Tesi sul tema "Political cultures and imaginaries"
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1
Aracil, Adrien. "Histoire d'une liberté dans la France moderne. Protestants, politique et monarchie (vers 1598 - vers 1629)". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Sorbonne université, 2022. http://www.theses.fr/2022SORUL071.
Abstract (sommario):
Cette thèse interroge l’histoire politique des réformés français au début du XVIIe siècle au prisme de la notion de liberté : liberté comme défense des acquis juridiques conférés par le régime de l’édit de Nantes, mais aussi comme capacité d’action. Loin de considérer les huguenots comme les victimes passives d’une « France toute catholique », elle les pense comme des acteurs politiques. Cette capacité d’agir est analysée en deux temps : nous interrogeons d’abord les caractéristiques qui fondent cette liberté d’action dans le contexte du XVIIe siècle, à travers une étude de la place accordée aux institutions, à la mémoire, à l’union et au langage dans leurs pratiques. Nous étudions ensuite la « mise en pratique » de cette liberté politique, en interrogeant les évolutions du parti huguenot, du rapport aux institutions, à la noblesse, aux stratégies langagières à la suite de la mort d’Henri IV. Enfin, nous consacrons une dernière partie à la « mise à mort » de cette culture politique : la fin du parti huguenot, largement documentée, n’est pas le fruit de dissensions internes, mais d’une volonté politique qui cherche à attaquer cette libertéThis thesis questions the political history of the French Reformers at the beginning of the seventeenth century through the prism of the notion of freedom : freedom as a defense of the legal gains conferred by the Nantes edict regime, but also as a capacity for action. Far from considering the Huguenots as the passive victims of an «all Catholic France», it considers them as political actors. This capacity to act is analysed in two stages: first, we examine the characteristics underlying this freedom of action in the context of the seventeenth century, through a study of the place given to institutions, memory, union and language in Reformed practices. We then study the «implementation» of this political freedom, questioning the evolutions of the Huguenot party, from the relationship to the institutions, to the nobility, to the language strategies following the death of Henri IV. Finally, we dedicate a last part to the «killing» of this political culture: the end of the Huguenot party, widely documented, is not the result of internal dissension, but of a political will that seeks to attack this freedom
2
SEMENZIN, SILVIA. "BLOCKCHAIN & DATA JUSTICE. THE POLITICAL CULTURE OF TECHNOLOGY". Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/897343.
Abstract (sommario):
Blockchain is a distributed ledger technology arising from the world of Bitcoin and cryptocurrencies, which has been advocated as a disruptive and revolutionary innovation. Because of the peculiarity of its architectural technicalities, in fact, blockchain technology has seen a growth of its social applications in recent years and has gained the attention of a large variety of actors, interested in its potentiality for entering the social domain and enabling the creation of decentralized, horizontal and peer-to-peer networks.
This thesis aims at studying the visions of the world surrounding the implementation of blockchain technology, by analyzing narratives and discourses emerging among those who create and use it. Based on a critical understanding of algorithms and technology as non-neutral and as subject to bias and pitfalls, this work focuses on the sociological and political significance of imagining a technology for the social and public good, posing a particular attention to developers and digital entrepreneurs’ understanding of sociality.
Drawing on a one-year multi-sited fieldwork in Milan, London, Tallinn and the online sphere, this work combines a theoretical analysis with ethnographical insights that arise from participant observation and a number of interviews with individuals from the blockchain scene. By relying on a qualitative study that aims at researching the values and aspirations that are encoded in technology, I argue that blockchain social imaginary is embedded in neoliberal, technocratic visions of the world and that blockchainers’ understanding of society and social relations becomes tokenized and subject to mathematical simplifications.
My argument develops in three phases: firstly, I show how blockchain works as a floating signifier and thus could be interpreted as a populist buzzword; secondly, I argue that blockchain is surrounded by regimes of truth regarding its disruptive potential that overlooks social dynamics and logics; thirdly, I show that blockchainers’ understanding of social good is based on metrics and competition, thereby reinforcing a number of neoliberal myths associated with the Californian Ideology.
By showing the importance of integrating more sociological perspectives to the study of digital technology’s potential, this work exits the financial and informatics domain, merging previous studies on blockchain with a human-rights based approach that ground its roots on social justice theory.
3
Sakarya, Hulya. "Georgian Polyphonic Imaginaries: The Politics of Representation in the Caucasus". Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2012. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/195892.
Abstract (sommario):
AnthropologyPh.D.
This study examines the efficacy of new liberal policies designed to recognize cultural difference and improve integration of ethnic communities in Georgia, an emerging democracy in the Caucasus. Ethnographic fieldwork was conducted in the city of Tbilisi over nine months in 2009 to investigate public opinion and observe changes in heritage-related endeavors. The liberal policies are part of a reform initiative of president Mikheil Saakashvili and reflect his reimagining of the Georgian nation in civic terms rather than ethnonationalist ones. I recognize the unique and ambitious nature of this project and believe that Georgia's leaders are keenly aware of the constraints on their small nation in the context of late capitalism. The project, which I call the Multiethnic Georgia project, is thus a response to these conditions by deploying multiethnic identity as a resource and thus a way to reconfigure Georgia's relationships with its global partners. The Multiethnic Georgia project is problematic on a few levels. At its outset, the project responds to neoliberal pressure rather than to people's desire for a national concept change. Also, average Georgians (not including minorities) believe these kinds of social management paradigms are unnecessary. They claim they have always been tolerant and that social leveling mechanisms will only exacerbate the friction between people. In this sense, ordinary Georgians as well as more educated observers, touch on a problematic feature of the Western recognition paradigm, which arose to prevent ethnic conflict but does not deal with underlying structures that create social inequality. This project seems to be inculcating a superficial approximation of multicultural coexistence. I call attention to Georgian inter-culturalism instead, which exists in the form of unique social practices that show interdependence, flexibility and openness, as well as local norms of civility, and is a better platform from which to construct a recognition and ethnic integration project.
Temple University--Theses
4
Rivas, Cecilia Maribel. "Imaginaries of transnationalism media and cultures of consumption in El Salvador /". Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2007. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3258783.
Abstract (sommario):
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2007.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed June 8, 2007). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 159-168).
5
Szczurek, Anthony. "India's Temporal Imaginaries of Climate Change, 1988-2018". Diss., Virginia Tech, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/88984.
Abstract (sommario):
The advent of climate change promises extreme disruptions to existing concepts of political time, namely the distinction between the modes of time adopted by modern nation-states, natural time, and the everyday life of human beings. Yet the nation-state remains the primary actor through which climate politics is shaped. India is one the most prominent actors in the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and also likely to be one of the most climate-affected societies moving forward. Over the 30-year history of India's engagement at the UNFCCC, there has been a shift from constructing a secular, past-oriented imaginary to a sacred, future-oriented one. The state has fostered these temporal imaginaries through three discursive registers: international politics, climate science, and conservative Hindu ideology. These imaginaries act as a heuristic tool with which to analyze the changing dynamics of political temporality in an era of rapid and extreme climate change.Doctor of Philosophy
Climate change challenges fundamental notion of political time, the temporal relationship that embeds actors and processes. Yet this topic is underanalyzed in academic literature, especially when it comes to non-Western states. India has been one of the most prominent actors at the United Nations climate negotiations and also likely to be heavily affected by extreme climate shifts. Over the 30-year history of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), the Indian government has framed the temporality of climate change in two ways. First, from 1988-2004, it constructed and followed a secular, past-oriented imaginary of climate change. Beginning in 2005, and accelerating with the election of Prime Minister Modi in 2014, the government has begun to construct and follow a sacred, future-oriented imaginary. In this way, the State has moved from rhetorically framing climate change as a significant problem to an opportunity that can be met if India and other societies follow conservative Hindu precepts.
6
Balaskas, Vasileios (Bill). "Mapping utopian art : alternative political imaginaries in new media art (2008-2015)". Thesis, Royal College of Art, 2017. http://researchonline.rca.ac.uk/2844/.
Abstract (sommario):
This thesis investigates the proliferation of alternative political imaginaries in the Web-based art produced during the global financial crisis of 2008 and its aftermath (2008- 2015), with a particular focus on the influence of communist utopianism. The thesis begins by exploring the continuous relevance of utopianism to Western political thought, including the historical context within which the financial crisis of 2008 occurred. This context has been defined by the new political, social and cultural milieu produced by the development of Data Capitalism – the dominant economic paradigm of the last two decades. In parallel, the thesis identifies the “organic” connections between leftist utopian thought and networked technologies, in order to claim that the events of 2008 functioned as a catalyst for their reactivation and expansion. Following this analysis, the thesis focuses on how politically engaged artists have reacted to the global financial crisis through the use of the World Wide Web. More specifically, the thesis categorises a wide range of artworks, institutional and non-institutional initiatives, as well as theoretical texts that have either been written by artists, or have inspired them. The result of this exercise is a mapping of the post-crisis Web-based art, which is grounded on the technocultural tools employed by artists as well as on the main concepts and ideals that they have aimed at materialising through the use of such tools. Furthermore, the thesis examines the interests of Data Capitalists in art and the Internet, and the kinds of restrictions and obstacles that they have imposed on the political use of the Web in order to safeguard them. Finally, the thesis produces an overall evaluation of the previously analysed cultural products by taking into account both the objectives of their creators and the external and internal limitations that ultimately shape their character. Accordingly, the thesis locates the examined works within the ideological spectrum of Marxist and post-Marxist thought in order to formulate a series of proposals about the future of politically engaged Web-based art and the ideological potentialities of networked communication at large.
7
Normann, Andrew J. "Art is Not a Crime: Hip-Hop, Urban Geography, and Political Imaginaries in Detroit". Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1503059494063247.
8
Aranha, Gervacio Batista. "Trem, modernidade e imaginario na Paraiba e região : tramas politico-economicas e praticas culturais (1880-1925)". [s.n.], 2001. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280684.
