the present. The study is divided into six chapters, each of which deals with a major period of time. Each chapter is self-contained. Historical background and essential materials are presented and analysed. The writing of historical events is based on chronological order. Vietnam was a country without written language before the coming of the Chinese who, in their invasion of Vietnam in 111 B.C., brought with them their civilization, culture, educational system and language. The introduction of Chinese language to Vietnam can be taken as the overture of Vietnamese education. The first two chapters provide detailed information and historical factors as to how an early educational system of Vietnam was established under the influence of China and through its impact of education on the formation of a Confucian political system and Confucian society, which continued to exist for over 2,000 years. The political decline of China in the late 19th century provided the opportunity for the French to enter Vietnam and finally replace the Chinese sovereignty over the country in 1885. The invasion and ruling of the French (1886-1954) brought forward significant changes in Vietnam politically, socially and educationally.The French introduced a new, modem educational system to Vietnam and set up an elite colonial educational system which had a great impact on Vietnamese society as well as its education. Traditional Chinese education and its imperial examination system commenced to fade out in Vietnam from the early 20th century and came to an end in 1917. During this colonial period, Western ways of thinking and culture began to flow into Vietnam and continued thenceforth. With the division of the country into North and South as separate regimes under the Geneva Accords in 1954, the educational systems of each regime developed under different political systems and different ideologies from 1955-1975. In the North, the educational system was totally reformed according to Communist doctrine while in the South, education continued to develop in the Western ways. The world-known Vietnam War ended in April 1975. However, the unification of the North and South failed to be effected in many aspects due to varied ideologies and political systems. During the period of 1975-85 Vietnam underwent a transitional reform of education in the South, which continued up to the practice of the nation's `open-door policy' starting from 1987. Narration of a significant profile of attributes of Vietnam's system of education today is fully sketched. The concluding chapter comprises two major parts; the summing up and a general review on Vietnam's educational system and practices, together with some of the issues evident in the system at present.
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28

Kawalerowicz, Juta. "Hotbeds of unrest and extremism : how social context influences political participation in the 21st century : Britain, from rioting to far right party membership". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:9602b1e9-6771-4579-b527-e08865ef1243.

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British politics at the start of the 21st century provide a good setting for examining factors associated with mobilisation for extremist politics. This thesis is concerned with the relationship between individuals' preferences, their local setting and political behaviour. With focus on two outcomes - participation in urban rioting and support for a far right party - this thesis is divided into two parts and consists of five research papers addressing different aspects of mobilisation. In the first part we focus on urban disorder and examine police arrest records from the London riot of 2011. Much of the sociological literature has focused on variation in rioting across cities; here we examine variation within London by mapping the residential addresses of 1,620 rioters onto over 25,000 neighbourhoods. Our findings challenge the orthodoxy that rioting is not explained by deprivation or by disorganisation. Furthermore, we present evidence suggesting the importance of political grievances, in particular relations with the police, and examine the process of mobilisation to show that it was aided by spatial proximity and social similarity. In the second part we look at factors associated with engagement with far right politics. We use individual attitudinal data from the British Election Study to examine whether concerns over immigration are associated with the actual experience of immigration in one's place of residence. The results suggest that local setting does play some role, although individual factors seem to be more important. Secondly, we use leaked British National Party membership list to map 12,536 far right supporters onto over 200,000 neighbourhoods in Britain. Our findings underline the importance of a larger geographic context, where some spatial configurations present particularly fertile grounds for the far right; we also report the relative unimportance of cultural threat and significance of the social distance. Lastly, we question the recently advocated 'legacy effect' and suggest that white flight mechanism may possibly be an alternative way of thinking about organisational continuity.
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29

Trivedi, Jennifer Marie. "Biloxi's Recovery from Katrina: Long-Term Influences and Inequalities". Diss., University of Iowa, 2016. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/3204.

