Bibliografie tematiche / Political contract

Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Political contract"

Autore: Grafiati

Pubblicato: 7 luglio 2024

Ultima modifica: 7 luglio 2024

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Articoli di riviste sul tema "Political contract":

Greenberg, Sarah B. "Between Covenant and Contract: Jewish Political Thought and Contemporary Political Theory". Religions 14, n. 11 (25 ottobre 2023): 1352. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14111352.

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Social contract theory has long been at the center of political theory, and one of the inheritors of the social contract tradition, liberalism, reverberates through contemporary political life. And yet, an overlooked element of liberalism are the biblical origins of social contract theory. Specifically, how the early modern political theorists were reading Hebrew Bible, and the kinds of interpretive transformations of Hebrew Bible that take place on the pages of works like Thomas Hobbes’ Leviathan, John Locke’s Second Treatise, and more. Covenant is the centerpiece of this entanglement. When drawn from Hebrew Bible and read in the context of Jewish political thought, covenant has a very different meaning to that which social contract theories attribute it. This Jewish understanding of covenant concretizes a practice of politics that is constitutively dissenting and agonistic, in contrast to the command–obedience model typical of social contract theory. Furthermore, covenant loses its unique conceptual framework—thus its contribution to political thought—when it is secularized into a social contract. This Jewish conception of covenant offers a new way to understand politics and democratic practice through “covenantal authority” and its constitutively dissenting, agonistic, and circulating qualities. “Covenantal authority” captures the constitutive undecidability of who has authority over the text.

Mills, Lillian F., Sarah E. Nutter e Casey M. Schwab. "The Effect of Political Sensitivity and Bargaining Power on Taxes: Evidence from Federal Contractors". Accounting Review 88, n. 3 (1 dicembre 2012): 977–1005. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/accr-50368.

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ABSTRACT We investigate whether politically sensitive contractors pay higher taxes and whether their bargaining power reduces these tax costs. Using federal contractor data, we develop a new composite measure of political sensitivity that captures both the political visibility arising from federal contracts and the importance of federal contracts to the firm. We proxy for bargaining power using the firm-level proportion of contract revenues not subject to competition, the firm-level proportion of contract revenues arising from defense contracts, and industry-level concentration ratios. We find that politically sensitive firms pay higher federal taxes, all else equal. However, firms with greater bargaining power incur fewer tax-related political costs. Our study provides new evidence on the political cost hypothesis in a tax setting and the first evidence of the interactive effects of a firm's political sensitivity and bargaining power on tax-related political costs. JEL Classifications: M41; H26

DeHart, Paul R. "Whose Social Contract?" Catholic Social Science Review 26 (2021): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/cssr20212617.

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Many scholars view political contractarianism as a distinctly modern account of the foundations of political order. Ideas such as popular sovereignty, the right of revolution, the necessity of the consent of the governed for rightful political authority, natural equality, and a pre-civil state of nature embody the modern rupture with classical political philosophy and traditional Christian theology. At the headwaters of this modern revolution stands Thomas Hobbes. Since the American founders subscribed to the social contract theory, they are often said to reject classical political philosophy and traditional Christian political theology as well. In America on Trial, Robert Reilly rejects the usual argument. He maintains that the building blocks of the American founding originate in medieval Christian political theology. In this essay, I argue that a morally and metaphysically realist contractarian tradition—one that affirms natural equality, the authority of the society over government, the necessity of consent for legitimate government, the right to resist tyrannical rulers, and the idea of a pre-civil state of nature—predates Hobbes and also that the voluntarist contractarian tradition inaugurated by Hobbes is self-referentially incoherent. A coherent political contractarianism logicially depends on the sort of metaphysics and moral ontology Hobbes rejects.

Beuve, Jean, Marian W. Moszoro e Stéphane Saussier. "Political contestability and public contract rigidity: An analysis of procurement contracts". Journal of Economics & Management Strategy 28, n. 2 (2 luglio 2018): 316–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jems.12268.

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Danner, Leno. "THE APOLITICAL SOCIAL CONTRACT: CONTEMPORARY DEMOCRATIC POLITICS BEYOND DEPOLITICIZED SOCIAL CONTRACT". Kriterion: Revista de Filosofia 58, n. 136 (aprile 2017): 101–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0100-512x2017n13606ld.