Abstract (sommario):
Orientador: Maria Stella Martins BrescianiTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-29T03:02:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Aranha_GervacioBatista_D.pdf: 17785952 bytes, checksum: a6d0d1d9488d72cf2e791449a892c426 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2001
Resumo: Este trabalho tem por meta analisar as estradas de ferro no Norte do Brasil do ponto de vista de uma série de práticas político-econômicas e culturais. Em se tratando das práticas político-econômicas, a análise se volta para um poderoso jogo de interesses, marcadamente utilitarista, expresso na lógica do "quem dar mais". Isto equivale a dizer que as ferrovias, na região em estudo, são objeto de acirradas disputas por parte de indivíduos e/ou grupos de interesses que, preocupados em obter o máximo de vantagens pessoais, agem como se as ferrovias fossem propriedade sua, sem qualquer vínculo com a esfera pública. Aos interessados o que importa são os fins e não os meios, razão pela qual os políticos e/ou letrados, na época os articuladores dos projetos ferroviários que vêm à tona nas casas parlamentares e na imprensa, lançam mão de enunciados com fins estratégicos, destinados a produzir efeitos convincentes, pouco importando seu caráter de sinceridade. Daí os muitos jogos verbais e de cena; daí uma série de práticas que são pura teatralização. No tocante às práticas culturais, mencionadas acima, o enfoque se volta para o impacto que o trem de ferro provoca na vida cotidiana do Norte, o que é captado por meio de imagens que o erigem como signo moderno relacionado à emergência de ura novo espaço-tempo, isto é, como signo moderno que expressa rapidez, claramente associado à idéia de que são instituídos ali novos ritmos sociais. Quanto às fontes onde são captadas essas imagens, o texto remete a um intenso diálogo com o seguinte corpo documental: crônicas, poemas, memórias, romances e sátiras, de época ou sobre a época; tabelas sobre preços e/ou horários dos trens, extraída dos jornais; fotografias, algumas tomadas como verdadeiros emblemas, literatura afim, focalizando aspectos diversos da experiência moderna
Abstract: The aim of this paper is to analyses railways in North Brazil, focusing on a range of political economical and cultural practices. Concerning to political and economical practices, the analysis points to a powerful strongly utilitarian game of interests, as in the sentence "who gives more". This means that the railways, in the region studied, are objects of a hotly dispute by individuals and/or group of interests that, worried about getting many personal advantages, act as if the railways were their property, without any bond to the social aspects. For those who get advantages, the most important things are the ends not the means. Because of this, politicians and literacy people - the articulators of railway projects that appear in the congress and media at that time - use strategic enunciations to make convincing effects, without worrying about their sincere character. Then appear the verbal and acting games - a range of practices that is purely acting. Concerning to cultural practices, mentioned before, there is a focus on the impact that train provokes in the everyday life of North Brazil. This can be seen by images that raise it as a modern symbol related to the emergence of a new time-space, that is, as a modern symbol which expresses rapidity clearly associated to ideas in which new social rhythm are instituted
Doutorado
Doutor em História
9
Du, Plessis Irma. "Crafting popular imaginaries : Stella Blakemore and Afrikaner nationalism". Diss., University of Pretoria, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/25581.
10
Mulders-Jones, Declan. "“Petticoat Government”: The Eaton Affair and Jacksonian Political Cultures". Thesis, Department of History, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/8828.
Abstract (sommario):
Though typically trivialised by historians, the Eaton Affair preoccupied Andrew Jackson throughout his first presidency and lived on in nineteenth-century popular memory. This thesis sets aside dismissive, partisan and elitist scholarship, revisiting the contemporary evidence to demonstrate the Eaton Affair comprised two distinct scandals. In doing so, a heretofore unexamined dissonance between the place of women in mass and elite Jacksonian political cultures is also revealed. The clash of these cultures in the Eaton Affair would shape both for years to come: stigmatising “petticoat government” among the masses while severely curtailing its practice within the informal politicking of Washington.
11
Cotter, Brianne. "Las “brujas” en las carceles clandestinas de Argentina: La prisionera politica embarazada y otra madres en la imaginaria cultural del terrorismo estatal". Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1589746381503724.
12
Estrada-Grajales, Carlos. "The right to the digital city: The role of urban imaginaries in participatory citymaking". Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2019. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/127333/2/Carlos_Andres_Estrada_Grajales_Thesis.pdf.
Abstract (sommario):
This study investigates how digital technologies enable citizens to challenge dominant practices of urban decision-making by helping them experience, imagine and shape the city. Developed through three case studies, the research presents an ethnographic exploration of the social, spatial and technological interactions of ordinary citizens, grassroots organisations, and cultural institutions in Brisbane, Australia. This project revisits the concept of citizenship and contributes towards the establishment of alternative principles for community engagement and political participation.
13
Pozzi-Harris, Ana. "De-mythologizing Rivera, political cultures and the European years, 1907-1921". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ31240.pdf.
14
Richardson, S. A. "Political cultures in British trade unionism and their dissemination, 1931-1951". Thesis, University of Salford, 2016. http://usir.salford.ac.uk/41186/.
Abstract (sommario):
This study is an Arts and Humanities Research Council funded collaborative project between Salford University and the Working Class Movement Library (WCML). The project seeks to investigate and analyse, both diachronically and synchronically, the political cultures within major British trade unions affiliated to the Labour Party, the way in which these relate to the ideologies of working-class political movements generally, and how they are situated within wider contemporaneous debates. Typically research into trade unions has focused on the industrial side of their work, their official doctrine, and their formal and explicit policies, as expressed through conference speeches, resolutions and voting behaviour. In contrast this study focuses on the morphology of the ideology and ethos of the different unions and their membership, looking beneath the official policies and overt statements to ascertain their common-sense understandings and unconscious and unquestioned received wisdom, which may have been invisible to the participants, but is exposed with the passage of time. The relationship between the ideological understandings expressed through the journals, the dominant strands of socialist thought, and Labour Party policy, will also be investigated. The key sources for the project are in-house journals (1931-1951), written by and for trade unionists affiliated to the Labour Party, which are held at the WCML. The Amalgamated Engineering Union (AEU) and the National Union of General and Municipal Workers (NUGMW) have been selected for scrutiny: the NUGMW, a general union in which ‘labourism’ dominated, and the AEU, a traditional craft union renowned for its centrist leadership and powerful communist influenced, shop steward movement. The journal of the Aircraft Shop Stewards’ National Council (ASSNC), the New Propellor, is also included, not as a co-equivalent to the official union journals, but as a representative benchmark of the ideological understandings of many engineering activists, who agitated and promoted left-wing socialist and communist interpretations.
15
Loleski, Steven. "Weak revisionists: threats, cultures of insecurity, and regional ambition". Thesis, McGill University, 2011. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=97190.
Abstract (sommario):
In recent years, American foreign policy has been much more attuned to the dangers of rogue states than rising peer-competitors. Perhaps what is more puzzling is why weak states would challenge not only their regional neighborhoods but also a disproportionately powerful United States. This project addresses and explores the phenomena of weak revisionists. The question under investigation here has received comparatively little attention in the scholarly literature: why do weak states adopt expansive foreign policy aims? Existing literature affirms the importance of relative power in determining state behavior and it implies that that only the great powers are afforded the luxury of pursuing other goals beyond their immediate, territorial security. For weak powers to even contemplate goals beyond survival would be a foolhardy endeavor. The underlying motivations behind the formation of foreign policy goals for smaller powers remain unclear and understudied. I present a neoclassical realist approach, which argues that the level of threat faced by a regime and domestic strategic culture determine a state's foreign policy goals. Specifically, I argue that high levels of threat, which heighten a sense of vulnerability, create domestic opportunities for hawkish strategic subcultures to promote a forceful response to those threats. In short, unfavorable geopolitical circumstances, legacies of external and internal challenges, and historical grievances have entrenched cultures of insecurity giving motivation to weak revisionists to pursue expansive goals. Towards this end, I will examine foreign policy-making in Iran, North Korea, and Libya.Ces dernières années, les dangers potentiels présentés par les soi-disant « états voyous » ont inquiété davantage les Etats-Unis que leurs alliés et concurrents. Un des aspects paraissant inexplicable est le fait que ces prétendus états voyous, perçus comme étant plus faibles à tous les niveaux, osent confronter à la fois leurs voisins régionaux mais aussi les Etats-Unis qui apparaissent comme infiniment plus puissants. Ce projet étudie donc la question des « faibles états révisionnistes ». La question à laquelle nous tenterons de répondre est ainsi : pourquoi se fait-il que des états dits relativement « faibles » poursuivent des objectifs politiques internationaux perçus comme agressifs ? La littérature existante affirme que la notion de pouvoir relatif est essentielle pour déterminer le comportement international d'un état, suggérant ainsi que seules les grandes puissances peuvent se permettre d'aspirer à des objectifs internationaux qui vont au-delà de leur sécurité territoriale immédiate. L'idée que des états perçus comme relativement faibles puissent poursuivre des objectifs mettant en danger leur survie paraît inconcevable. Les raisons pour de tels comportements restent à ce jour elles aussi peu étudiées. À travers ce projet, je propose une approche réaliste néo-classique qui suggère que le niveau de menace auquel un état doit faire face ainsi que la culture stratégique de l'état en question déterminent la politique extérieure de cet état. Ainsi, il est démontré qu'un niveau élevé de menace sécuritaire mène à un sentiment de vulnérabilité chez un état, créant ainsi des opportunités pour des sous-cultures stratégiques belliqueuses de promouvoir une réponse agressive à ces menaces. Concrètement, l'association de circonstances géopolitiques défavorables à la présence d'une culture nationale pour la confrontation ainsi qu'à un passé national douloureux a engendré la création de cultures nationales d'insécurité menant des états relativement faibles et révisionnistes à poursuivre des objectifs internationaux agressifs. L'analyse proposée sera complétée par une étude de cas comparée des politiques extérieures de la Libye, de la Corée du Nord, et de l'Iran.
16
Craddock, Emma. "Emotion and gender in local anti-austerity activist cultures". Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2017. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/40848/.