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Hurricane Katrina made landfall on the American Gulf Coast on August 29, 2005. Biloxi, Mississippi, a small town on the coast, was one of the towns devastated by the storm. A decade after the storm, recovery remains an ongoing process. My ethnographic research in 2006, 2010, and 2011 and media and historic document analysis throughout these ten years explore this recovery process and what pre-disaster cultural, social, political, and economic issues have shaped Biloxi and Biloxians' recovery. The small coastal city of Biloxi sits on the Mississippi Sound of the Gulf of Mexico. The city's history and residents' identities are intertwined with this waterfront location. Biloxians rely on the Gulf for recreation and job opportunities, particularly in the long-standing seafood and tourism industries. Scattered piers are filled with recreational and shrimping boats. Casinos dot the shoreline where seafood processing plants once stood. Many Biloxians still proudly identify with the city's coastal location, neighborhoods they were raised in or lived in before Katrina, their perceived socioeconomic class status, and their own and their ancestor's racial, ethnic, and national identities. However, Biloxi's waterfront location also makes the city prone to hurricane strikes. Historic storms like Camille in 1969 and Fort Lauderdale in 1947 have affected the city's development and influenced residents' beliefs and behaviors during their preparation for Katrina. Biloxians were aware of Katrina's predicted landfall in the days and hours before the storm, but this history of hurricanes influenced many residents' decisions to remain in the city for the storm. Many residents I spoke to described their belief that survival in previous storms indicated they would survive Katrina. Other pre-Katrina processes influenced Biloxians' preparations for, coping with, and response to the disaster, as expected in vulnerability theory. Poorer and working class residents were less able to prepare for or evacuate before the storm, if they chose to do so. Residents in higher risk neighborhoods like East Biloxi found themselves affected more severely by the storm, often losing much of their homes and lives. Biloxians' with less political and economic power struggled to keep their voice heard as city and other government officials laid the framework for recovery. Pre-Katrina Biloxians' cultural, political, and economic inequalities directly affected the recovery process. To better understand these influences, in this research I use a political economy approach to describe and analyze Biloxi's recovery from Katrina. To strengthen this analysis, I have also drawn on theories regarding vulnerability and resilience, risk and uncertainty, and cultural-historical context. Each of these approaches contributes to a better understanding of how post-disaster recovery processes work - particularly in the case of post-Katrina Biloxi. This work also builds on disaster anthropology and social science research that rejects the concept of disasters as isolated events and instead argues that disasters are influenced by broader and long-standing cultural, political, and economic processes. In this work I also bring this argument for a holistic approach into long-term disaster recovery. The holistic anthropological approach to the post-Katrina Biloxi that I have used here reveals the importance of understanding a range of facts and processes that exist before, during, and after a disaster to explore the recovery process. Post-Katrina Biloxi is as much a product of pre-Katrina Biloxi as it is a product of the effects of the hurricane itself.
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Zurovchak, John Francis. "Cultural Influences on Foreign Policy Decision Making: Comparing the Structures and Processes of Czech and Slovak Foreign Policy Organizations /". The Ohio State University, 1995. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu148793199346666.

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31

Zuhdi, Muhammad. "Political and social influences on religious school : a historical perspective on Indonesian Islamic school curricula". Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102775.

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As the most populous Muslim country in the world, Indonesia has a unique experience in dealing with Islamic education, a system that was established years before the country's independence. This dissertation focuses on the development of Indonesian Islamic schools in facing the challenges of modernization and globalization, with special reference to their changing curricula. Using the social constructionist perspective as an approach, this study examines the significance of political and social changes to the development of Islamic schools' curricula throughout the country's history. This study finds evidences of a reciprocal relationship between the changing curricula of Indonesian Islamic schools and the changing social and political circumstances.
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32

Trump, Kris-Stella. "The Status Quo and Perceptions of Fairness: How Income Inequality Influences Public Opinion". Thesis, Harvard University, 2013. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10829.

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This dissertation argues that public opinion regarding the acceptability and desirability of income differences is affected by actual income inequality. Cross-national survey evidence is combined with laboratory and survey experiments to show that estimates regarding appropriate income differences depend on (perceptions of) real income differences. When income inequality changes, public opinion "habituates" by adjusting expectations for fair levels of inequality in the same direction as the factual change. The adjustment occurs because humans are subject to status quo bias and have a motivated tendency to believe in a just world. In the context of increasing inequality in developed democracies over the last 40 years, the implication is that normative expectations for appropriate levels of inequality have adjusted up. This habituation process helps explain why increases in inequality have not been accompanied by increased demands for redistribution and why cross-national variation in income inequality is not clearly linked to public opposition to such inequality.
Government
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33

Bleta, Indrit. "Influences Of Political Regime Shifts On The Urban Scene Of A Capital City - Case Study: Tirana". Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12612184/index.pdf.

