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Khabutdinov, Aydar Yu, e Marina M. Imasheva. "PROJECTS OF RELIGIOUS AUTONOMY OF MUSLIMS OF EUROPEAN RUSSIA, SIBERIA AND THE NORTH CAUCASUS IN THE EARLY 20TH CENTURY". History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Caucasus 18, n. 4 (25 dicembre 2022): 962–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.32653/ch184962-974.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The study aims to compare the concepts of religious autonomies of the Muslims of European Russia and Siberia with similar ones in the North Caucasus, set out in projects in the early 20th century. We analyze the process of developing a decision on the creation of religious autonomy for Muslims in European Russia and Siberia and the North Caucasus at the beginning of the 20th century within the framework of a unified Russian statehood, including government bills, drafts of the All-Russian Muslim Congresses in 1906 and 1914, Muslim congresses in the spring-summer of 1917. As a result, in 1917, the Tatar Muslims of Inner Russia and Siberia at the II All-Russian Muslim Congress in July 1917. The concept of national-cultural autonomy was chosen and the Milli Idare and Millet Majlis were established. In the North Caucasus the First Mountain Congress announced the creation of the the Alliance of the United Mountaineers of the North Caucasus and Dagestan (SOGSKD), as a territorial autonomy, with a single body represented by the “Caucasian Muftiate”. We applied the comparative historical method in order to compare the provisions of the projects and characterize the historical events that accompanied their creation. We came to the following conclusions: firstly, the main questions were questions about the form of government and the autonomy of Muslims and the land ussue. Secondly, the political cooperation between the Muslim leaders of the Volga-Ural region and the Caucasus at the beginning of the 20th century led to the creation of the All-Russian party “Ittifaq al-Muslimin”, the Muslim faction of the State Duma, the convocations of the all-Russian Muslim congresses, the idea ofcreating 5 separate Muftiates and a single all-Russian Muslim religious autonomy headed by Sheikh-ul-Islam. Thirdly, in 1917 there was a separation of the two regions on the issues of the formation of religious autonomy, a departure from the idea of common Muslim unity within the borders of Russian statehood. Fourthly, didn’t result in a solution of the issue of organizing the Spiritual Administration of Muslims in the region.
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Bordandini, Paola, e Rosa Mulè. "Varieties of capital and gender party office in Italy". Modern Italy 26, n. 1 (febbraio 2021): 79–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2020.76.
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This article advances a new approach based on ‘varieties of capital’ to explain gendered upward mobility in political parties. Research on gender political advancement unduly neglects women delegates to national party congresses. Our work seeks to redress the imbalance by drawing on data gathered from 5,122 questionnaires issued to national party delegates at 20 national conventions that took place between 2004 and 2013 in Italy. To analyse the data we develop a new framework based on ‘varieties of capital’. Our approach builds on Bourdieu's three types of personal capital – economic, social and cultural – and interprets the findings borrowing analytical tools from recent feminist institutional theory, especially the concept of homosocial capital. Comparisons of male and female party delegates in terms of background and their political trajectories reveal the persistence of an uneven playing field, with gendered hierarchies in Italian political parties confirming an international pattern.
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Schuster, Sven. "The world’s fairs as spaces of global knowledge: Latin American archaeology and anthropology in the age of exhibitions". Journal of Global History 13, n. 1 (14 febbraio 2018): 69–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022817000298.
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AbstractAt the end of the nineteenth century, Brazil, Mexico, and Peru were among the countries participating in the most important world’s fairs in Europe and North America. These mass gatherings focused on national self-images as well as technological development and commodities, but the Latin American exhibition organizers also understood them to be transnational spaces that contributed to the mobility of persons, objects, and knowledge. In this context, the scientific display of pre-Columbian ‘antiquities’ was regarded as being as important as the participation in archaeological and anthropological congresses. By understanding the world’s fairs as ‘spaces of global knowledge’, this article highlights the agency of Latin American scientists, intellectuals, and collectors in the transnational endeavour to create a ‘Latin American antiquity’ at the fairgrounds. Although most fair attendees sought to study and display the pre-Columbian past in an objective manner, the older dream of (re-)constructing the splendour of America’s ancient civilizations never completely vanished.