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ABSTRACT This article provides a criticism of the apolitical starting point of social contract theories through the analysis of Rawls's original position and Habermas's idea of complex society, arguing that such depoliticized starting point leads to the refusal of the centrality of social struggles between classes as the basis of streamlining social evolution and institutional constitution. In order to achieve political agreement, it erases and even eliminates the struggles between social classes, the status quo and the social-political differences between social groups as the core of societal and institutional configuration. Moreover, it leads to strong institutionalism-the centrality of the formal spheres and subjects (institutions, their proceduralism and legal staff, as political parties and courts) in relation to informal spheres and subjects (civil society, social movements and citizen initiatives). Therefore, the political consequences of a depoliticized or apolitical starting point are threefold: (a) the depoliticization of social struggles between opposed social classes, (b) the strong institutionalism by the emphasis in the depoliticized institutions and in the rule of law, and (c) the weakening of a democratic political praxis performed by social movements and citizen initiatives from a direct contraposition and even substitution of the institutions, their proceduralism and legal staff with the spontaneous politicalcultural praxis of these social movements and citizen initiatives. The great problem and challenge of contemporary democratic societies, namely the correlation between strong institutionalism, political parties and economic oligarchies, cannot be resolved from the juridical-political procedural paradigm's emphasis on institutionalism and the rule of law, but only by a reaffirmation of political praxis as the fundamental core of institutional and societal constitution, legitimation and evolution, which implies that democratic politics must be conceived of as a permanent struggle against strong institutionalism by the political subjects of civil society. Here a permanent and radical politicization of the informal public spheres and subjects is required.

Bagchi, Aditi. "The Political Economy of Regulating Contract". American Journal of Comparative Law 62, n. 3 (1 luglio 2014): 687–738. http://dx.doi.org/10.5131/ajcl.2014.0009.

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Wilson, John. "The Political Economy of Contract Farming". Review of Radical Political Economics 18, n. 4 (dicembre 1986): 47–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/048661348601800403.

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Davis, Michael. "Locke’s Political Society". Journal of Moral Philosophy 11, n. 2 (22 marzo 2014): 209–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455243-4681005.

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This paper not only describes a confusing network of terms (including “political society”, “commonwealth”, and “community”), thus defining a problem of interpretation, but also partially solves the problem. One result is that Locke turns out to differ in at least one important way from those theorists of social contract supposedly belonging to the same tradition, especially Hobbes, Rousseau, and Rawls. The Two Treatises lacks any social contract, that is, a contract constituting society in the inclusive sense usually given “society” in discussions of “social contract”. Locke’s concept of “political society” deserves a closer look, since it has largely been overlooked until now.

Raju, S. Surapa. "Political Economy of Contract Farming in India." Social Change 36, n. 4 (dicembre 2006): 153–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004908570603600413.

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Waldron, Jeremy. "John Locke: Social Contract Versus Political Anthropology". Review of Politics 51, n. 1 (1989): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500015837.

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In the Second Treatise, John Locke presents two stories about the development of political society: (1) the dramatic story of the state of nature and social contract; and (2) a more gradualist account of the evolution of political society “by an insensible change” out of the family group. The relation between these two accounts is analyzed in order to deal with familiar objections about the historical truth and internal consistency of contract theory. It is argued that Locke regarded story (2) as the historically accurate one, but that he believed historical events needed moral interpretation. Story (1) represents a moral framework or template to be used as a basis for understanding the implications — for political obligation and political legitimacy — of story (2). Even if the whole course of the evolution of political institutions out of prepolitical society cannot be seen as a single intentional or consensual process, still individual steps in that process can be analyzed and evaluated in contractualist terms. The task of political judgment is to infer the rights and obligations of politics from this representation of political development as an overlapping series of consensual events.

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Tesi sul tema "Political contract":

Edleman, Paul Richard Boroujerdi Mehrzad. "Grain contract farming in the United States two case studies /". Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.

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Gustafsson, Karl-Martin. "Development Policies as Social Contract : Political leadership in Indonesia, Singapore and Malaysia". Thesis, Jönköping University, JIBS, Political Science, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-1525.

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This thesis will show how authoritarian governments rest legitimacy on their ability to create socio-economic development. It will point to some methods used to consolidate power by authoritarian leaders in Indonesia, Singapore and Malaysia. An authoritarian regime that successfully creates development is strengthened and does not call for democratic change in the short run. It is suggested that the widely endorsed Lipset hypothesis, that development will eventually bring democratic transition, is true only when further socio-economic development requires that the economy transfers from being based on industrial manufacturing to knowledge and creativity – not on lower levels of development. Malaysia and Singapore have reached – or try to reach – this level of development today, but restrictions on their civil societies have still not been lifted.

This thesis describes modern political history in Indonesia, Singapore and Malaysia in a Machiavellian tradition. The historical perspective will give a more or less plausible idea of how authoritarian regimes consolidated au-thority and what role development policies played in the leaders’ claims for authority. The conclusion will give a suggestion on how the political future in these three countries might evolve. It will point to the importance of an active and free civil society as a means to develop the nations further, rather than oppression.