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On the eve of the twentieth century, the dismembering of old empires brought the formation of many new nation states, therefore of emerging new capitals. Becoming independent in 1912, Albania chose its definitive capital, Tirana, in 1920. Since then, the city has been a showcase of planning and architectural interventions for various regimes that have come in power, and its centre was and still is seen as a possibility to show the political ideals of each. The aim of this study is to examine how this important part of the city was produced, used and transformed in a timespan starting from 1920 until the fall of the People'
s Socialist Republic in 1991. The spatial analysis of the city'
s centre and the description of the relations between the main actors of these processes will help us understand the underlying goals for which these representative spaces were designed. On the other hand, comparing its urban elements with those of several coetaneous capitals will locate Tirana among the important planning examples of the time.
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34

Ross, Sasha A. Ellis Marc H. "The dilemma of justice how religion influences the political environment of post-1948 Israel and Palestine /". Waco, Tex. : Baylor University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2104/3006.

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35

Meyer, Christa. "Can gender come to the rescue of foreign policy? : an exploration into the ways in which the (mis)understanding of gender influences the making of foreign policy". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52725.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2002.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This paper attempts to provide a broad theoretical background of the ways in which gender has informed the making of foreign policy. It examines the various types of feminism in the zo" century and how they complement each other, criticize each other and have contributed to critical political debate. Realism as the dominant political paradigm of the zo" century comes under scrutiny and it is shown how it abets and supports male domination by cloaking it in neutral language and institutions that appear neutral. Foreign policy objectives are often linked to the national interest, which in itself is a problematic and contested concept. Foreign policy makers face new challenges today as the political landscape changes, often driven by multinational corporations who dictate the rules of political engagement. Not only has the international political arena changed drastically in the zo" century, but so has the domestic arena. Studies in foreign policy attitudes show marked differences along gender lines. Most studies focus on the pacifist attitudes of women, but this paper goes on to show how gendered theories of security, globalization, the environment and human rights could inform foreign policy makers and others who shape foreign policy agendas.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis poog om 'n bree teoretiese agtergrond te skep van die wyses waarin gender (geslag as 'n konstruksie) die skep van buitelandse beleid beinvloed. Dit bestudeer die verskeie tipes feminisme in die 20ste eeu en hoe hulle mekaar komplimenteer, mekaar kritiseer en bygedra het tot kritiese politieke debat. Realisme as die dominante paradigma van die 20ste eeu word noukeurig bestudeer en daar word gewys hoe hierdie paradigma manlike dominasie ondersteun deur dit te vermom in neutrale taal en instellings wat neutraal voorkom. Buitelandse beleid word dikwels gekoppel aan die nasionale belang wat op sigself 'n problematiese konsep is. Weens die veranderende internasionale politieke arena staar makers van buitelandse beleid nuwe uitdagings in die gesig, veral omdat multinasionale maatskappye dikwels die die reels van die spel bepaal. Studies toon dat gevoelens en houdings oor spesifieke buitelandse beleidskwessies dikwels verskillend vir mans en vrouens manifesteer. Meeste studies fokus op die ondersteuning van vrouens van vrede in kontras met geweld en oorlog. Hierdie tesis gaan verder deur te wys hoe 'gendered' teoriee van sekuriteit, globalisering, die omgewing en menseregte moontlik die skeppers van buitelandse beleid kan beinvloed.
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36

Saidin, Mohd Irwan Syazli Bin. "Between revolution and political stability : the perceptions and influences of the Arab Uprisings among the Islamist movements in Malaysia". Thesis, University of Exeter, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/34687.