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Baker, Andy, e Corey Cook. "REPRESENTING BLACK INTERESTS AND PROMOTING BLACK CULTURE: The Importance of African American Descriptive Representation in the U.S. House". Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 2, n. 2 (settembre 2005): 227–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x05050162.
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Despite considerable examination, scholars have yet to definitively establish the relationship between a legislator's racial background and his or her legislative activities. We assess the relationship between descriptive and substantive representation by discerning whether Black members of the U.S. House are more likely to promote group interests in their varied capacities as elected officials than are similarly positioned non-Black legislators. Our empirical tests utilize the most appropriate econometric models and techniques to analyze data from four Congresses spanning two distinctive districting regimes and incorporating several elements of representational behaviors. The findings are clear: Black members represent group interests more vociferously than non-Black members, including liberal non-Black Democrats from similar districts. Moreover, because Black members do not receive electoral benefits for engaging in such behavior, these legislators have policy-based motivation for representing Black interests. These results have profound practical implications for minority political representation and the future of identity politics.
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Azamatova, Gulnaz B., Mikhail I. Rodnov e Marsil N. Farkhshatov. "Уфа — культурный центр мусульман Российской империи на рубеже XIX–ХХ вв.: становление, развитие, наследие". Oriental Studies 13, n. 5 (28 dicembre 2020): 1243–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2619-0990-2020-51-5-1243-1255.
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Introduction. In the Southern Urals traditionally densely inhabited by Turkic peoples, the role of Ufa for the cultural and economic development of Bashkirs and Tatars was extremely important. Goals. The article highlights key moments in the formation of administrative, intellectual and economic resources in the Southern Ural capital, the systemic combination of which has turned Ufa into a center for the Muslim peoples of Russia’s East. The conceptual insight into cultural history of the multinational city presupposes analyses of religious, economic, and sociopolitical preconditions for its emergence. Materials. Along with historiographic data, the article investigates periodicals, archival documents, including a large array of reporting papers by the Volga-Kama Commercial Bank stored at the Russian State Historical Archives. Results. The early history of Ufa was associated with the existence of a Tatar settlement in the city and the shaping of a layer of non-Russian officials and nobility. The strategic efforts aimed at eliminating the influence of Central Asian and Turkish Muslims on co-religionists in the eastern outskirts of Russia resulted in an unprecedented project to create Orenburg Muftiate in Ufa. The latter’s activities became the main prerequisite for further concentration of intellectual and social resources of Russian Muslims in the city. The economic base of Muslim parishes with a full-fledged infrastructure — mosques, madrasas and maktabs — was largely formed by wealthy Ufa-based Muslim merchants. The role of Ufa in the social and political life of Russian Muslims can be traced through the development of the media, regional and national Muslim congresses. Conclusions. The development of Ufa as a center of Russia’s Turko-Islamic society contributes to the understanding of the phenomenon of cultural regionalism and its content.
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Morozova, T. I. "Ways and Tools of Channeling the Official Image of Soviet Authorities to the Population of Siberia during the Period of the New Economic Policy". Vestnik NSU. Series: History and Philology 21, n. 8 (25 ottobre 2022): 119–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2022-21-8-119-131.