This thesis will try to point to the dos and don’ts for authoritarian regimes. The ideas of Plato, Machiavelli and Hobbes provide the structures and methods that authoritarian regimes apply. It will be shown that a regime will disintegrate when it fails to comply with Plato’s and Machiavelli’s ideas. Although ancient, Plato and Machiavelli provide methods and structures that seem to carry relevance to the modern history of Southeast Asia.

I will point to how authoritarian rule can be maintained in the long run. What is required from the political leadership, what are their strategies and methods? What makes people to tolerate or topple authoritarian regimes? Why do some authoritarian regimes successfully create development while others do not? These are some of the questions this thesis will try to answer.

Bergman, Olivia Anna Kristina. "Designing policy feedback : experimental evidence on the everyday politics of the social contract". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2020. https://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/128636.

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Thesis: Ph. D., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science, May, 2020
Cataloged from student-submitted PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 167-172).
For most of history, people had only infrequent personal contact with their governments. The modern social contract generates everyday interactions between citizens and states. In this dissertation, across three papers and three countries, I examine when and how such policy experiences shape attitudes toward government, using experimental methods grounded in a comparative perspective. I explore traditional policy design factors -- the defining aspects of policies that shape "who gets what", which I term 'macro design' -- alongside factors receiving less attention in the literature --
those that often shape "when and how", which I term 'micro design'. In the first paper, I compare the experience of filing taxes in the US and Sweden, showing that design focuses citizens' attention in very different ways: on tax compliance and payment in the US, on refunds in Sweden. In a nationally-representative survey experiment, I link a US-style tax environment with perceptions that the government is wasteful. In the second paper, I conduct a large-scale randomized field experiment that shifts administrative burdens away from citizens. Using a highly scalable digital intervention that simplifies the claiming of a means-tested benefit, I substantially increase reported satisfaction with both the bank and government among 195,414 low-income customers of an Australian bank. This is true even though effects on take-up, ascertained by linking bank data to government records, are modest.
In the third paper, I situate these findings within a new theory of how the design of policy experiences shapes government attitudes. I propose that two dimensions affect attribution of credit for policies: the valence of the experience, and the salience of the government's role. After outlining how macro and micro design factors shape experiences, I present a nationally-representative survey experiment showing that channeling benefits through the tax code results in government not getting credit where due. Together, these experiments illustrate the powerful effects of subtle design factors on citizens' views of government. More broadly, this dissertation suggests that, in addition to how policy content affects politics -- "who gets what" -- studying "when" and especially "how" citizens experience policies in their everyday lives illuminates attitudes underpinning democracy.
by Olivia Anna Kristina Bergman.
Ph. D.
Ph.D. Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science

Koch, Robert 1965. "The concept of fundamental breach of contract under the United Nations Convention on contracts for the International Sale of Goods (CISG) /". Thesis, McGill University, 1998. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=20987.

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The concept of fundamental breach plays a crucial role within the remedial system of the U.N. Convention on Contracts for the International Sale of Goods (CISG), because the remedies available to the parties to a contract of sale depend on the character of the breach. The Thesis analyzes the concept. It canvasses the different approaches employed by scholars and courts in determining fundamental breach and examines whether they can be justified by the rules of interpretation under the CISG. This examination shows that none of the approaches can be applied to all potential situations of fundamental breach and that their concurrent application is likely to produce conflicting results. This Thesis introduces a new methodology, which is based on a single concept applicable in all circumstances. Such methodology would also provide greater certainty and predictability to international sales transactions as required by the needs of the business world.

Schulman, Alexander Thomas. "The secular contract the divine, the human, and the politics of enlightenment /". Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1875992651&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Ochieng, Cosmas Milton Obote. "The political economy of contract farming in Kenya : a historical-comparative study of the tea and sugar contract farming schemes, 1960-2002". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.422519.

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Richardson, James Colin. "Cultural identity and disorganised capitalism : broadening political interactions beyond the market-orientated social contract /". Title page, contents and abstract only, 1998. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arr5229.pdf.

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Guston, David H. "The social contract for science : Congress, the National Institutes of Health, and the boundary between politics and science". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/12740.

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Nkanyani, Rindzani. "The effects of change in political leadership on the psychological contract in the metropolitan municipality". Diss., University of Pretoria, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/64903.