Abstract (sommario):
While large-scale studies of European anti-austerity movements exist, there is a need for in-depth, ‘thick description’ of anti-austerity activist cultures which explores the sustaining as well as motivating factors for political engagement. Furthermore, it is important to pay attention to differences, including gendered differences, within counterhegemonic movements to highlight the power imbalances that exist. This thesis utilises a cultural and affective approach combined with a gender lens to explore the lived and felt experiences of political participation and the gendered dimension of these. It contributes to developing a cultural and feminist approach to studying movements that takes account of emotion and gender by developing an in-depth understanding of a local anti-austerity activist culture. The research used a combination of qualitative research methods, including participant observation and semi-structured interviews with 30 anti-austerity activists in Nottingham. It reveals the central role of emotions in motivating and sustaining activism, uncovering the sustaining processes of solidarity and collective identity, and the importance of reasserting these in the face of an individualistic neoliberal capitalism. It identifies existing gendered barriers and exclusions to activism and ways of overcoming these, revealing that activism’s negative effects are gendered, with women feeling anxiety and guilt for not “doing enough” of the ‘right’ type of activism (direct action). This prioritising of direct action denigrates online activism, which is constructed as its opposition, underlined by the talking versus doing binary construction. Despite its supposedly abstract, universal character, it emerges that the ‘ideal perfect’ activist is the able-bodied male. The implications of this are explored, revealing the ‘dark side’ of activism which is hidden from public view. The thesis also identifies the construction of the ‘authentic’ activist who has the required lived experiences to be a ‘true’ activist, raising issues of representation. It therefore unravels the tensions between participants’ claim that “anyone and everyone can and should do” activism, and the constraints that prevent individuals from becoming politically active, including, problematically, how the ‘activist’ identity is constructed. The thesis highlights the importance of ‘care’ within the context of austerity, demonstrating the ‘retraditionalisation’ of gender roles and norms, with the redrawing of the public/private divide. In response, it explores how activism can be redefined as a form of degendered care, drawing on participants’ emphasis on empathy and universalist discourses. Overall, it contributes to social movement and feminist theory, as well as their overlap, by developing a cultural, affective, and feminist approach to studying social movements which takes account of gendered differences in activist experiences.
17
Porter, Christopher. "Cultures of resistance and compliance : football fandom and political engagement in Manchester". Thesis, Manchester Metropolitan University, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.555830.
Abstract (sommario):
This thesis presents an interpretative analysis of contemporary football culture in Manchester, as it encounters and reacts to significant structural transformations between the years 2003 and 2009. Of prime concern therefore is how locally constituted elements of cultural identification react to processes of globalisation and 'hyper-commodification' (Giulianotti, 2002). While the research field retains a relatively broad local focus on football fandom in Manchester, its core findings rest predominantly on the politicised culture observed within independently organised formations of Manchester United supporters before, during and after the club's 2005 takeover by Malcolm Glazer. Manchester City's 2003 move from their traditional home at Maine Road, and the club's subsequent takeovers, first by Thaksin Shinawatra and more recently by the Abu Dhabi United Group, provide fascinating parallel context due mainly to the lack of oppositional organisation and discourse amongst the club's support. This is highlighted particularly emphatically when the Manchester United supporters' 'breakaway' club FC United of Manchester is considered, although the more compliant characteristics in football fandom generally are acknowledged throughout. A critical research paradigm ensures that due consideration is taken of what Raymond Williams called the "structuring formations", within which these experiences and understandings occur (Gibson, 2000: 264). This account draws upon the researcher's immersed perspective to examine how traditional notions of authenticity are articulated and understood within English football culture. Findings in the immediate context of Manchester reveal high levels of cultural capital attached to values of loyalty and local identity, which impact significantly on attempts to mobilise supporter opposition. The possibilities and limitations within football supporter culture for exerting meaningful resistance are therefore assessed, along with the potential for such struggles to foster wider politicised outlooks. The ambivalence of cultural engagement means that continuity and change are never far apart, with culture found to facilitate, often simultaneously, both a yearning for what might be along with a fear for what might be lost.
18
Chrysoloras, Nikolaos. "Religion and national identity in the Greek and Greek-Cypriot political cultures". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2010. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3026/.
Abstract (sommario):
This thesis investigates the reasons for the idiosyncratic politicization of religion and the Church in Greece and Cyprus, and seeks to account for the production, development and propagation of religious nationalism and the sacralisation of politics in these two countries. It is a study of the birth (1830- 1864), development, and contemporary mutation (1974-2000) of the 'Helleno- Christian' nationalist discourse, which reached its zenith, not in Greece, where it was born, but in Cyprus, immediately before and after independence (1950- 1974). The aim of the project is to explain the political processes whereby this ideology (Helleno-Christianism) attained a hegemonic status in the Greek and Greek-Cypriot political cultures, and to account for the present eminence of this prominent type of Greek nationalism. Hopefully, this thesis fulfils a threefold purpose: firstly, it covers importcint gaps in the relevant historiography on Greek and Greek-Cypriot nationalisms. This 'historical' task is carried out through the analysis of the important role of the Orthodox Church in the consolidation of Greek and Greek-Cypriot national identities. Secondly, this case study is used as a test ground for an alternative theoretical framework in the study of nationalism which may offer solutions to the practical and theoretical problems of the dominant modernist pciradigm. Thirdly, a comparative approach to the study of Greek nationalism in mainland Greece and in Cyprus is adopted- to my knowledge, for the first time- in the following pages. There are two main research questions to be answered by this project: Why and how religion in Greece and Cyprus has been politicized in such manner so that Orthodoxy and nationalism became so closely associated? And, what are the results of this politicization in terms of contemporary Church policy, and national identity awareness in contemporary Greece and Cyprus? In other words, the logic that will be underlying my argument is that in order to understand contemporary Greek nationalism, one has to look back at its formative period.
19
Berger, Thomas U. "America's reluctant allies : the genesis of the political-military cultures of Japan and West Germany". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/13127.
20
Gray, Benjamin D. "Exile and the political cultures of the Greek polis, c. 404-146 BC". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a6032897-65a4-4180-a17e-7372069e27c5.
Abstract (sommario):
This thesis uses the evidence for a wide range of phenomena relating to the exile of citizens, by judicial decision or through stasis, to investigate the political cultures of Greek poleis in the period c. 404-146 BC: the fundamental ideas about citizenship which were in circulation in poleis in that period. Political communication in the context of exile phenomena forced citizens to make explicit their fundamental assumptions about the criteria for civic inclusion and exclusion and about the extent and basis of civic obligation. Analysis of surviving evidence for that communication thus offers unique insights into prominent Greek ideas about citizenship. This method is applied, in chapters 1 and 2, to laws and discussions relating to, first, lawful expulsion and exclusion and, second, civic reconciliation and the reintegration of exiles; and, in chapters 3 and 4, to the political rhetoric, organisation and ideas of participants in exclusionary stasis and of exiled citizens. Wherever possible, ancient Greek philosophers’ arguments, rhetoric and assumptions are compared with those of non-philosophers. Study of the four different bodies of evidence suggests that most poleis’ political cultures were distinguished by their extremes, paradoxes, indeterminacies and contradictions. In particular, many poleis’ political cultures included very significant, radical norms of civic voluntarism, encouraging citizens to exercise extensive voluntary initiative in political contexts. Moreover, most poleis political cultures were dominated by two coexisting, radically opposed basic paradigms of the good polis and of good citizenship: these are defined in the introduction and chapter 1 as a ‘unitarian teleological communitarian’ paradigm and a ‘libertarian contractarian’ paradigm. In addition to revealing fundamental ideas of citizenship, some of the exile evidence enables study of the effects of those ideas in practice in this period: citizens’ political choices, claims and behaviour in relevant periods of stress, such as a bout of exclusionary stasis or a spell of political agitation while in exile, represent a well-defined and revealing case-study of the multiple, competing effects of those ideas on political interaction. It is argued that the exile evidence suggests that the same fundamental ideas of citizenship were conducive both to civic stability and flourishing and to destructive civic unrest.
21
Dean, Kathryn. "Capitalism and collective action : a Marxist account of the erosion of political commitment in liberal capitalist cultures". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1998. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1451/.
Abstract (sommario):
The task of this thesis is to show that a renovated Marxism can offer a comprehensive explanation for the erosion of political commitment in contemporary liberal capitalist cultures. Post-Marxism forms the point of departure for the explanation to be developed. An evaluation of this work suggests that the problem is related to the forms of subjectivity instituted by neo-liberal capitalism. A renovated dialectical Marxism offers the means of filling the gaps in the post-Marxist account. Renovation requires a specific anti-economistic, anti-deterministic reading of two distinct but related strands of the Marxist corpus. The first of these is the theory of capitalism as total mode of life, as found in the work of Marx and Althusser. The second is the account of proletarian revolution developed by Marx and Gramsci. Both strands are read as accounts of subjectivity. The second is also read as an analysis of the constitution of collective political commitment. A comparison of the two will show that the subjects produced by neo-liberal capitalism are incapable of the kind of self-disciplined political commitment needed to undertake and complete demanding collective tasks. This conclusion is only possible, however, if a psychoanalysis rendered in historical institutional terms (mainly that of Freud and Lacan), is articulated to a renovated Marxism, as argued for by Althusser. In addition to the work of Althusser, that of Habermas on the bourgeois public sphere and Castoriadis on institutions suggest the means of articulating psychoanalysis to Marxism. The resulting theory offers a comprehensive explanation of the realities of contemporary social relations as instituted by neo-liberalism since the early 1980s, specifically as manifested in the erosion of political commitment.
22
Lottholz, Philipp. "Post-liberal statebuilding in Central Asia : a decolonial perspective on community security practices and imaginaries of social order in Kyrgyzstan". Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2018. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/8358/.
Abstract (sommario):
This thesis presents a development of the concept of post-liberalism to analyse processes of statebuilding in Central Asia by the example of Kyrgyzstan from a decolonial angle. Recent debates in peace, conflict and intervention studies have conceived of ‘post-liberal’ and ‘hybrid forms of peace’ as modalities of resistance against and re-negotiation of a globally dominant ‘liberal peace’ template promoted by Western governments and the international intervention architecture. This research proposes to critically reconsider these debates by introducing ‘imaginaries of statebuilding’ – understood as mental constructs structuring people’s thoughts and actions – through which the study captures the complex and contradictory processes of reception, adoption and resistance against globally dominant notions of capitalist economic development, democracy, and peacebuilding and security practices. Practices of peacebuilding and community security – and their embeddedness in the post-liberal trajectory of statebuilding – are analysed by the example of local crime prevention centres, territorial youth councils, and a national level NGO network working on police reform and participatory provision of public security. The research demonstrates how exclusion, structural violence and precarity are reproduced and feed into patterns of post-conflict governmentality which exist in sync with seemingly emancipatory and contextually meaningful ways of coexistence and steps towards institutional reform.