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The article analyzes one of the key aspects of the representation of authorities, i. e. channeling their official image to the population. Based on the achievements of Russian historiography and information from published and newly found archival sources, it identifies ways and tools used by the Soviet Authorities to deliberately and purposefully construct the idea about itself in the minds of Soviet citizens in Siberia and effectively channel it during 1921–1929. Among the main translators of the official image of the Soviet authorities were such institutions as the Communist Party, Soviets, trade unions, the All-Union Leninist Young Communist League (Komsomol), various public organizations, media press, cultural and political educational institutions. The article shows that these translators used tools that generally can be divided into three groups. The first one is traditional or universal tools, including congresses, conferences, meetings, elections, theaters, museums, clubs, libraries, books, newspapers, and magazines. The second group – tools established by the Soviet regime, including illiteracy elimination organizations, Izba Chitalnya (“village reading rooms”), Soviet party schools, Peasant Club, and “red” corners. The third group – unique or innovative tools: “nomination”, patronage of the city over the village. The article concludes by arguing that in the early years of the New economic policy (NEP) the efficiency of the majority translators and tools of the representation of the Soviet authorities were limited. However, as the Central committee of the RCP(b) abandoned the emergency policy in Siberia and the economic situation in the country and in the region had been improved, their work and influence were gradually restored. Because of this, the authorities got back their abilities of self-presentation in different forms, in different languages, among urban and rural residents, men and women, Russians and national minorities, and literate and illiterate citizens.
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Lotchin, Roger W. "The Political Culture of the Metropolitan-Military Complex". Social Science History 16, n. 2 (1992): 275–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200016485.
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Like many modern historians’ concepts, the notion of political culture comes to us from the social sciences, especially anthropology and political science. One assumes that political culture is a term familiar to most readers. The term metropolitan-military complex may require some explanation. I coined the phrase some years ago when undertaking a study of San Francisco politics. At the time, the inquiry was fairly conventional. Yet as I worked through the struggles over municipal services, labor and management problems, political structure, mass transit, minorities, parties, reformers, bosses, and so forth, the role of the military loomed ever larger. The longer the military was investigated, the more important that role appeared to be. Eventually, I changed the focus of my study from politics, conventionally defined, to the relationship between cities and the military. President Dwight D. Eisenhower used the term military-industrial complex in his 1961 farewell address to describe an alliance among technicians, congressmen, bureaucrats, military men, and businessmen. He did not define his words rigorously, but he left the definite impression that the military-industrial complex (MIC) was national in scope and something close to a conspiracy on behalf of greater defense spending. The president also implied that the MIC had only recently appeared. Subsequent commentators on the subject have largely followed this approach, stressing the importance of conspiracy, militarism, Washington bureaucrats, big business, and big congressmen. They have also accepted the World War II or cold war origins of the alliance as well as its national scope.
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Albaladejo, C. Martín, e F. Carmona Vivar. "Sixth International Congress of Entomology, Madrid (1935): politics and science". Archives of Natural History 48, n. 2 (ottobre 2021): 281–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/anh.2021.0722.
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Using the Sixth International Congress of Entomology (Madrid, 1935) as an example, we present a representative case of science as a social construct and its importance to the history of the winning side of a war to construct a memory that supports its own version of events. The Congress was held prior to the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939); however, the proceedings were not published until 1940. An examination of the proceedings and of archival documents show the exclusion of contributions initially intended for publication, particularly those by Spanish entomologists who were politically aligned with the Second Spanish Republic, the losing side, and who, as a result, suffered reprisals after the military conflict. These documents suggest that their contributions were rejected for reasons unrelated to their scientific investigations but due to the political inclinations of the editor.
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Loomis, Burdett A. "Congress at the Grassroots: Representational Change in the South, 1970–1998. By Richard F. Fenno, Jr. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000. 170p. $34.95 cloth, $16.95 paper." American Political Science Review 95, n. 2 (giugno 2001): 472–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401332021.
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Not long ago, Richard Fenno was at an American Political Science Association convention, wondering aloud whether anyone might want to publish a case study of a single congressional district over almost three decades. The Uni- versity of North Carolina Press did, and congressional schol- ars and students of representation are indebted to the editors there. Just when we suspected that Fenno could not wring one more set of insights from his "soaking and poking" political anthropology, he produces a book that tells a profound tale of political change in the South (and in suburbia), gives us a grounded study of what it means to represent a constituency, and offers an understanding of both the Rayburn and Gingrich eras in the House of Representa- tives. In addition, students of Congress can enjoy this book in its nuanced referencing of Home Style, Fenno's still-relevant study of House members in their constituencies, published in 1978.