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This thesis examines the attitude of Malaysia’s Islamist movements – (1) The Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS); (2) The National Trust Party (AMANAH); (3) The Muslim Youth Movement of Malaysia (ABIM) and (4) the Malaysian Muslim Solidarity Front (ISMA) towards the 2011 Arab Uprisings events or popularly known as the ‘Arab Spring’ in the Middle East and North Africa. In particular, it explores the knowledge and perceptions of selected Islamist movement activists, politicians and members in Malaysia towards the Arab Uprisings as well as considering how the events impact their activism, political approach and attitudes towards the issues of regime change, civil disobedience, political revolution, democracy, Islamism and political stability. This thesis also identifies a number lessons learnt by the Malaysian Islamists from the development of post-Arab Uprisings in the MENA region. The tendency of Malaysian Islamists to be influenced by the development in the Middle East and global political Islam are not seen as something new as evidently shown in the case of the 1979 Iranian Islamic Revolution. This popular event was known for its indirect impact on the political activism and approaches of PAS and ABIM in Malaysia back in the 1980-1990s, as well as inspiring many Malaysian Islamists to uphold the struggle of establishing an Islamic state in the country. Following the recent uprisings in several Arab states, which also witnesses the rise of Arab Islamist parties in securing a ruling power, these events have also been widely followed by the Malaysians in general and the Islamists in particular with great interest. Furthermore, the major involvement of Malaysian Islamists in a series of mass protests, popularly known in Malaysia as the “Bersih movement” (circa 2011-2016), against the ruling government, were perceived by numerous local and foreign journalists as an attempt to create a “Malaysian Spring” which inspired by the ‘Arab Spring’ phenomenon for the sake of toppling the current regime. However, there have been strong opinions voiced by the Malaysian authorities and various local scholars suggesting that there was no basis for presuming an Arab Uprisings impact in the context of the Malaysian experience. This raises the question of the relationship between the Arab Uprisings and Malaysian Islamists. Nevertheless, no matter how relevant the questions raised between Malaysia’s Islamist movements and the ‘Arab Spring’, the central concern that needs to be highlighted is the extent to which Malaysian Islamists grasp the fundamental issues of the 2011 Arab Uprisings before jumping to any conclusion about the polemics of the “Malaysian Spring”. In so doing, both quantitative and qualitative methods were applied through a questionnaire based-survey which was conducted in Malaysia involving 530 respondents, primarily among the registered and active representative of Malaysian Islamist between the ages of 18 and 45, as well as 15 in-depth interviews with selected Malaysian Islamist activists and leaders ranging from those in opposition political parties (PAS and AMANAH) to those in non-government Islamist organisations (ABIM and ISMA). The survey of Malaysian Islamists’ attitudes towards the Arab Uprisings development covered a variety of dimensions, namely understanding the general issues about the Arab Uprisings’ phenomenon, factors that lead to the Uprisings, the role of Islamist movements, the influences of the Uprisings on Malaysia’s Islamist movements activism and finally lessons learnt from the Arab Uprisings. The data is statistically analysed with the assistance of the SPSS computer package, and by using a number of statistical procedures, such as frequencies and cross-tabulations. The outcome of this research shows that the majority of respondents have an outstanding knowledge on the Arab Uprisings which was mostly obtained via new social media such as Facebook and Twitter, along with mixed perceptions toward the events. Furthermore, they also reached an understanding that the uncertainties in the Arab world would eventually lead to another wave of uprisings in the long term. Speaking of the global impact of the Arab Uprisings events, some elements of political repression, coupled with corruption and power abuses (which some claimed to be practised by the Malaysian regime), led to a number of Malaysian Islamists believing that they were inspired by the acts of mass street protests during the Arab Uprisings. This inspiration came when they witnessed the ousting of several long-serving autocratic Arab rulers in their respective states by the Arab protesters. However, the fear of insecurity and political instability which is currently evident in the post-Arab Uprisings in Egypt, Libya, Syria and the Yemen led to many respondents favouring political stability rather than regime change. Most of the respondents were quite sceptical about the polemics of the “Malaysian Spring” as most of them neither disagreed nor agreed that the series of political rallies by the Bersih movement were an indirect effort to topple the ruling government which was ‘accused’ by several pro-government media, politicians and authorities in Malaysia. Overall, this empirical research found that the majority of Malaysian Islamists from PAS, ABIM, ISMA and AMANAH are supportive of a free and democratic elections as a relevant medium for political change, rather than overthrowing the current regime via civil disobedience, street demonstration, or ‘revolution’.
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37

Bond, Matthew Murray Clement. "Elite collective action and social networks : influences on corporate political donations to the Conservative Party, 1992-97". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.397427.