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Sabater, i. Garcia Jordi. "Regionalisme i federalisme: la consolidació del catalanisme polític (1895-1905)". Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/442970.
Abstract (sommario):
El catalanisme polític es consolida en el període que va entre la crisi de finals de segle i la constitució de la Solidaritat Catalana. La plena participació en la política institucional ve acompanyada d’una reelaboració doctrinal i de la configuració d’una cultura política pròpia, que han de conviure amb les opcions, tradicions i cultures republicanes i federals. En un nou escenari marcat per l’emergència de la societat de masses, la necessitat de mobilitzar l’opinió pública portarà a una lluita de relats i imaginaris en la qual la premsa humorística política, que gaudia d’una gran popularitat, tindrà un paper fonamental. L’estudi dels setmanaris republicans La Campana de Gràcia i L’Esquella de la Torratxa i del catalanista el ¡Cu-cut! ens permeten conèixer millor la relació entre regionalisme, federalisme i republicanisme en el procés de consolidació del catalanisme polític i confrontar les visions d’uns i altres sobre els esdeveniments ocorreguts entre la guerra de Cuba i l’assalt al ¡Cu-cut!.Political catalanism is consolidated in the period between the crisis of the end of century and the constitution of Catalan Solidarity. The participation in institutional politics is accompanied by a doctrinal reworking and the configuration of an own political culture, which must coexist with republican and federal options, traditions and cultures. In a new scenario characterized by the emergence of mass society, the need to mobilize public opinion will lead to a struggle of tales and imaginaries in which the political humoristic press, which enjoyed a great popularity, will play a fundamental role. The study of republican magazines La Campana de Gràcia and L'Esquella de la Torratxa and the catalanist ¡Cu-cut! allow us to know better the relationship between regionalism, federalism and republicanism in the process of consolidating political catalanism and to confront the visions of both about the events that took place between the Cuba’s war and the military assault on ¡Cu-cut!
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Parvin, Philip. "Liberalism, political theory, and the rights of minority cultures : just how different are the 'politics of difference'?" Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2001. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2270/.
Abstract (sommario):
Liberal political theory has come under increased criticism in recent years for its supposed inability to sufficiently 'accommodate' or 'recognise' cultural difference. Liberalism, it is said, is insufficiently attentive to the importance of group attachments, is rooted in a universalism which undermines the boundaries between cultures and is, therefore, unable to adequately resolve those political conflicts which arise out of the cultural, religious and ethnic diversity found in contemporary Western societies. The thesis examines these claims and argues that liberalism is more resistant to criticism than many non-liberals (and liberals) believe. The thesis argues that liberalism is a necessarily 'comprehensive' doctrine, committed to the principle of individual autonomy and that this places constraints upon what groups can and cannot be allowed to do in the name of cultural values. It therefore challenges those 'political liberals' who seek to isolate individual autonomy as valuable only in the political sphere, and those other liberals who argue that liberalism should not commit itself to autonomy at all. The thesis argues that these liberals fail to displace the importance of autonomy in liberalism, and that they cannot help but appeal to precisely this principle in order to reach the conclusions they do. The thesis extends this argument to those pluralists, difference-theorists and advocates of a politics of 'recognition', who seek to replace liberalism with a new form of politics altogether. It shows that these doctrines presuppose the ability of each and every individual to reflect upon their ends and to justify them to within particular constraints in the same way as liberalism. It argues therefore, that these antiliberal theorists are required to encourage and defend the autonomy of each and every individual within the polity in much the same way as liberals. Finally, the thesis questions the significance of 'culture' to liberal political theory and to normative theorising more generally. Most specifically, it questions the link between cultural membership and personal autonomy made by liberals like Will Kymlicka and Joseph Raz. It argues that 'culture' is insufficiently determined in the literature and that this severely weakens the argument for the 'affirmation' or 'protection' of cultural groups. The thesis argues that once we begin to examine the idea of 'culture' (as it is used in the literature) in detail, we soon realise that cultural membership is not a prerequisite of individual autonomy in the way that culturalist liberals believe. Having argued as much, the thesis claims that the liberal argument for affording 'group rights' to cultures is severely weakened, as are similar arguments advanced by advocates of a politics of difference, recognition, cultural recognition, or pluralism.
25
Capillé, C. C. "Spatial cultures of public libraries : architecture, collective use and political agendas in Medellín's Library-Parks". Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2016. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1534581/.
Abstract (sommario):
Political and cultural agendas determine the programmes of public libraries, implying complex and often conflicting requirements in terms of their functioning. On one hand, they need to provide open and equal access to knowledge. On the other, they have functional needs that might restrict or condition the distribution and access of books, equipment and people. At the same time, social and technological changes cause this building type to change so as to include the idea of socialisation as a form of learning. This thesis investigates how space, programme and use interrelate in public libraries in order to express an intended public message and fulfil a specific social and cultural effect. Medellín’s Library-Parks are the main case studies analysed, as they function as key elements of a project that addresses social inequalities. Through spatial analysis using space syntax methods, the thesis provides a thorough description of these libraries’ spatial configuration and their spatial organisation of programme. In addition, it shows how the libraries are used through a detailed mapping of users’ co-presence, which exposes patterns that are further associated with the spatial and programmatic arrangements. Based on these three analyses, the thesis formulates types of spatial cultures in public libraries and exposes the role of space in influencing the emergence and/or constraint of particular patterns of social awareness that the traditional notion of the programme cannot capture. It is found that depending on how public libraries control public use (spatially and programmatically), they can support the emergence of informal activities or work as educational institutions only. In addition, depending on how public libraries’ educational role is manifested in space as spatial practices, they can serve as places that facilitate the exercise of institutional-bureaucratic power to normalise visitors’ behaviours, or places that stimulate public participation and negotiation. The findings emphasise how public libraries work as accessible civic environments, promoting visitors’ political and social awareness and potentially strengthening the collective engagement of the surrounding communities.
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Wan, Mohd Ghazali Wan Norshira. "The embedment of Islamic cultures : an analysis of Islamic, cultural, and political practices in Malaysia". Thesis, Nottingham Trent University, 2016. http://irep.ntu.ac.uk/id/eprint/31530/.
Abstract (sommario):
This research examines the entrenchment of Islamic cultures in Malaysia’s political system and society. The study contends that the state is involved directly in the composition of cultures through its power structure. The study begins with an initial question of 'how Islamic ideology has been embedded in the socio-political context'. As Islam is not the only practising religion; another question to be explored is 'what interpretation do people give to the construction and practices of Islam'. With the aim to extend the current research treatment of Malaysia’s Islamic revivalism and Islamisation project, this study focuses on the cultural implications and experiences of Islam. Since most research deals with the broader role of Islam in Malaysian politics, the cultural implications and experiences of the religion in society has not been specifically or substantively addressed and has led to the peripheral notion of Islam. This study uses an individual interview approach and focus group discussions on exploring the experiences of the research participants with regard to the phenomenon under investigation. Participants from three categories – government authority, media practitioner, and ordinary people – were approached with the general assumption that they could provide from general to specific information related to the key research questions. An abbreviated version of grounded theory using a constructivist-interpretivist paradigm is adopted to explore the lived experiences of individuals who witness, experience, and involve in the ways in which Islam has been constructed, preserved, contested, or resisted in the society. Based on the framework built from the grounded theory analysis, the research shows Islam as one of the ideological hegemony that strengthens the state's power in governing Malaysian society. In so doing, the state assembles many important institutions and mobilises them as its cultural producers to shape the understanding and practice of Islam at the political level. The study also reveals, when religious consciousness has increased, the Islamisation projects are no longer a mere political rivalry and state’s manipulation of power but more towards fulfilling the community's need for stronger Islam. From Gramscian notion, the state promotes values that are in congruence with the people’s interest to retain its hegemony. This has moulded the culture and lifestyle of the Muslim in Malaysia through the visibility of Islamic practices as compared to other religions. However, it is learned from the data, some Islamic rules and practices have put ethnic relations into complex situations. The identification of Malay and Islam has led to the portrayal of other ethnic groups as the ‘other’. Too much emphasis on Islam (us) has side-lined other religious practices (other). In conclusion, these results negate the view that Islam holds a subservient position as claimed by a few studies. Finally, the research suggests other areas that could be explored using the same framework.
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Kent, Carrasco Daniel. "Jayaprakash Narayan and lok niti : socialism, Gandhism and political cultures of protest in XX Century India". Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2016. http://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/jayaprakash-narayan-and-lok-niti(052c8bf3-3758-4a9e-a265-d8604e60e4b4).html.
Abstract (sommario):
This work is devoted to situating the life, ideas and work of Jayaprakash Narayan in the horizon of protest and emancipatory politics in twentieth century India. It intends to show that JP must be taken as one of the main architects and promoters of political cultures of protest in XX century India, an ensemble of practices and forces acting within and outside the realm of institutional state politics, and involving political parties, anti-statist movements and nongovernmental organizations. Despite being readily identified as a Gandhian socialist, my general argument in this dissertation is that JP´s life-long political engagement with the politics of protest and emancipation should be decoded through the logic of a political culture of protest he identified with lok niti, a formula that embraces diverse ideals, practices and political strands of opposition to the state brought together by a common aversion to and rejection of “powerpolitics” or raj niti. I will argue that Gandhi's Non-Cooperation movement provided the event that created the fidelity that propelled JP into politics and that socialism was the framework through which he conceived of social transformation throughout his life. Indeed, socialism, Marxism and the ideas of Gandhi represented for JP little more than systems of interpretation that should be combined with others for the promotion of a truly revolutionary political practice of protest, which he defined as lok niti.
28
Sargeant, Amy. "Semiotics of disillusionment: Protesting and Reframing Australia's political spectacle through détournement". Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2020. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/206454/1/Amy_Sargeant_Thesis.pdf.