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City of Johannesburg (CoJ) has undergone a political leadership change in the past year. The study aimed to understand the level of authentic leadership and psychological contract, their relationship, and the influence of job embeddedness on these relationships at CoJ as perceived by employees. To conduct this investigation, a cross-sectional, descriptive, quantitative research was employed. Of the 501 sample targeted, there were 110 responses of which 93 were utilised for the final data analysis after data preparation. The analysis was conducted using IBM. SPSS version 24 of which there were five key principal findings: Setting-based number of authentic leadership dimensions; indifferent views on the level of authentic leadership; transitional psychological contract not evident; the significant relationship between authentic leadership and relational psychological contract; and how job embeddedness moderate the relationship between authentic leadership and relational psychological contract. Based on these findings, the study concluded that employees perceive low authentic leadership on the new administration, high level of authentic leadership should lead to a relational psychological contract and that job embeddedness moderates the relationship between authentic leadership and psychological contract. These findings should be viewed within the context of the limitation of the study, which was: There was small sample size in the study; not all targeted entities could be reached to be included in the investigation, and some of those that were reached had challenges with IT restrictions into the survey platform. Based on the conclusion of the study, the key recommendation of management for CoJ were continuous ALQ self-assessment, Johari window, management of the psychological contract. For academia were to conduct the study with face-to-face interviews (qualitative studies) to get an in-depth knowledge of authentic leadership and psychological contract, and the drivers of the current state at CoJ. Furthermore, it is recommended that a comparative study is conducted across South African metropolitans comparing the three scenarios to ascertain the influence and magnitude of change on authentic leadership, psychological contract for same political leadership, different political leadership with same policy (same party) and different political leadership with different strategy (different party).
Mini Dissertation (MBA)--University of Pretoria, 2017.
km2018
Gordon Institute of Business Science (GIBS)
MBA
Unrestricted

Harris, Anthony. "Essays on the political-economy of large-scale land deals". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8ea1c570-cddf-453a-adeb-3238b96c539c.

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The thesis consists of a short introduction and three self-contained analytical chapters on land policy in developing countries. Chapter 1 examines the agricultural investment choices of small-scale farmers in Ethiopia whose land will be expropriated to provide space for a large factory. I use data from a survey of households conducted before expropriation occurred, but after the policy was announced. I identify the anticipation effects of land expropriation using variation in whether households own plots located inside or outside the proposed project boundary. Households facing immediate expropriation hedge against future income risk by using less fertilizer on their plots, and and growing less risky crops. These households are more likely to grow sorghum (a safe crop) and less likely to grow wheat (a relatively riskier crop). Households also respond to the threat of expropriation by reducing long-term investments in soil quality. Using two-stage least squares I show that subjective beliefs about the likelihood of expropriation act as a channel through which the threat of expropriation affects investment decisions. The results are robust to a number of other specifications, including some that account for unobservable geographic variation in plot characteristics. Chapter 2 explores the consequences of land expropriation for small-scale farmers in Ethiopia. Expropriation of farmland is used by all levels of government in Ethiopia as a tool for providing new land for industrial investors, commercial agriculture and expanding cities. Farmers usually receive a cash payment in exchange for their land based on a fixed formula to establish the price of land. I evaluate the impact of such a policy on a group of small-scale farmers and assess the extent to which they make the transition to new livelihoods. On average, households lose 70% of their land and receive compensation payments that are about 5 times the value of their annual consumption expenditure. Using data collected before and after the intervention I examine the impact of expropriation and compensation on household consumption, productive assets, livestock holdings, savings and labour market participation. Households in the treatment group increase their consumption, start more businesses and participate more in non-farm activities than households that do not lose farmland. These households also reallocate livestock portfolios away from oxen and towards small ruminants and cattle, reflecting a shift away from growing crops. However, these shifts to new livelihoods are relatively small compared to the amount of compensation kept as savings: with the exception of a few households, most of the compensation payment is left in commercial banks earning a negative real return. Chapter 3 focuses on the recent increase in large-scale agricultural land deals across Africa and the nature of the contracts reached by governments and foreign investors. In recent years, multi-national firms and foreign governments have entered into long term contracts with host countries in which large tracts of land are purchased or leased for commercial agricultural production in exchange for promises of infrastructure development, job creation and rural infrastructure improvement. The profitability of these projects is uncertain, especially at a time of increased agricultural commodity price volatility in world markets. Based on stylized facts about land deals I present a theoretical model of land contracts reached by host governments and foreign investors that explains the policy tradeoff between investment timelines, revenue generation and uncertainty. When agricultural projects require fixed infrastructure investment and yield uncertain payoffs, firms benefit from being able to complete the fixed investment in stages. If firms can learn more about payoffs by holding off on investment, they effectively hold an option to abandon the project. The value of this option provides a channel by which uncertainty affects the terms of the land contract. When host governments determine the terms of the contract by setting an income tax, a royalty rate and an investment timeline, the value of this option will affect government's optimal policy choice. In particular, I find that if governments benefit a great deal from investment spillovers the optimal contract will be designed to encourage firms not to abandon a project. But, if governments benefit relatively little from investment spillovers, governments will choose contract parameters to extract the value of the firm's option to abandon the project. I end by examining the effect of increasing uncertainty on the government's optimal policy choice.