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Jones, James R. "RACING THROUGH THE HALLS OF CONGRESS". Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 14, n. 1 (2017): 165–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x16000369.
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AbstractAlthough there is an impressive body of research on the U.S. Congress, there has been limited discussion about the central role race plays in the organization of this political institution. While some scholars have documented Congress’ racist past, less is known about the present significance of race in the federal legislature. Throughout the day, African Americans routinelynodto one another in the halls of the Capitol, and consider the Black nod as a common cultural gesture. However, data from over sixty in-depth interviews suggest there is an additional layer of meaning to the Black nod in Congress. From the microlevel encounters, I observed and examined, I interpret the nod as more than a gesture that occurs in a matter of seconds between colleagues or even among perfect strangers in the halls of Congress. The Black nod encompasses and is shaped by labor organized along racial lines, a history of racial subordination, and powerful perceptions of race in the post-Civil-Rights era on the meso-, and macrolevels. Using this interpretive foundation, this article will show how the nod is an adaptive strategy of Black staffers that renders them visible in an environment where they feel socially invisible. The nod becomes an external expression of their racialized professional identity. I argue that the congressional workplace is a raced political institution and that the microlevel encounters I observed delineate and reproduce its racial boundaries. This article represents perhaps the first sociological study of Congress and provides an unprecedented view into its inner workings and the social dimensions that organize workplace relationships.
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Powers, Theodore. "Echoes of austerity". Focaal 2019, n. 83 (1 marzo 2019): 13–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2019.830102.
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South Africa’s post-apartheid era has been marked by the continuation of racialized socioeconomic inequality, a social situation produced by earlier periods of settlement, colonization, and apartheid. While the ruling African National Congress has pursued a transformative political agenda, it has done so within the confines of neoliberal macroeconomic policy, including a period of fiscal austerity, which has had limited impact on poverty and inequality. Here, I explore how policy principles associated with austerity travel across time, space, and the levels of the state in South Africa, eventually manifesting in a public health policy that produced cuts to public health services. In assessing these sociopolitical dynamics, I utilize policy process as a chronotope to unify diverse experiences of temporality relative to austerity-inspired public health policy.
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Kunreuther, Laura. "Sounds of Democracy: Performance, Protest, and Political Subjectivity". Cultural Anthropology 33, n. 1 (22 febbraio 2018): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.14506/ca33.1.01.
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This article asks a deceptively simple question: what does democracy sound like? Democracy is commonly associated with various forms of voicing—political speeches, shouting protesters, filibusters in the halls Congress, or heated debates in teashops, salons, and newspapers around the world. Voice thus often functions as a metaphor for political participation and representation. Political metaphors of voice are usually disembodied, and are rarely invoked in reference to the other forms for political utterance, sound, or even noise that make up the many practices of participatory democracy. In such contexts, the notion of voice depends not on a single speaker but on a mass collectivity to make any message heard. The South Asian term āwāj refers explicitly to both the sonic and metaphorical meanings of voice, which this article uses to provincialize more commonly used global metaphors of voice. I consider what democracy sounds like by following the pathways of āwāj through two examples of participatory democracy on the streets of Kathmandu: a performance art piece and a political protest called Occupy Baluwatar. Āwāj and the sonic motifs I explore in these performances offer a conceptual rubric for breaking open the discourse of voice used in global human-rights organizations, humanitarian discourse, and liberal understandings of the public sphere, bringing forward a political subjectivity based on both intention and affect in a transmission of sound that is at once mass-mediated and acutely embodied.