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This dissertation explores the social factors influencing large British corporations' decisions to make a donation to the Conservative Party. The largest 250 British Corporations in the 1995 financial year were selected and the donations they made over the 1992-1997 parliament were examined. It is contended in the thesis that the decision to make a donation resembles the contribution to a public good. As a consequence it is not necessarily individually rational to make a donation. The probability of making a donation is increased if a corporation has social capital. Interlocking directorates, social club ties, school ties and attribute variables were explored as examples of social capital. The analyses demonstrated that social factors had greater impact on the decision to make a donation than purely attributional variables. Each of the relational variables had an influence. The various findings were unified by the association of school and club ties with issues of identity formation and political preference, and interlocking directorates with issues of control and influence. These findings contrast with inner circle theories where issues of identity and control arise simultaneously from more bureaucratic organisational factors. Ultimately, the findings lend strong support to elite theories that hypothesise that corporate political behaviour has a strong class basis.
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38

Siddique, Javed. "Political influences on the effectiveness of the World Health Organization, 1948-85 : the issues of universality of membership, decentralization, malaria eradication, and essential drugs". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.305258.

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39

White, James Alec. "Tablet procurement within K12 educational environments| An analysis of the political influences, perceived device advantages, and hardware preferences". Thesis, Ball State University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3619258.

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The purpose of this study was to examine factors that may have influenced the decision to implement tablet technologies within classroom environments. These factors were grouped and limited to three distinct areas: social and political influences, perceived benefits of implementation, and influence of varying types of hardware, software and operating systems. Results indicate that if technology leaders felt external pressures to keep pace with technological advancements of other corporations, they were more likely to report pressures from the other social political factors being studied. Multiple perceived educational benefits were identified including improvement to classroom instruction, increased differentiation of instruction, enhanced collaboration, better communication and positive public responses. Hardware preferences were found to describe the characteristics found in the Apple line of products. Despite the identification of these perceived educational benefits, a majority of those responding felt that tablet devices did not impact student testing achievement.

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40

Li, Jerry. "Institutional Influences on the Political Attainment of Chinese Immigrants: Ethnic Power Share, Citizenship Acquisition Law, and Discrimination Law". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1942.

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A transnational network of more than 50 million people, the Chinese diaspora stretches its reach across the globe. As part of their immigrant journeys, many Chinese immigrants have achieved political leadership in their adopted home countries despite monumental barriers. This thesis examines the political attainment of Chinese immigrants by uncovering how institutional factors such as political power sharing between ethnic groups, citizenship acquisition law, and discrimination law affect their pursuit of public office. I first establish a database of 265 politicians I define as Chinese immigrants, whose various levels of political attainment I then use as the dependent variable. Through empirical analysis, this thesis finds that politicians of Chinese descent attain lower levels of political office when institutional discrimination has targeted Chinese immigrants. In contrast, this thesis reveals that politicians of Chinese descent attain higher levels of political office when political power is shared amongst ethnic groups and when citizenship acquisition laws are exclusionary. While the last result is seemingly counterintuitive, the negative relationship between the inclusiveness of citizenship and political attainment can be explained by the intrinsic role exclusionary citizenship acquisition laws play in naturalizing citizens who are deemed to be integrated and electable.
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41

Gellman-Buzin, Barbara. "The Station Program Cooperative : a study of the internal and external political influences on the Public Broadcasting Service /". Full-text version available from OU Domain via ProQuest Digital Dissertations, 1986.

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42

Ronald, Rachel Leigh. "Guatemalan Migration: The Historical Origins and the Many Influences Impacting the Transition from Political Refugee to Economic Migrant". Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/192954.

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43

Busch, Christian. "Democracy and economic development : how the interaction of political institutions and the structure of production influences policies and growth /". [St. Gallen] : [s.n.], 2007. http://aleph.unisg.ch/hsgscan/hm00200965.pdf.

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44

Schwar, James Lester. "GLOBAL CHANGE, DOMESTIC POLICY, AND LIFE COURSE INFLUENCES ON PERCEPTIONS OF HEALTH EQUITY AMONG OLDER CUBANS". UKnowledge, 2004. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/gradschool_diss/371.