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Libri sul tema "Political contract":

Medina, Vicente. Social Contract Theories: Political Obligation or Anarchy? Savage (Maryland), USA: Rowman & Littlefield, 1990.

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Pike, Alan. In partnership: Subject to contract. London: Economic and Social Research Council, 1996.

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Rousseau, Jean-Jacques. The social contract. Harmondworth, Middlesex, England: Penguin Books, 1987.

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Rousseau, Jean-Jacques. The social contract. Washington, D.C: Regnery Pub., 2009.

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Boland, Kevin. Under contract with the enemy. Cork: Mercier, 1988.

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Kevin, Boland. Under contract with the enemy. Cork: Mercier, 1988.

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Mills, Charles W. The racial contract. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1997.

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Falaky, Fayçal. Social contract, masochist contract: Aesthetics of freedom and submission in Rousseau. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2014.

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Rousseau, Jean-Jacques. Discourse on political economy: And the social contract. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999.

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Rousseau, Jean-Jacques. Discourse on political economy: And, The social contract. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008.

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Capitoli di libri sul tema "Political contract":

Mihr, Anja. "Social Cyber Contract". In SpringerBriefs in Political Science, 81–85. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-60093-2_11.

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Quill, Lawrence. "An Emotional Contract". In Nostalgia and Political Theory, 39–61. New York: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003292869-3.

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Hawa, Salam. "Renegotiating the social contract". In Reimagining Arab Political Identity, 162–88. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429424625-7.

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Rousseau, Jean-Jacques. "The Social Contract". In The Two Narratives of Political Economy, 87–94. Hoboken, NJ, USA: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781118011690.ch7.

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Hampton, Jean. "Contract and Consent". In A Companion to Contemporary Political Philosophy, 478–92. Oxford, UK: Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781405177245.ch21.

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Huemer, Michael. "The Traditional Social Contract Theory". In The Problem of Political Authority, 20–35. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137281661_2.

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Huemer, Michael. "The Hypothetical Social Contract Theory". In The Problem of Political Authority, 36–58. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137281661_3.

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Dagg, Ian. "Education and Regime in Rousseau’s Social Contract". In Recovering Political Philosophy, 159–84. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37383-1_8.

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Bishop, Paul. "Rousseau and the Social Contract". In German Political Thought and the Discourse of Platonism, 93–125. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-04510-4_4.

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Beckstein, Martin, e Ralph Weber. "Tracing the Concept of Contract". In Modeling Interpretation and the Practice of Political Theory, 172–98. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315150192-9.

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Atti di convegni sul tema "Political contract":

Zgraggen, Remy. "Smart Insurance Contract against Political Risks: Definitions and General Reflections". In International Conference on Big Data, IOT and Blockchain (BIBC 2020). AIRCC Publishing Corporation, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5121/csit.2020.101302.

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Militaru, Ioana Nely. "TIME AND PLACE OF THE FORMATION OF A CONTRACT - DEFINING ELEMENTS OF THE CONSENT IN MATTERS RELATING TO CONTRACTS". In SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on POLITICAL SCIENCES, LAW, FINANCE, ECONOMICS AND TOURISM. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b21/s5.124.

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Masych, Marina. "THE EFFECTIVE CONTRACT IN SYSTEM OF UNIVERSITY TEACHERS STIMULATION". In SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on POLITICAL SCIENCES, LAW, FINANCE, ECONOMICS AND TOURISM. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b23/s7.074.

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Alzaidy, Rashid. "The Iraqi political system between reform and change". In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp49-72.

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It is no secret to anyone that the political system in Iraq has gone through and is still going through several crises and suffers from many problems that are difficult to limit and define within a specific research scope. Despite that, there are two main trends prevailing about the general view of the political system and its future in Iraq, which are centered on two visions: First: Seeing the possibility of reforming the political system Second: seeing the impossibility of reforming the political system and the political system must be changed) This was accompanied by developments; And repercussions that affected the entire structural system of Iraqi society, but all attempts at reform failed. Hence, the problematic of our study emerges in the main question: Does the Iraqi political system need change or reform, and what are the justifications for this change or reform, and what are the consequences of that locally? Regionally and internationally? The attempt to answer these and other questions requires that we start from the hypothesis of the Iraqi political system after 2003, which suffers from several structural problems that prevent the success of any attempt at political reform for it. The study is based on the following axes: The first topic: What is political reform and political change The second topic: Building the political system in Iraq after 2003 and the justifications for changing its reform The third topic: Obstacles to changing (reform) the Iraqi political system The fourth topic: Attempts to political reform and its future The study concluded a set of conclusions, perhaps the most prominent of which are: 1 - The future of the Iraqi political system in light of local, regional and international data indicates the impossibility of reforming this system due to the depth of its imbalances Its exacerbation and the depth of the rift that this system suffers from - and the absence of the means to reform, which center on the following options: A- Reform through coup methods B- Reform through popular revolution and that these options are not available at the present time, so it is expected that the current situation will continue with attempts A patchwork that gives the regime revival doses without radical solutions until reaching the framework of the Iraqi social contract, which will have two main options: the peaceful option and revolves around: The continuation of the October protests and the joining of the rest of the Iraqi components to them and their obtaining international and regional support to reformulate a new Iraqi social contract for the unity and stability of Iraq, the peaceful division between the Iraqi components to establish three Sunni Shiite states. Kurdish non-peaceful option external change such as the 2003 military coup, the international upheaval, the civil war