Abstract (sommario):
This practice-led research project explores and expresses my disillusionment with the dysfunctions of the political establishment in Australia. This is achieved by reframing the visual elements of political spectacle through the installation of video, audio and sculpture, deployed in public and gallery settings. The research is enacted through a Rancièrian lens and uses a practice-led methodology, deploying the Situationist method of détournement to de-stabilise points of symbolic reference appropriated from Australian politics.
29
Felske, Johanna Aileen. "A Comparison of the Influence of Immigration on the Political Cultures of High River, Alberta, and Brooks, Alberta". Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/35052.
Abstract (sommario):
This thesis compares the impact of immigration on the political cultures of the town of High River, Alberta, and the city of Brooks, Alberta, from 1996 until 2012.
High River and Brooks are located in southern Alberta, and are home to large meat processing facilities. Both municipalities experienced population growth from 1996 until 2012, but while the immigrant and non-permanent resident population of High River increased by 108.82% from 1996 until 2011, the immigrant and non- permanent resident population of Brooks increased by 368.38% in the same period.
Two indicators of political engagement are used, including voting results from provincial elections held in 1997, 2001, 2004, and 2008. In addition, local newspaper publications are reviewed; the High River Times and The Brooks Bulletin are examined for two months preceding a provincial election, during the month of an election, and for one month following an election.
Cette thèse fait une comparaison de l'impact de l'immigration sur les cultures politiques de High River, Alberta, et de Brooks, Alberta, entre 1996 et 2012 .
High River et Brooks sont situés dans le sud de l'Alberta, et il y a des usines de transformation de la viande dans les deux villes. La population des deux municipalités a augmenté entre 1996 et 2012, mais bien que la population immigrante et de résidents non-permanents de High River ont augmenté de 108,82% entre 1996 et 2011, cette population de Brooks a augmenté de 368,38% dans le même période.
Deux indicateurs d'engagement politique sont utilisés, y compris les résultats des élections provinciales tenues en 1997, 2001, 2004, et 2008. En outre, les publications des journaux locaux, le High River Times et The Brooks Bulletin, sont examines deux mois avant une élection provinciale, au cours du mois d'une élection, et pendant un mois après.
30
Shahrani, Shahreena. "In Pursuit of `Good Society’: Navigating Politics, Marriage, and Adulthood in Contemporary Jordan". The Ohio State University, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1471545445.
31
Bates, David Keith. "Moving fundamentalism toward the mainstream : John R. Rice and the reengagement of America's religious and political cultures /". Search for this dissertation online, 2006. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ksu/main.
32
Riffo, Pavón Ignacio. "Los imaginarios sociales y el framing en los mensajes políticos persuasivos: un análisis de los spots de las candidaturas a la presidencia de Chile 2017". Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/668293.
Abstract (sommario):
Esta tesis doctoral se ubica en el terreno de la comunicación política, desde donde se despliega un recorrido teórico y reflexivo a los imaginarios sociales y el framing para así profundizar en el fenómeno de la construcción de los mensajes de propaganda. De esta manera, se observa la complementariedad y la importancia de ambas teorías en la estructuración del tejido argumental de los mensajes provenientes de las candidaturas políticas en el contexto de campaña electoral. Por tanto, este proyecto centra su interés en el estudio de los mensajes políticos persuasivos que son transmitidos por televisión. Por ello, desde una metodología cualitativa, se realiza un análisis de los spots de las ocho candidaturas a la presidencia de Chile del año 2017 exhibidos en la Franja Electoral televisiva. Este desarrollo analítico tiene como objetivos generales: a) determinar las formas de frame o enmarcado que las candidaturas definen en las temáticas que presentan en sus spots e b) identificar cuáles son los imaginarios sociales que las candidaturas presentan en sus spots. Los resultados obtenidos dan cuenta de que los anuncios de los candidatos y candidatas presentan un tejido de imaginarios sociales y temáticas enmarcadas de maneras particulares. Esta configuración detectada en los anuncios muestra una firme coherencia según el entramado valórico y fines que presenta cada candidatura.This doctoral thesis belong to the field of political communication, from a theoretical and reflexive journey it unfolds to social imaginaries and framing in order to deepen the symbolic construction phenomenon of propaganda’s messages. In this way, we observe the complementary approach and importance of both theories in the structuring of the argumental tissue of the messages coming from the political candidatures in the context of the electoral campaign. Therefore, this project focuses on the study of persuasive political messages that are broadcast on television. Therefore, using a qualitative methodology for analyze the spots of the eight candidacies for the presidency of Chile of the year 2017 exhibited in the TV Electoral Strip. This analytical development has as general objectives: a) determine the frame forms of the themes that the candidates show in their spots and b) identify which are the present social imaginaries in the candidates spots. The results obtained show a web of social and thematic imaginaries framed. This configuration detected in the ads shows a strong coherence according to the value framework and purposes presented by each application.
33
Webb, P. Taylor. "Teacher power : the exercise of professional autonomy in political school cultures monitored by policies of accountability and surveillance /". Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/7654.
34
Guillard, Séverin. "Musique, villes et scènes : localisation et production de l’authenticité dans le rap en France et aux Etats-Unis". Thesis, Paris Est, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PESC1192.
Abstract (sommario):
Des associations entre la musique et certains espaces se retrouvent à de multiples niveaux dans le rap français et américain : des rappeurs affirment « représenter » certaines villes ou certains quartiers, les spécificités stylistiques du rap américain sont expliquées par les contextes urbains dans lesquels elles ont émergé tandis que le rap français est abordé dans les médias comme le reflet d’un univers propre à la « banlieue ». Qu’y-a-t-il derrière ces associations ? Où et comment émergent-elles ? Dans quelle mesure participent-elles à construire l’authenticité de cette musique ? Pour répondre à ces questions, cette thèse analyse les lieux dans lesquels se construit cet ancrage local. Elle se fonde sur des enquêtes de terrains approfondies menées dans quatre villes : à Atlanta et à Minneapolis/Saint Paul, aux Etats-Unis, dans les régions parisienne et lilloise, en France. Depuis les imaginaires géographiques des œuvres jusqu’aux performances dans les salles de concerts, depuis l’organisation de festivals jusqu’à la circulation des styles musicaux, c’est tout un circuit de production du rap qui apparaît, et qui met en évidence le fonctionnement de deux univers : celui des mondes artistiques liés à cette musique et celui des espaces urbains dans lesquels ils s’inscrivent. Cette thèse apporte ainsi un éclairage inédit sur la place de la culture en France et aux Etats-Unis, et sur la façon dont elle s’insère dans les villes, dans un contexte mondialiséAssociations between music and spaces are to be encountered on many levels in French and American rap music: rappers claim to « represent » cities or neighborhoods, stylistic specificities of American rap are explained by the urban contexts in which they emerged, while French rap music is seen by the media as reflecting the sphere of the « banlieue ». How can such associations be understood, where and how are they forged, and to what extent do they contribute to the construction of the authenticity of the music? This dissertation aims to answer these questions by investigating the places in which this local rootedness is constructed, on the basis of in-depth fieldwork in four cities: Atlanta and Minneapolis/Saint-Paul, in the U.S., and in the urban areas of Paris and Lille, in France. The thesis considers the geographic imaginaries embedded in the music, performances in live music venues, the organization of festivals and the circulation of musical styles in order to uncover the chain of production of rap music. It casts light simultaneously on artistic worlds related to this music and on the urban spaces in which it is embedded. Thereby, it uncovers little explored aspects of the location of culture in France and the US, and how it is tied to cities, in a globalized context
35
RIZANKOSKA, JOSIPA. "Entropy Resistant Cultures in Frail Nation-States: the Radicalism of the Ethno-Regionalist Parties in Central and Eastern Europe". Doctoral thesis, Università di Siena, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11365/1012931.
Abstract (sommario):
While we have been witnessing bloody secessionist movements and inter-ethnic conflicts in several Central and Eastern European countries, such as those of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Moldova, Ukraine etc., we have also observed democratization in the mobilization of these ethno-regionalist movements in the transitioning period, i.e., proliferation of ethno-regionalist party (ERP). In spite of the unbalanced, in scope and method, literature on the post-communist societies if compared to the Western democracies, the scholars have moved from the overly represented works on post-conflict societies and inter-ethnic conciliation, to addressing ethno-regionalism in CEE from the perspective of party politics. The main switch of scholarship attention in both Western and Eastern European ethno-regionalist politics, nonetheless, is the one from treating ethnic-regionalist parties as a ‘zero-sum’ game factors (power-sharing theory) to seeing them as vote-maximizers and strategic players in the electoral competition (outbidding and nested competition theories). Secessionism, thus, shall be treated as political parties appeal in this work. We are interested in what explains the radicalism of those entropy resistant mobilized cultures in CEE? The research question is: what accounts for the radicalism of the self-determination claims of the ethno-regionalist parties of Central and Eastern Europe?
For the purpose of finding the answers to our hypotheses we shall use empirical/quantitative method for testing twelve hypotheses on the dependent variable ‘radicalism of the self-determination claims of ERPs in CEE’. These hypotheses are to be grouped in three main clusters: the first one embracing the electoral competition constellations in a polity, the second one including countries’ level of decentralization/regional authority and the pressure of the EU conditionality for Candidate Countries, and the last one encompassing countries’ socio- economic and democratic development.
We initially target party manifestos from 90 ERPs coming from 17 CEE countries in the period of 1989-2015, and eventually analyze 72 of them. The dependent variable is initially measured trough five ordinal categories: Protectionist, Autonomist_Municipal, Autonomist_Regional, Federalist and Secessionist ERPs.
The main argument of this thesis is that the intra-ethnic outbidding theory prevails when explaining the ERPs’ strategies for ideological radicalism. We hereby infer that ERPs’ size, electoral fragmentation, inclusion of competitive ERP in previous governments, party’s age, and current level of regional government are statistically significant factors of radicalism of ERPs’ self-determination appeals. On the contrary, we find the higher level of liberal democracy of a polity and the higher level of corruption to be significant moderators of ERPs’ radicalism.