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Cubas provision of free health services to the entire population via neighborhood-based family doctors produced dramatic health gains and achieved a relative state of health equality. Since 1989, however, the termination of Soviet trade, a grave economic crisis, intensification of the US embargo, welfare reductions, and population aging have placed Cubas health successes and elder care services in jeopardy. Little independent research, though, has focused on the influence of post-Cold War circumstances on citizen attitudes about health programs and resources targeting Cubas older population. This research examined global and domestic factors since 1989 that have most influenced perceptions of the equitability and inequitability of health resources among older Cubans. Its multi-layered design drew on new International Political Economy, crystallization, and aspects of Grounded Theory. In-depth narrative interviews were conducted with Cubans age 60 years or older, their families and community support group members, family physicians and other medical personnel, and key health and government informants. Perceptions of health equity were found to correspond most with the geographic proximity and nearly unhindered physical access of older patients to their family doctors and the temporal availability of family physicians to their older patients. Conversely, perceptions of health inequity corresponded most with the older persons experience of medicine shortages and health resource rationing following global socio-political-economic change and domestic policy shifts after 1989. Furthermore, the life course influences of the pre- and post-revolutionary eras and pre-1989 and post-Cold War period were seminal in shaping the perceptions and expectations of the older participants regarding health care, the leadership, and Cuban socialism. The findings have added to the international health and cross-cultural gerontology literature. Decision-makers and health practitioners in Cuba and elsewhere have been informed about the importance of popular perceptions of the impact of health and elder policy change in an era of globalized social relations and capital. The research also has contributed a gerontological dimension and a narrative perspective to further the development of new International Political Economy.
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45

Jonsson, Alexander. "Do Eurosceptic Parties Affect the Turnout in European Elections? : A quantitative study on Eurosceptic Parties and how their vote shares in National Parliament elections influences the changes between European Elections". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-412432.

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46

Bloch, Marietta. "A qualitative study examining Ontario science curriculum policy from 1985 to 2008 : global influences, local political arenas and curriculum reform". Thesis, University of Roehampton, 2014. https://pure.roehampton.ac.uk/portal/en/studentthesis/a-qualitative-study-examining-ontario-science-curriculum-policy-from-1985-to-2008-global-influences-local-political-arenas-and-curriculum-reform(bd51e5be-5314-4e66-a734-935d1ced3297).html.

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This qualitative study examines science curriculum policy making in Ontario, Canada over four different governments between 1985 and 2008. Each government released new curricula for school science. The purpose of this study was to explore influences that shaped the origins, processes and content of these government-mandated curricula. Since 1985, Ontario’s education reforms encompassed neoliberal trends for standards and accountability measures thereby transforming its education system into an auditable commodity. A policy cycle approach, adapted from Bowe, Ball and Gold (1992), and Vidovich’s (2003, 2001) modifications for macro, meso and micro levels of analysis, provided an analytical framework for this study. A trajectory approach was used to analyse science curriculum policy-making both within a government and to identify patterns, trends and actors across all governments. Document analysis, interviews and focus groups were chosen methods to understand the meaning of events, situations and actions of key actors and texts and to understand the contexts within which science curriculum policy was initiated and developed. Findings indicate that an interplay of global trends and local political arenas have influenced Ontario’s science curricula. Governments responded to the decrease of public confidence in education and the increasing demand for standards and accountability measures by reforming education and its curricula. The science curriculum policy documents reflected these reforms as over time they became more specific and were written as standards; however, the content is reflective of Cuban’s (1992, p.223) notion of the ‘historical curriculum’ in that each curriculum continued to exert influence on successive curricula thereby highlighting a tendency to continue with the traditional.
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47

Gottschalk, Francesca Rose Emma. "Why Aren't South Africa's Born Frees Voting? An Examination of the Influences of Social Trust and Corruption on Voting Tendencies in a Sample of South African Youth". Thesis, The American University of Paris (France), 2019. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=13871657.

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In the South African federal elections in May 2014, over one million born-frees failed to register to vote. This lack of political participation was surprising because this was the first election in which this new generation of voters, who had never lived under the oppressive apartheid regime, was eligible to vote. It was hypothesized that social trust and corruption, as it undermines political trust, were contributing factors to the low rates of youth voter turnout. A pilot study was developed and implemented with a small group of South Africans who were participating in a youth development program at a nongovernmental organization in the Western Cape. Focus group and interview data suggested that corruption, crime rates, and access to adequate services were of large concern in this sample. A survey developed through adaptation of items from the 2012 South African Reconciliation Barometer and the World Bank’s Integrated Questionnaire for the Measurement of Social Capital showed a potential relationship between levels of political and social trust and voting behaviour. Due to these results, and the finding that participants were highly engaged with social media, recommendations to increase youth political participation included social media campaigns, using Facebook to create social capital, and promotion of education as a tool to develop interpersonal trust and political participation through enhanced access, quality, and scholarships. One novel finding within this research was that respondents expected the government to be the provider of tangible goods and services whereas the onus of completing education and securing employment was on the individual. This group seems to have a sense of personal agency that, if capitalized upon, could create a generation of politically active young people. Despite methodological concerns and limitations associated with sample size, this pilot study is an important contribution to the political participation literature and opens the door for large-scale quantitative studies to examine more closely the impacts of corruption, political trust, and social trust on voting behaviours in the born-free generation.