Tuhtan Grgic, Iva. "THE IMPACT OF THE CONTRACT OF INHERITANCE ON THE PRINCIPLE OF FREEDOM OF TESTATION". In SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on POLITICAL SCIENCES, LAW, FINANCE, ECONOMICS AND TOURISM. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b21/s5.113.

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Zahid, Anowar. "OBLIGATIONS OF SELLER IN C.I.F. CONTRACT UNDER ENGLISH LAW AND INCOTERMS 2010: A COMPARATIVE STUDY". In SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on POLITICAL SCIENCES, LAW, FINANCE, ECONOMICS AND TOURISM. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b21/s5.093.

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Valesova, Libuse. "ECONOMIC BENEFITS OF CONTRACT FARMING FOR SMALLHOLDER PALM OIL PRODUCTION: STUDY CASE OF NORTH SUMATRA, INDONESIA". In SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on POLITICAL SCIENCES, LAW, FINANCE, ECONOMICS AND TOURISM. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b23/s7.020.

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Koç, Murat, e Hakkı Çiftçi. "World Investments, Global Terrorism and the New Perception of Politic Risk". In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01108.

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Based on economic power struggle, the economic strength began to take the place of military power and economic security has been considered as important as military security in this new world order. Multinational companies and their feasibility studies constitute the agenda of politic risks before entering these markets. Political risk faced by firms can be defined as “the risk of a strategic, financial, or personnel loss for a firm because of such nonmarket factors as macroeconomic and social policies, or events related to political instability”. However, terrorism should be considered as a multiplier effect on some of the components mentioned above. Terrorism itself and these strict measures directly affect investments. In 2012, FDI (Foreign Direct Investment) flows into the Middle East and North Africa have been adversely affected by political risk over the past couple of years. Investor perceptions of political risks in the region remain elevated across a range of risks. The Arab Spring countries have fared worse than other developing countries in the region. The risk perception of civil disturbance and political violence, but also breach of contract, is especially prominent in Arab Spring countries. In other words, global terrorism has created a negative multiplier effect in the region. In this context, Multiplier effect can be summarized as an effect on a target, situation or event which exceed its creating strength than expected. Considering this impact, MNC’s SWOT analysis and investment analysis must signify a redefinition in a wide range by the means of political risk perceptions.

Ахмедов, А. Я. "UNJUSTIFIED REAL MODEL OF CONCLUDING A CONTRACT FOR THE CARRIAGE OF GOODS". In ПРОБЛЕМЫ ЧАСТНОПРАВОВОГО И ПУБЛИЧНО-ПРАВОВОГО РЕГУЛИРОВАНИЯ ТРАНСПОРТНОЙ ДЕЯТЕЛЬНОСТИ. Crossref, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.56777/pplaw.2023.47.28.005.

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Договор перевозки груза традиционно квалифицируется как реальный договор отечественными правоведами, однако выбор реальной модели заключения указанного договора не находит политико-правового подкрепления. Автор предлагает отказаться от использования реальной модели заключения договора перевозки груза, которая приводит к усложнению процедуры заключения договора, а также к неоправданному ограничению ответственности участников перевозочных отношений. The contract for the carriage of goods is traditionally qualified as a real contract by domestic lawyers, however, the choice of a real model for concluding this contract does not find political support. The author proposes to abandon the use of a real model for concluding a contract for the carriage of goods, which leads to a complication of the procedure for concluding a contract, as well as to an unjustified limitation of the liability of participants in transportation relations.

Laurinavicius, Antanas, e Algimantas Laurinavicius. "Emigration: a Price of Inequality or a Breach of Social Contract?" In Contemporary Issues in Business, Management and Education. Vilnius Gediminas Technical University, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/cbme.2017.018.