The thesis is being structured in five chapters, starting with Chapter 1 where we offer the working definition of the concept of Ethno-regionalist party, which is subject to analysis (the ‘what’ question of the thesis). In Section 1.2. we elaborate other theoretical and analytical frameworks of analysis. We then, pose the Research questions and construct our Hypotheses (the ‘how’ question), and we turn to the added value of this dissertation for literature ( the ‘why’ question). We shall approach the end of the first Chapter by explaining the research design, the data and the method (the ‘when’ and ‘where’ questions), where we include a short emphasis of the unit of analysis, the case selection and data, the operationalization of the dependent variable “radicalism of the self-determination claims”, and the final specification of the method of categorization of the parties’ manifestos.
The scouting of the Central and Eastern Europe, with two separate emphases on the entropy-resistant categories (the ethno-regional groups) and the frail nation states (the nationalizing states in between regime change, transition and stability) is to be done in Chapter 2. Moreover, we shall put an emphasis on the political and electoral systems of the countries of CEE from a comparative perspective, their level of regionalization, socio-economic change and conflicts occurring due to inter-ethnic intolerance.
Chapter 3 will depict the origins of ERP in CEE (where, when and how many?) by offering insights into the success and failure of the ERP in CEE through their lifespan, as well as a general picture of the electoral fortunes of the ERPs from today’s comparative perspective. Chapter 4 thoroughly elaborates the definition and the measurement of the radicalism of ERPs from a comparative perspective. We shall understand the operationalization of the level of radicalism of ERPs’ self-determination demands, we shall learn about the method and technique for coding ERPs’ manifestos, and from the manifestos coding results we shall eventually compare the ERPs’ radicalism in CEE.
In the concluding Chapter 5 we shall finally approach towards the empirical test of the radicalism of the ERPs in CEE. We offer a glimpse into the results from the ordered logistic regressions with the dependent variable operationalized as an ordinal variable with three categories, the predicted probabilities for radicalism of the ERPs in CEE with changes on values of the independent variables, and additional diagnostics and predictions on restricted samples (exclusion of potential influential cases).
At the end we will offer some final concluding remarks, emphasis on the new puzzles and perspectives for future research.
36
Vimieiro, Ana Carolina. "Football supporter cultures in modern-day Brazil: Hypercommodification, networked collectivisms and digital productivity". Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2015. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/91056/14/Ana_Vimieiro_Thesis.pdf.
Abstract (sommario):
This thesis analyses the implications for football cultures of the profound socio-economic changes that Brazil has experienced in the last decade. It explores two major impacts: the economic boom of the domestic football sector, and the large-scale adoption of new technologies in fans' activities. The study identified a new phase of football culture in Brazil, characterised by the domination of market logics and intense commercialisation. The empirical findings also showed that new technologies are changing how supporters coordinate activities that challenge the gentrification of the game.
37
Rico, i. Garcia Antoni. "La influència del pensament de Joan Fuster en les cultures polítiques dels Països Catalans (1960-1992)". Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Girona, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/662561.
Abstract (sommario):
Joan Fuster was one of the most prominent intellectuals of the Catalan Letters in the last century. His national thought and the construction of a Valencian identity which was an alternative to the existing one, was central during the sixties and seventies for the different Valencian political cultures. Furthermore, the national proposal for the «Catalan countries» which he theorized and deffended, obliged the political cultures in Catalonia and the Balearic Islands to modify their national approaches. The whole spectre of the opposition to Franco, from the left to the nationalism passing through the liberal right , were interpellated by Fuster's proposal. Nevertheless, with the transition, the events put away intellectuals and polical proposals such as the one Fuster propounded. The consolidation of democracy and the country's political state of autonomies eventually showed that national initiatives such as the ones Fuster conceived did not fit in the new regime.Joan Fuster va ser un dels intel·lectuals més importants de les lletres catalanes el segle passat. El seu pensament nacional i la construcció d’una identitat valenciana alternativa a l’existent, fou central durant la dècada dels seixanta i setanta per a les diferents cultures polítiques valencianes. Igualment, la proposta nacional dels «Països Catalans» que teoritzà i defensà, va obligar les cultures polítiques de Catalunya i les Illes a modificar els seus plantejaments nacionals. Tot l’espectre de l’antifranquisme, des de l’esquerra al nacionalisme passant per la dreta liberal, es veieren interpel·lats per la proposta fusteriana. Amb la transició, però, els esdeveniments anaren arraconant a intel·lectuals i propostes polítiques com la fusteriana. La consolidació de la democràcia i l’Estat de les autonomies acabà per mostrar que plantejaments nacionals com el fusteria no encaixaven en el nou règim.
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Silva, Bárbara Bezerra Siqueira. "O poder político de José Américo de Almeida: a construção do americismo (1928-1935)". Universidade Federal da Paraíba, 2015. http://tede.biblioteca.ufpb.br:8080/handle/tede/8098.
Abstract (sommario):
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Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq
This dissertation aims to analyze the formation of the political power of José Américo de Almeida, known as americismo, in the period from 1928 to 1935. For a better understanding of this period discussed his ascension in the political scenario of Paraíba, still in the year 1928, at the invitation of the then President of Paraíba, João Pessoa. At that time we highlight their participation as Secretary of Public Security of the State, during the revolt of Princess, as well as its passage in the political command of Paraíba after João Pessoa and their participation and performance in the so-called "revolution of 1930”. In the case of americismo growth in Paraíba and the performance of José Américo de Almeida, the front of the provisional Government in the North/Northeast, seek support in the political history and the concept of political cultures. Other relevant period in the history of Almeida was the arrival at the Ministry of ways and public works in the interim Government of Getúlio Vargas highlighting its action in combating drought and the scourge in the region, in addition to the use of the Federal Inspectorate Works Against droughts for growth of this group and its name beyond the borders of the State. Also gave emphasis the political post in Paraíba rearticulations 30, seeking to understand what factors contributed to the expulsion of Almeida of politics in the year 1935 Paraíba. To carry out this research use the Union newspaper, the years from 1930 to 1934, research also in the collection of the foundation Casa de José Américo, where there is a rich iconographic material, as well as letters and telegrams received and dispatched.
Esta dissertação tem por objetivo analisar a formação do poder político de José Américo de Almeida, conhecido como americismo, no período de 1928 a 1935. Para um melhor entendimento desse período discutimos a sua ascensão no cenário da política paraibana, ainda no ano de 1928, a convite do então presidente da Paraíba, João Pessoa. Nesse momento destacamos a sua participação enquanto Secretário de Segurança Pública do Estado, durante a revolta de Princesa, bem como a sua passagem no comando político da Paraíba, após a morte de João Pessoa, a sua participação e atuação na chamada “revolução” de 1930. Em se tratando do crescimento do americismo na Paraíba e a atuação de José Américo de Almeida, à frente do governo provisório do Norte/Nordeste, buscamos suporte na história política e no conceito de culturas políticas. Outro período relevante na trajetória de Almeida foi a chegada ao Ministério da Viação e Obras Públicas no governo provisório de Getúlio Vargas, destacando a sua ação no combate à seca e ao flagelo na região, além da utilização da Inspetoria Federal de Obras Contra as Secas (IFOCS) a favor do crescimento desse grupo político e de seu nome para além das fronteiras do Estado. Também demos ênfase as rearticulações políticas na Paraíba pós-30, buscando entender quais fatores contribuíram para o afastamento de Almeida da política paraibana no ano de 1935. Para a realização desta pesquisa utilizamos o jornal A União, dos anos de 1930 a 1934, pesquisamos também no acervo da Fundação Casa de José Américo, onde existe um farto material iconográfico, bem como cartas e telegramas recebidas e expedidas.
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Nguluwe, Johane A. "The "puny David" of Shona and Ndebele cultures a force to reckon with in the confrontation of the "Goliath" of violence /". Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN) Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN) Access this title online, 2006. http://www.tren.com.
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Ortega, Garzón Sandra María. "De hombres y de bestias: figuras animales de lo político en el teatro colombiano contemporáneo". Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/664099.
Abstract (sommario):
La presente tesis estudia el auge del imaginario animal dentro de la dramaturgia colombiana de los últimos veinte años (1996-2015), fenómeno estrechamente vinculado a la situación sociopolítica del país, en el que existe una persistencia en la figura animal como mecanismo de representación metafórica de lo político. Esta investigación tiene como marco histórico la época del conflicto armado colombiano, un periodo caracterizado por un conflicto interno que azota a Colombia desde los años cincuenta del siglo pasado hasta hoy, y que ha desatado una violencia política y social generalizada en el país. Situación que ha servido de germen escritural para un gran número de artistas colombianos que a través de la fecundidad simbólica y metafórica de sus imágenes expresan su visión del mundo.
Esta investigación se sustenta en aportaciones teóricas de ámbitos como la filosofía, la antropología, la sociología, la semiótica, la literatura y el teatro; y a nivel metodológico se acoge a las premisas “mitodológicas” de Gilbert Durand para indagar en las imágenes-texto de lo animal en la dramaturgia colombiana y en su universo como fuente de creación. Todo ello con el fin de hallar los lazos que unen la dramaturgia textual y escénica —la ficción de las obras— a la realidad colombiana y alcanzar así una interpretación profunda de las figuras animales.
El estudio sobre lo animal en esta tesis está dividido en dos partes: la primera, escrita a manera de bestiario, da cuenta de las figuras de la “bestialidad” encontradas en las obras del corpus. Allí se analizan las dos visiones de bestialidad presentes, la natural y la anormal, para hallar las figuras de la bestia y el monstruo como imágenes de otredad. La segunda parte, estructurada bajo dos temáticas principales, el cuerpo y el hábitat del animal, está dedicada a develar los mecanismos escriturales y escénicos utilizados por los dramaturgos para figurar y pensar la animalidad; figuración que llevó a concluir que, en la ficción colombiana contemporánea el lugar del animal es el del exilio y la exclusión, la visión del hombre es la de un “hommo inhumanus” y la visión del mundo es la de un mundo “cárnico”This dissertation studies the boom of animal imaginary within the last twenty years (1996-2015) of Colombian dramaturgy. This is a phenomenon closely linked to the socio-political situation in the country where animal figures persist as a mechanism of metaphorical representation of its political reality. This research has as historical background the period of the armed conflict in Colombia, an era characterized by an internal armed struggle affecting the country from the 1950s to the present day that has sparked a wave of social and political violence in the country. This situation has served as scriptural seed for many Colombian artists who have used their symbolic and metaphorical images to reflect their worldview. This research is supported by theoretical contributions from different scientific disciplines, including philosophy, anthropology, sociology, semiotics, literature and theatre studies. In terms of its methodology, it uses Gilbert Durand's myth analysis model to dive into the images-text of the animal in Colombian dramaturgy and its universe as a source of creation. And in order to find the links between text and scenic dramaturgy —the fiction of the plays— with the Colombian reality, this study offers a comprehensive interpretation of animal figures. The study on “the animal” in this thesis is divided in two parts: the first one, written as a bestiary, reflects upon the findings of “bestiality” in the work. This part discusses two visions of bestiality, a natural and an abnormal one, as a way of finding beasts characters and monsters as images of otherness. The second part is structured under two principal subjects, the animal’s body and habitat. It is focused on unveiling the textual and scenic mechanisms used by playwrights to picture and to think of animality; an imaginary that led us to conclude that, in contemporary Colombian fiction, the place of the animal is exile and exclusion, and the vision of man is that of an “hommo inhumnus” while the vision of the world is that of a “meat” world.