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48

Hernandez, Natalie Dolores. "An Exploration of the Meaning and Consequences of Unintended Pregnancy among Latina Cultural Subgroups: Social, Cultural, Structural, Historical and Political Influences". Scholar Commons, 2013. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/4505.

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In the United States, prominent racial/ethnic and socioeconomic disparities in rates of unintended pregnancy, abortion, and unintended births exist. Recent analysis suggests that Latinas are three times more likely to experience an unintended pregnancy than non-Latina white women. More than half of pregnancies among Latinas (53%) in the United States are unintended and have higher unintended births as they are less likely than black women to have an abortion. In addition, in 2006 the unintended pregnancy rate was highest among women aged 20-24. Little research has 0been conducted to understand unintended pregnancy particularly among young adult Latina women. The purpose of the study is to determine and understand the meaning of unintended pregnancy among Latina subpopulations and examine the perceived consequences and management of unintended pregnancy among Latina subpopulations. Between May 2012 and October 2012, twenty in-depth-interviews were conducted with U. S. born- Latinas between 18-25 years of age seeking a confirmation pregnancy test at clinics in which some provided abortion services. Latinas in the study's meaning of pregnancy came from their complicated life situations, and were facilitated by Latino cultural beliefs, such as fatalism, religiosity and familismo. Many held favorable and positive meanings of their unintended pregnancy, particularly those who continued their pregnancies to term. Consistent with several other studies, the act of deliberately trying to plan a pregnancy was foreign to many of these women, particularly because a pregnancy was something that should was not in their control and left up to God. Most of the Latinas in the study felt that women should not plan their pregnancies and doing so was going against fate and natural life course. Public health research overwhelmingly highlights the negative maternal and child health consequences of unintended, while many women in this study perceived the negative consequences of unintended pregnancy to be primarily emotional and social. The inquiry found stigma surrounding unintended pregnancy among Latinas in this study. More than half of the women in the study resorted to termination of their pregnancy and cited fears of family reaction, fears their partner would deny paternity or responsibility, and/or desires to continue schooling, community and societal attitudes toward an unintended pregnancy and religiosity, as influencing this decision. In addition, contributing to the stigma were the stereotypes of Latinas. Latinas decision to continue their pregnancies to term or have an abortion was provoked by diverse and interrelated factors. Although a few Latinas in the study stated their partner's had an influence on the pregnancy resolution decision, all Latina stated that ultimately they were in control over their pregnancy resolution decision. Even when Latinas partners did not agree with their decision, women still performed their intended pregnancy resolution decision. . Family planning services might benefit from intervention designs with the following features that address the cultural needs of this population; a) highlight/stress the importance and benefits of delaying a pregnancy, not discuss pregnancy planning which was found to be irrelevant to these women, b) incorporate and address cultural constructs such as familismo and fatalism as protective factors rather than risk factors, and c) link and discuss issues such as poverty, education, insurance, stigma, and mental health issues. Many women reported these factors as perceived consequences and influencing the management of an unintended pregnancy. Interventions may be aimed at improving provider communication with Latinas about prevention of unintended pregnancy as well their pregnancy resolution options. Future public health campaigns might benefit from incorporating promotores de salud who had similar experiences in curriculums already discussing reproductive health. Support groups and mental health counseling was suggested as needed among participants that terminated their pregnancies. Future research should continue to focus on the multiple levels of influence and the contribution they make on the meaning and consequences of unintended pregnancy. In addition, the role of cultural protective factors in strengthening families and communities merits further exploration. This study increased our understanding of what unintended pregnancy means in the Latino community, and explored it from a comprehensive, multi-dimensional, and structural perspective. Understanding these factors are important and first steps to addressing an issue that affects Latinas, their families, communities, and the nation-at large.
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Van, der Spuy Patricia. "Not only 'the younger daughter of Dr Abdurahman': a feminist exploration of early influences on the political development of Cissie Gool". Doctoral thesis, Faculty of Humanities, 2002. https://hdl.handle.net/11427/31849.