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Nikitin, Dmitry S. "United Indian Patriotic Association versus Indian National Congress (1888–1893)". Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, n. 1 (2022): 118. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080013036-6.
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The article examines the emergence of Anglo-Indian and Muslim opposition to the Indian National Congress (INC) in the second half of the 1880s – early 1890s. By 1887, Congress had lost the support of the Viceroy of India Dufferin, and it greatly influenced the formation of the anti-Congress movement. The social base of opposition to the Congress was formed by the most conservative parts of society – the Anglo-Indians (the British who permanently lived in India) and Indian Muslims. The center of the anti-Congress movement was the Aligarh College, and the leader was the Muslim educator and founder of the college, Syed Ahmad Khan. The movement received support from the Anglo-Indian press and colonial officials. In 1888, United Indian Patriotic Association was founded with the Muslim organizations of Upper India and the conservative Hindu aristocracy in its ranks. The Association believed that the Congress did not represent the interests of the entire Indian people, but only a narrow stratum of European educated Indians. The INC's proposals for the introduction of an elective element in legislative councils and simultaneous examinations for civil service in India and Great Britain were regarded as premature, threatening interests of Muslims and British rule in India. The main goal of the United Indian Patriotic Association was to counter the agitation of the INC in Great Britain, where the British Committee of the INC operated, by holding anti-Congress meetings and pamphleting. After the adoption of the Indian Councils Act of 1892, the leaders of the Association focused on protecting the interests of Indian Muslims, and this solution led to the dissolution of the United Indian Patriotic Association in 1893. The Association became one of the first organizations opposed to the INC and had a significant impact on strengthening the political activity of Indian Muslims. The emergence of Muslim opposition to INC in the second half of the 1880s. became an important factor in the political development of India and the national liberation movement in the first half of the XX century.
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Sijadu, Zameka Paula, e Gaspardus Mwombeki. "Strategic Manoeuvering in 2019 Campaign Speeches in the Eastern Cape Province in South Africa: Extended Pragma-Dialectical Perspective". Modern Africa: Politics, History and Society 11, n. 1 (14 agosto 2023): 73–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.26806/modafr.v11i1.355.
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This article investigates how political candidates in the Eastern Cape Province in South Africa employed means of strategic manoeuvring during the provincial election campaigns of 2019. It assumes the framework of the extended pragma-dialectical theory of argumentation, by first reconstructing the argumentation structure, identifying the means of strategic manoeuvring, and finally, critically analysing the prototypical speech acts in the political campaign discourse. The data were collected from the isiXhosa newspaper I’solezwe LesiXhosa during the campaign from February to April 2019. The findings demonstrate commissives and assertives as the prototypical speech acts in the political argumentative discourse in the Eastern Cape Province. In addition, dissociation is manifested in multiple contexts to persuade the audience of the standpoint that the opposition parties are more visionary than the incumbent party, African National Congress.
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Mumme, Stephen P., C. Richard Bath e Valerie J. Assetto. "Political Development and Environmental Policy in Mexico". Latin American Research Review 23, n. 1 (1988): 7–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100034695.
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The fight against ecological degradation “has become a generalized policy demand of the whole society,” declared Marcelo Javelly Girard, Mexico's Secretary of Urban Development and Ecology. Addressing the Mexican Cabinet and hundreds of dignitaries attending Mexico's Primera Reunión Nacional de Ecología in June of 1984, Javelly Girard thus placed environmental concerns on President Miguel de la Madrid's official policy agenda. Appropriately convened in Mexico City (the world's fifth-most-polluted city by the Mexican government's own reckoning), the congress climaxed two years of effort by the de la Madrid administration to promote public environmental awareness as part of its national development program.
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Maia, Tatiana Vargas. "Can the criminalization of reproductive rights be a nationalist project?" Civitas - Revista de Ciências Sociais 21, n. 3 (7 dicembre 2021): 391–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.15448/1984-7289.2021.3.40562.