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Rogan, Frances. "Social media, bedroom cultures and femininity : exploring the intersection of culture, politics and identity in the digital media practices of girls and young women in England". Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2018. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/8199/.
Abstract (sommario):
In recent years, the position of (post-)millennial girls and young women within the digital landscape of social media has proven to be a topic of much interest to a number of feminists, journalists and cultural commentators. On the one hand, girls’ (social) media practices are presented as a key site of concern, wherein new digital technologies are said to have produced an intensification of individualized, neoliberal and post-feminist identities. At the same time, others have championed access to social media for young people as a revolutionary political tool, wherein previously marginalised political subjects (such as girls) can access and participate within new and exciting political cultures. This thesis offers an original contribution to these debates by locating itself at the intersection of these two approaches and examining the role of social media in the production of girls’ cultural and political identities. I present my findings from focus groups carried out with girls (aged 12-18) in three urban locations in England. This data is organised around the three overriding themes of space, surveillance and visibility. Ultimately, the thesis argues that social media should be conceptualised as an important terrain upon which neoliberal and postfeminist subjectivities can be both reproduced and subverted.
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Luck, Simon. "Sociologie de l'engagement libertaire dans la France contemporaine : socialisations individuelles, expériences collectives et cultures politiques alternatives". Phd thesis, Université Panthéon-Sorbonne - Paris I, 2008. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00338951.
Abstract (sommario):
Cette thèse ambitionne de faire la sociologie d'un mode d'engagement qui est aussi une forme de rapport spécifique au politique : le militantisme libertaire. Entendu au sens large, il s'agit de l'engagement dans des organisations horizontales (dépourvues de hiérarchie), autonomes des institutions de la démocratie représentative et pratiquant l'action directe (de la manifestation traditionnelle aux occupations et autres squats). C'est à travers l'étude des socialisations successives des militants (primaires, au sein de la famille, puis secondaires, dans les groupes de pairs et dans le collectif militant) qu'est envisagée la formation et le renforcement des dispositions des militants à l'investissement dans une organisation libertaire ainsi que leur acquisition progressive d'une culture politique et d'un rapport au politique spécifiques. Ces différentes socialisations contribuent à faire s'éloigner, au sein de la nébuleuse libertaire, les militants anarchistes et les activistes de la gauche radicale et alternative, qui développent des conceptions différentes de ce que doivent être l'action politique et ses finalités. En dépit de leurs importantes similitudes, anarchistes et radicaux se retrouvent dans des identifications collectives divergentes qui rendent difficile leur collaboration. Leur engagement, largement affranchi des contraintes collectives, traduit un rapport au groupe qui est lui aussi clairement lié à une culture spécifique et distincte, qui influence tant la pérennité des investissements individuels que la durée de vie des collectifs.
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Alati, Daniel. "Domestic counter-terrorism in a global context : a comparison of legal and political structures and cultures in Canada and the United Kingdom's counter-terrorism policy-making". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2a37e08e-8463-4000-9fdc-389072bc5960.
Abstract (sommario):
Although both Canada and the United Kingdom had experienced terrorism prior to the attacks that occurred in the United States on September 11, 2001, Roach has argued that the events of that day ‘produced a horrible natural experiment that allows us to compare how international institutions and different countries responded’. Arguably, the most significant international response post-9/11 was the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1373, which set a 90-day deadline for states to implement measures in accordance with the Resolution. Despite the fact that both Canada and the United Kingdom already had in place extensive provisions to deal with terrorism, both countries responded swiftly and their legislative responses reflect the histories and legal, political and social cultures of each country. This thesis tests the hypothesis that national security remains a bastion of national sovereignty, despite the force of international legal instruments like UN Security Council Resolution 1373 and, as such, the evolution of counter-terrorism policies in different jurisdictions is best analyzed and understood as a product of local institutional structures and cultures. To test this hypothesis, this thesis engages in comparative analyses of legal and political structures and cultures within Canada and the United Kingdom. It analyses variations in the evolution of counter-terrorism policies in the two jurisdictions and explores the domestic reasons for them. In its analysis of security certificates and bail with recognizance/investigative hearings in Canada, and detention without trial, control orders and TPIMs in the UK, this thesis reveals how domestic structures and cultures, including the legal system, the relative stability of government, local human rights culture, and geopolitical relationships all influence how counter-terrorism measures evolve.
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Di, Mauro Luca. "Le secret et Polichinelle : ou cultures et pratiques de la clandestinité politique à Naples au début du XIX siècle (1799-1821)". Thesis, Paris 1, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA010711/document.
Abstract (sommario):
La thèse analyse les différents usages du secret et de la clandestinité politique au Royaume de Naples de 1799 à 1721. A partir de la fin de l'expérience de la République napolitaine jusqu'au retour de l'absolutisme de Ferdinand 1 en 1821, la présence et l'action de différentes sociétés secrètes est l'un des traits typiques de la vie politique napolitaine. A travers l'analyse des deux formations les plus connues et répandues la franc-maçonnerie et la Carboneria ainsi que de plusieurs groupes mineurs, ce travail s'interroge sur l'efficacité de l'action politique cachée autant comme moyen de défense contre la répression que comme lieu d'élaboration politique et de sauvegarde de contenus non déclarables au grand jour. D'un autre point de vue, ce travail de recherche montre comment le choix de la clandestinité politique n'est pas exclusif du champ révolutionnaire et, étant considéré comme un instrument parmi d'autres pour s'emparer du pouvoir ou pour l'influencer, le secret est aussi adopté par les réactionnaires et les légitimistes, qui vont donner vie à leurs propres sociétés secrètes. En ce qui concerne l'efficacité de cet instrument, enfin, force est de constater que, bien qu'utile comme moyen d'élaboration à l'intérieur du groupe qui a choisi de s'en servir, la clandestinité s'avère insuffisante pour influencer le pouvoir et, encore plus, pour préparer dans l'ombre le bouleversement de ce dernierThe thesis aims to analyse the different utilisations of secret and clandestinity in the political life of the Kingdom Of Naples from 1799 to 1821. From the fall of the Napolitan Republic to the end of the constitution al period in 1821, the action of secret societies is one of the characteristics of the political system of southem Italy. The cases of the two main societies - the free-masonry and the carbonari - and of some minor groups, face the problem of the effectiveness of hidden political actions on both bands of self-defence instrument against repression and "place" to elaborate new policies and to keep the memory of the Revolution. Moreover, the form of the secret society is not used only by republicans and liberals but, from the very beginning, absolutists as well create their own secret societies
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Tanagino, Pedro Ivo Dias. "É preciso crer: contribuição para uma história do conceito de homem integral segundo a doutrina de Plínio Salgado (1932-1937)". Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora (UFJF), 2013. https://repositorio.ufjf.br/jspui/handle/ufjf/2442.
Abstract (sommario):
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CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
Esta dissertação aborda a doutrina integralista de Plínio Salgado nos anos da Ação Integralista Brasileira (AIB) entre 1932 e 1937. Nosso objetivo é analisar o projeto defendido por Salgado para a criação de uma nova cultura política nacional, cujas finalidades seriam terminar o processo de formação da nação e do Estado nacional brasileiros, e do fim da própria História. Realizamos essa investigação por meio de uma história do conceito de integralismo inserido em seu contexto de emergência. Para isso, analisamos os múltiplos contextos e temporalidades contidos no conceito de Homem Integral, principal representação da campanha política empreendida por Salgado no período entreguerras. Por meio desta pesquisa, pretendemos alcançar uma melhor definição das culturas políticas que convergiram para a instituição da AIB, focalizando as mitologias políticas que informaram o discurso integralista, e assim, compreender o papel histórico de Plínio Salgado e da AIB no processo de modernização conservadora que se desenrolava no país, consolidado com o advento do Estado Novo em 1937.
This dissertation deals with the Plinio Salgado’s doctrine, known as “Integralist” and about the Ação Integralista Brasileira (AIB), a movement that occurred among the years between 1932 and 1937, in Brazil. Our purpose is to analyze the political project supported by Salgado towards the creation of a new national political culture, which aims were to accomplish the process of State and nation’s constructions and the end of History, itself. Our investigation started with the analysis over the meaning of the political concept of integralism on its own emerging context. In order to do that, we studied the multiple contexts and temporalities within the concept of “integral man”, the main representation that had been created during Salgado’s political campaign in the interwar period. Through this research we intend, as well, to rich a better definition of the political cultures that converged to the institution of the AIB, focusing them as political myths and part of the integralist speech. On doing this, we will be able to comprehend the historical role of Salgado and of the AIB´s trajectory, as a conservative modernization process that occurred in Brazil, by the advent of the “Estado Novo’s political regime”.
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Oliveira, Marylu Alves de. "Da terra ao cÃu: Culturas PolÃticas e disputas entre o trabalhismo oficial e o trabalhismo cristÃo no Piauà (1945-1964)". Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2016. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=18544.