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Cissie Gool was an extraordinary presence on Cape Town's political and social scene in the first half of the twentieth century. She was the first black woman to preside over a national liberatory organisation, the National Liberation League (1935), and the Non-European United Front (1938). She was the only black woman to be elected to the Cape Town City Council before 1994, where she served for 25 years. She was the first black woman to obtain a Master's Degree in Psychology at the University of Cape Town, where she studied on and off from 1918 to the year of her death, 1963. In 1962 she graduated with a BA (LLB), and was the first black woman to be invited to the Cape Bar. This thesis explores the childhood and early life of Cissie Gool. I examine influences on her political development before she became the leader of the National Liberation League in 1935. This period of her life has left few material traces. Methodologically, this thesis confronts a challenge facing those who wish to discover hidden lives in the South African past. I argue that it is possible to trace influences on such a life if one shifts the lens through which one conducts historical research. Working with a paucity of sources, where most of the people who knew Cissie Gool as a young person are deceased, this thesis searches for and highlights key influences on Gool's early personal-political development. The thesis rests on a number of premises rooted in feminist theory. I begin from the position that 'the personal is political' and take seriously the argument that the family is a key engine of historical process. I take issue with the statement in much of the secondary literature that Cissie Gool was (merely) 'the younger daughter of Dr Abdurahman', which obscures the fact that this relationship was embedded in a family, in which Cissie's mother was at least as important as her father, and where being a younger daughter with an older sister was significant too. While recognising the significance of the fact that Cissie Gool was fathered by Dr Abdurahman, I underline the centrality of women in a patriarchal society where early socialisation is the specific task of women, and where women and girls experience some degree of social segregation from men and boys. In addition to focusing the lens on family dynamics, I trace sometimes tenuous but nevertheless, real threads linking Cissie Gool to particular political circles on the left in Cape Town in the 1920s and 1930s. I suggest that the leftist heterodoxy which characterised the mature Cissie Gool may be linked to a kindred political spirit among some of her early acquaintances, specifically those at the University of Cape Town, counterposed with the more rigid orthodoxies of friends of the Communist Party on the one hand, and on the other, the so-called Trotskyite purists with whom she was linked by marriage. Cissie Gool, may have been unique in her involvement in all three circles, which intersected at socials hosted by herself and her husband, Dr A H Gool. The androcentricity of both the secondary literature and contemporary documentary sources obscures the specifics of Cissie Gool's political development in this period. Nevertheless, this thesis is based on the premise that, in the absence of more concrete sources, an exploration of the various political circles with which Cissie Gool was associated, in the wider political and socio-economic context of 1920s and 1930s Cape Town, permits one to gain insight into key influences on the political development of Cissie Gool.
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Reed, Milan. "The Human Color: Rooting Black Ideology in Human Rights, a Historical Analysis of a Political Identity". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/103.

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Abstract (sommario):
In the 20th century the relationship between African-Americans and Africa grew into a prominent subject in the lives and perspectives of people who claim Africanheritage because almost every facet of American life distinguished people based on skin color. The prevailing discourse of the day said that the way a person looked was deeply to who they were.1 People with dark skin were associated with Africa, and the notion of this connection has survived to this day. Scholars such as Molefi Kete Asante point to cultural retentions as evidence of the enduring connection between African-Americans and Africa, while any person could look to the shade of their skin as an indication of their African origins. In either case, something seems to always hearken back to Africa. However, in this modern world there is a gap between Africans and African Americans: African-Americans have achieved some great milestones in terms of liberty and equality, while many people living on the African continent still suffer poverty, political disenfranchisement, and precluded liberties. African-Americans have made great strides in dealing with these problems at home, but it is clear that they are on the whole better off than their African counterparts. The lectures and writings of W.E.B. Dubois, Malcolm X, and Kwame Nkrumah reveal that the linkages between African-Americans and Africans are political in nature and therefore do not rest solely on connections of culture or color, but on the shared struggle to achieve the unalienable rights guaranteed to all people.
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