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The society in our country has been struck by the emigration crisis of an unprecedented scope in Europe since World War II. Lithuania also stands out among the EU member states as a state with a particularly low level of trust, whereas the primary institutions of a democratic civil society, i.e. the Government, political parties, and the Parliament, are all at the bottom in the list of institutions ranked according to the level of trust. Although the growth of the average income and assets of the population was truly impressive over the past 20 years, this did not stop emigration neither slowed it down. This means that merely higher income is not enough for people; in fact, happiness is mostly correlated to equality of income (relative wealth) rather than to increase of income (absolute wealth). In the framework mentioned above the article provides a comprehensive analysis of the causes of emigration and suggests effective strategic decisions to stop the emigration using strategic thinking and strategic synthesis methods.

Rapporti di organizzazioni sul tema "Political contract":

Beuve, Jean, Marian Moszoro e Pablo Spiller. Contractual Rigidity and Political Contestability: Revisiting Public Contract Renegotiations. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, febbraio 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w28491.

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Javed, Umair, Aiza Hussain e Hassan Aziz. Demanding Power: Contentious Politics and Electricity in Pakistan. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), giugno 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2021.047.

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This paper explores Pakistan’s electricity supply crisis that lasted from 2007 to 2015, and the ensuing contention that shaped public discourse and political events in the country. During this period, which witnessed electricity outages of up to 14 hours per day, 456 incidents of contention took place, with just under 20 per cent escalating into some form of violence. Electricity became the number one political issue in the country and was integral in shaping the outcomes of the 2013 General Election. Following the election, public authorities undertook extensive investment to expand capacity and ensure consistency in supply while evading questions about affordability and sustainability. On the surface, this appears to be a case of extensive protest working towards shaping state responsiveness. And it is true that the state now sees supply as a non-negotiable aspect in the social contract with citizens. However, a range of factors contributed to the chronology and the selective, generation-focused nature of this response. On the other hand, citizen inclusion and participation in decision-making, and issues of affordability and sustainability, which impact vulnerable and disempowered groups the most, remain absent from the political and policy conversation around energy. This suggests that while protests were useful in generating a short-term response, their long-term legacy in empowerment related outcomes is less visible.

Beach, Rachel, e Vanessa van den Boogaard. Tax and Governance in the Context of Scarce Revenues: Inefficient Tax Collection and its Implications in Rural West Africa. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), febbraio 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ictd.2022.005.

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In recent years, domestic and international policy attention has often focused on broadening the tax base in order to include a greater share of the population in the ‘tax net’. This is based, in part, on the hope that the expansion of taxation will result in positive ‘governance dividends’ for taxpayers. However, the implications of extending the tax base in rural areas in low-income countries has been insufficiently considered. Through the case studies of Togo, Benin, and Sierra Leone, we demonstrate that extending taxation to rural areas is often highly inefficient, leading to few, if any, revenue gains when factoring in the costs of collection. Where revenues exceed the costs of collection, they often only cover local government salaries with little remaining for the provision of public goods and services. The implications of rural tax collection inefficiency are thus significant for revenue mobilisation, governance and public service delivery, accountability relationships with citizens, and taxpayer expectations of the state. Accordingly, we question the rationale for extending taxation to rural citizens in low-income countries. Instead, we argue for a reconceptualisation of the nature of the fiscal social contract, disentangling the concept of the social contract from the individual. Rather, a collective social contract places greater emphasis on the taxation of wealth and redistribution and recognises that basic rights of citizenship are not, or should not, be contingent on paying direct taxes to the government. Rather than expanding taxation, we argue for the expansion of political voice and rights to rural citizens, through a ‘services-first’ approach.

Desmidt, Sophie. Climate change and security in North Africa. European Centre for Development Policy Management, febbraio 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55317/casc008.

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In this paper, we apply the concept of ‘cascading climate risks’ to explain how climate change has spillover effects across different sectors and policy domains. We have identified three sets of climate-related security and development risks for Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia. These include: 1. risks related to the decreasing natural resources and in particular water, 2. risks for the loss of (rural) livelihoods and rising inequalities, and 3. risks related to the unintended (negative) consequences of incoherent (climate change) policies. In this paper, we apply the concept of ‘cascading climate risks’ to explain how climate change has spillover effects across different sectors and policy domains. We have identified three sets of climate-related security and development risks for Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia. These include: 1. risks related to the decreasing natural resources and in particular water, 2. risks for the loss of (rural) livelihoods and rising inequalities, and 3. risks related to the unintended (negative) consequences of incoherent (climate change) policies. In a context of existing socio-political and economic grievances, the pressures caused by global warming, alongside current weaknesses in governance structures and the absence of effective regional cooperation, can potentially lead to further fractures in the already fragile social contract between governments and citizens in North Africa. The cascading risks and challenges that North African governments and citizens face due to the climate emergency require the attention from European policymakers, given the strong trade, social and financial relations and ties between North Africa and Europe. Cascading climate risks mean that adaptation strategies will have an impact both within and outside Europe and North Africa. Hence, there will be the need to ensure policy coherence between environmental, trade and socio-economic concerns and a much needed, long-term and inherently political effort to tackle climate change in the next decades.