Abstract (sommario):
FundaÃÃo de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado do PiauÃEste estudo tem como objetivo central analisar as tentativas de implantaÃÃo de projetos trabalhistas no PiauÃ, em meio Ãs especificidades da cultura polÃtica partidÃria e popularlocal, entre as dÃcadas de 1940 e 1960. Utilizaram-se para alcanÃar tal intento os jornais de circulaÃÃo local de forma geral ligados aos partidos polÃticos, tambÃm livros de memÃria, InquÃritos Policiais Militares (IPMs) instaurados durante o golpe civil-militar de 1964 e obras literÃrias. Esse emaranhado de fontes foi necessÃrio, uma vez que se precisava investigar densamente, seguindo a perspectiva da Antropologia HistÃrica, o Contexto Cultural no qual emergiram aqueles projetos trabalhistas e como se constituÃam aquelas culturas polÃticas. Ao se debruÃar sobre esse arcabouÃo, uma problemÃtica surgiu: como esses trabalhismos ganharam visibilidade em Ãmbito local? ApÃs um acidente, durante a campanha eleitoral de 1958, em que um dos candidatos ao governo do Estado faleceu, as sensibilidades populares compensaram eleitoralmente o candidato substituto, o petebista Francisco das Chagas Caldas Rodrigues. Surgido das hostes do Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro (PTB), aquele polÃtico tentou implantar um projeto trabalhista oficial, atuando conforme plano nacional do partido, fomentando o desenvolvimento social, o assistencialismo, e apoiando a Reforma AgrÃria. A outra proposta surgiu do seio de uma das instituiÃÃes mais respeitadas em solo piauiense, a Igreja CatÃlica, em razÃo da chegada ao Estado do arcebispo Dom Avelar BrandÃo Vilela. A esse projeto, por sua vez, denominamos de trabalhismo cristÃo. Tais propostas, que visavam produzir melhorias nas condiÃÃes de vida dos trabalhadores pobres, sofreram resistÃncias da cultura polÃtica partidÃria local, em especial no que se refere à Reforma AgrÃria. Apenas uma delas, o trabalhismo cristÃo, conseguiu estabelecer um pacto com os trabalhadores locais por um breve perÃodo, em virtude da forÃa da religiÃo enquanto importante componente cultural daquela sociedade, ou melhor, como elemento da cultura polÃtica popular. Portanto, Compreender o fracasso das tentativas de implantaÃÃo de um trabalhismo oficial e cristÃo acabou se tornando uma forma de compreender tambÃm como funcionavam as culturas polÃticas partidÃria e popular no estado do PiauÃ.
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Jovanov, Dejan. "Serbian Orthodoxy on crossroads-between tradition(alism) and civic society : imaginaries of Serbian nation, West and 'Universal' Values in Orthodoxy (Pravoslavlje) Journal, published by the Serbian Orthodox Church in the period 1991-2010". Thesis, Strasbourg, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015STRAG052.
Abstract (sommario):
Dans cette thèse je démontre comment les imaginaires de la nation serbe, de l’Occident et des valeurs universelles (démocratie, droits de l’homme et tolérance) véhiculées au sein de la revue ‘Orthodoxie’ (publiée par l’Eglise Orthodoxe Serbe) ont pour but final la préservation de la position sociale de l’Eglise et de ses intérêts en tant qu’une institution religieuse au sein de la société serbe. Cette ‘résistance’ aux changements construit des imaginaires sociaux qui nous appréhendons comme des représentations sociales et ont tendance à (re)devenir la vision dominante de la société serbe. J’étudie le discours de la revue ‘Orthodoxie’ et des acteurs qui y contribuent afin de montrer le processus des créations des imaginaires sociaux et leurs tentatives de se présenter au public et dans la sphère publique comme les courants de pensée dominants concernant la nation serbe, l’Occident et les valeurs ‘universelles’. J’ai répondu aux questions suivantes : - comment la tradition nationale « se traditionalise », la culture nationale s’idéalise et l’identité nationale se sacralise ? - comment l’imaginaire de l’Europe et de la culture européenne/occidentale (‘EUX’) se construisent en opposition à l’imaginaire de la nation serbe (‘NOUS’) ? - comment les valeurs de la démocratie, des droits de l’homme et de la tolérance sont imaginées à travers une telle construction opposée (‘EUX’ versus ‘NOUS’) ?In this thesis I demonstrate how do the imaginaries of Serbian nation, of Occident and of ‘universal’ Values (democracy, human rights, tolerance), constructed in the journal published by the SOC serve as factors of conservation and protection of the social position of the Church, its social and political interests in the sense of national religious institution in the Serbian society. The ‘resistance’ to change allows the construction of social imaginaries that we comprehend as social representations with a tendency to become (again) or to impose them as a dominant vision of the Serbian society. I studied the discourse in the ‘Orthodoxy’ journal and the social actors that published their articles in order to demonstrate the process of the creation of social imaginaries and the tentative to present them publicly/in the public sphere as dominant currents of social thoughts on Serbian nation, Occident and ‘universal’ values. I answered to the following questions:- The way national tradition is “traditionalized”, national culture is idealized and national identity is sacralized.- How the imaginary of Europe and European/western culture (‘THEM) are constructed in an opposition to the imaginary of a Serbian nation (‘US’)?- How the values of democracy, human rights and tolerance are imagined through this opposed imaginary construction (‘US’ vs ‘THEM’)?
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Dechezelles, Stéphanie. "Comment peut-on être militant ?Sociologie des cultures partisanes et des (dés)engagementsLes jeunes militants d'Alleanza Nazionale, Lega Nord et Forza Italiaface au pouvoir". Phd thesis, Université Montesquieu - Bordeaux IV, 2006. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00228383.
Abstract (sommario):
Comment devient-on militant et comment le demeure t-on au fil du temps, dans un contexte de "crise du politique" et de déprise partisane ? Contrairement à ce qu'une lecture hyper-rationaliste des comportements individuels présume, l'engagement suppose que les acteurs assimilent une culture politique spécifique à chaque organisation partisane. A partir d'une enquête qualitative menée auprès de jeunes engagés dans trois partis italiens de "droite" et d' "extrême droite" (Alleanza Nazionale, Lega Nord et Forza Italia), nous avons cherché à mettre au jour les conditions présidant à l'appropriation des cultures politiques et leur transformation / altération au cours du temps, notamment face aux changements liés à la conquête et l'exercice du pouvoir. Nous montrons que l'engagement juvénile repose sur un double mécanisme social a) d'appropriation d'un modèle de société (une cité, un territoire, une mémoire) et de trajectoire militante interne (un type idoine de dévouement, de socialisation et d'avancement) et b) d'indexation entre le discours d'une organisation partisane et le récit biographique, autrement dit l'établissement d'un rapport d'équivalence entre les éléments d'une culture partisane d'une part et les éléments d'une biographie personnelle et sociale d'autre part. L'hypothèse générale que nous défendons est que la mobilisation d'une culture militante par les jeunes sert autant à mettre en cohérence le sens (signification) de leur engagement que le sens (direction) de leur trajectoire militante, au gré des éventuelles bifurcations. En effet, les jeunes militants justifient leur entrée et négocient leur carrière (maintien, ascension, déprise, engagement) sur la base de cette même culture ; ainsi les processus de désengagement trouvent une partie de leurs motifs dans les formes de l'attachement et de l'appartenance au groupe.
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Bessard, Rudy. "Pouvoir personnel et ressources politiques : Gaston Flosse en Polynesie francaise". Thesis, Pau, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PAUU2011/document.
Abstract (sommario):
L’entrepreneur politique tend à dominer un espace sociopolitique par le jeu stratégique d’une matrice de ressources politiques. Ainsi, le leadership du notable Gaston Flosse, dans la collectivité d’outre-mer de Polynésie française, présente les facettes d’un pouvoir personnel en République. Ce type de domination de l’espace polynésien est mis en évidence par la plasticité d’un leadership politique autoritaire, fondé sur de multiples ressources matérielles et symboliques. L’étude de ce leadership politique interroge l’exercice de la démocratie représentative à Tahiti et dans la Vème RépubliqueThe strategic mobilization of multidimensional political resources allows the political leader to take power in a political space. Then, the leader uses a combination of political capacities to keep the power and extend his domination. Thus, the political leadership of the Boss Gaston Flosse, in the overseas collectivity of French Polynesia, has become a personal rule inside the French Republic. The domination of the Polynesian sociopolitical space is illustrated by the plasticity of an authoritarian leadership, which questions the expressions of democracy in Tahiti, and in the French political regime
50
Acar, Yigit. "Urban Transformation Within The Interface Of Design And Administration: The Case Of Izmir Harbor District". Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613505/index.pdf.
Abstract (sommario):
Throughout the history, there had been continuous relationships between cities and their ports. These relations recently have been changing. In many port cities, while heavy industrial functions and freight harbors have been moved out of the former harbor districts, the resulting derelict spaces have been transformed to new waterfront quarters to accommodate commercial, tourism, financial, cultural, residential and public uses with high-quality public spaces by large-scale regeneration schemes through the leadership of public-private partnership to produce new identities for these cities, and ultimately to find new niches or to maintain their places within the global network of port-cities. This thesis, aiming to examine the city-port relation on the case of Izmir, specifically focuses on the recent transformation process of Izmir Harbor District. Based on cultural perspective put forth by Meyer, it first investigates the changing cultural definitions of both the city and the port in three major European cities (London, Barcelona and Rotterdam), as well as the prominent actors which were influential in the planning and design processes of these port transformations. The investigation of three cases with reference to their individual planning contexts and the actors involved in the planning and design processes shows that the possibility of implementation of design approaches is related with the planning culture specific to the context which the practice takes place. Based on this assumption, the investigation of the transformation process of Izmir Harbor District is carried out through Meyer&rsquos cultural context with reference to three major topics: development of planning practice, the planning structure and transformation process. The involvement of several actors in the planning and design process and their impacts on both the process and space are particularly examined. The investigation shows that the initial planning process in the district had been conducted with a particular emphasis on urban design issues. The urban design approach in the initial sta ges of the planning process could not be implemented due to a series of reasons resulting from the Turkish planning system. Finally, this research, comparing the case of Izmir with similar recent European examples, underlines the challenges, difficulties, and problems of the transformation process of Izmir Harbor District, and discusses the missing aspects in the Turkish planning system and culture with the help of the gained insights on Izmir.