Prats, Joan, Helen Harris e Juan Andrés Pérez. Political Determinants of Public-Private Partnerships. Inter-American Development Bank, settembre 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0003619.

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During the last three decades, Public Private Partnerships (PPPs) have emerged as a new contractual arrangement to provide infrastructure investment and services. Examining the evolution of PPPs contracts in emerging countries, this paper analyses the role played by political institutions and partisanship showing that: (i) PPPs are more used when governmental and legislative transaction costs increase; and (ii) political partisanship does not explain the use and consolidation of PPPs as a contractual arrangement. The paper also confirms the relevance of macroeconomic and institutional quality variability variables found in previous literature and sheds new light regarding the political economy of PPPs, especially on how political governance structures shape incentives for using PPPs as a contractual mechanism.

Ozturk, Ibrahim. Confronting Populist Authoritarians: The Dynamics of Lula’s Success in Brazil and Erdogan’s Survival in Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), dicembre 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0027.

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This article delves into the political trajectories of anti-establishment leaders Inácio Lula da Silva (Lula) in Brazil and Recep Tayyip Erdogan in Turkey, both of whom ascended to power in the early 2000s amid politically fragmented environments. The analysis explores the dynamics of their rise, governance styles, and the factors influencing the retention or loss of power. Lula’s success in the 2022 elections against right-wing populist Jair Bolsonaro is attributed to his adept coalition-building and pragmatic policies. In contrast, Erdogan, facing economic crises and deep political unrest, managed to secure his position in the May 2023 elections, showcasing the complexities of populism. The article examines the leadership qualities, coalition-building strategies, and responses to challenges encountered by Lula and Erdogan. Despite initial similarities, Erdogan’s transformative approach to institutions and the establishment of a self-sustaining clientelist regime contributed to his longevity, in contrast to Bolsonaro’s defeat. The role of clientelism, rent-seeking, and corruption in both countries’ politics is discussed, emphasizing their impact on public perception. Lula’s effective positioning as an alternative to Bolsonaro is contrasted with Turkey’s lack of a convincing opposition. Despite bringing Turkey to the brink, Erdogan’s retention of power is attributed to maintaining a "man of the people" persona amid societal concerns for security and stability. In conclusion, the article underscores the nuanced dynamics of populist leadership, emphasizing the significance of historical context, governance strategies, and external factors in shaping the trajectories of leaders such as Lula and Erdogan.

Chong, Alberto E., e Mark Gradstein. On the Determinants and Effects of Political Influence. Inter-American Development Bank, ottobre 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0011285.

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This paper uses a large cross-country survey of business firms to assess their influence on government policies. It is found that influence is associated with larger, government-owned firms that have a high degree of ownership concentration. In contrast, foreign ownership matters little. It is also found that the extent to which government policies and legislation are viewed as impeding firm growth decreases with political influence and, independently, with a country's level of institutional quality.

Pehr, Andreas. Federal and Happy? Fribourg (Switzerland): IFF, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.51363/unifr.diff.2023.35.

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Federalism settles decision-making power to state levels close to the citizens. This political decentralization should enable political output being as responsive and corresponding as possible to the diverse demands and needs, thus, resulting in politically happy citizens. As such, federalism and decentralization may represent a polity of good governance. Based on the theoretical literature and previous empirical studies the paper undertakes a large N, cross-section analysis of the relationship between federalism and political satisfaction. The empirical result shows that federalism as well as decentralization appear not to have a statistically significant relationship with political satisfaction. Neither the pro- nor the contra-argument in federal theory survives empirical scrutiny.

Takao, Yasuo. Politics contradict Japanese public opinion on same-sex marriage. East Asia Forum, giugno 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.59425/eabc.1718488800.

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Stein, Ernesto H., Mariano Tommasi e Carlos Scartascini. Political Institutions, State Capabilities and Public Policy: International Evidence. Inter-American Development Bank, dicembre 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0010903.

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This paper introduces preliminary evidence from a cross-country database of policy characteristics and potential uses of that database. While most databases have emphasized either the content of policies (e.g., size of government deficits) or countries formal institutions (e.g., political regime, electoral system), the variables in this database reflect the policymaking capabilities of different polities. The paper attempts to explain these policy characteristics as depending on the workings of political institutions, using a logic emphasizing intertemporal political compromise. The paper also contrasts this logic with alternatives such as the veto players approach. The paper concludes by suggesting the use of these policy characteristics or state capabilities as explanatory variables for the effectiveness of public spending in various social areas.