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The purpose of this paper is to investigate a federal bill pending analysis in the Brazilian Federal Congress – the 5069/2013 bill – which seeks to criminalize further women’s capacity to control issues relating to their sexual health in the country. By analyzing this bill, as well as the political discourses surrounding its proposal and the current arguments for its approval, I seek to highlight the social and political roles attributed by it to Brazilian women, focusing on the implications of the adoption of the nationalist discourse of the bill in official state discourse, should it become law, especially with regards to what the nationalism literature refers to as the “biological and cultural reproduction of the nation,” as well as the impact that these new definitions have on Brazilian women’s citizenship.
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Tien, Charles, e Dena Levy. "THE INFLUENCE OF AFRICAN AMERICANS ON CONGRESS". Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 5, n. 1 (2008): 115–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x08080065.
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AbstractIn this paper we approach, from a different angle than previous research, the question of whether gains in descriptive representation for African Americans result in losses in substantive representation. By looking at how the presence of African Americans has changed Congress over time, we assess the long-term impact of electing more African Americans to Congress on substantive representation. Specifically, we content analyze House floor debates on civil rights legislation, from 1957 to 1991, and find that Black members have influenced how White members talk about civil rights.
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Bespalova, Ksenia. "Towards the creation of the Anti-Imperialist League: World Congress in Brussels (1927)". Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, n. 1 (2024): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080028820-9.
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The article presents a study on the organization of the World Anti-Imperialist Congress in Brussels in 1927, one of the results of which was the creation of an international organization – the League against Imperialism and Colonial Oppression. Drawing on materials from the activities of the league in 1927–1937, stored in the funds of the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History, the author reconstructs the progress of preparations for the congress. The circle of people who responded to the initiative to convene a world congress to discuss the problems of colonial peoples has been identified. The author revealed that the place of the Comintern in the preparation for this event was leading, since the entire process of organizing the event, selecting delegates, as well as the agenda of the meetings completely depended on the directives of this organization. The reasons for the disagreements that arose between the organizers of the world congress about the place and date of the event, as well as about the people who were supposed to be involved in the congress, were identified. The author concludes that the World Anti-Imperialist Congress in Brussels was a successful attempt to gather delegations from colonial countries around the world, which made it possible to actualize the problem of oppression of the peoples of Asia and Africa. According to the author, the main result of the event is that an international organization with an anti-imperialist orientation was created, which would become the forerunner of the decolonization process after World War II.
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Clayton, Dewey M., e Angela M. Stallings. "Black Women in Congress". Journal of Black Studies 30, n. 4 (marzo 2000): 574–603. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002193470003000406.
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Carranza, Brenda, e Christina Vital Da Cunha. "Conservative religious activism in the Brazilian Congress: Sexual agendas in focus". Social Compass 65, n. 4 (17 agosto 2018): 486–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0037768618792810.
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In this article, we aim to reflect on the emergence and manipulation of social feelings in the context of intense transformations, called cold periods in history by Durkheim. The event known in the mainstream media as the ‘gay kit’, and political and religious articulations surrounding its suppression in 2011, is the empirical basis for our analysis. As a counterpoint, we will identify narratives and conservative activism organized around Bill No. 6583/2013, also known as the Family Statute, which has been the subject of numerous public debates, especially in 2015. In both cases, we reflect on social fears, morally based panic and on the situated activation of the rhetoric of loss by politicians with religious conservative liberal profiles.
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Bollettin, Paride. "EL PROTAGONISMO INDÍGENA EN LA ANTROPOLOGÍA CONTEMPORÁNEA". Universidad-Verdad 1, n. 82 (23 giugno 2023): 30–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.33324/uv.v1i82.639.
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La creciente participación de los amerindios en la elaboración y realización de proyectos de investigación, y su protagonismo en la elaboración y divulgación de los resultados sugiere la utilidad de redefinir las pragmáticas etnográficas y reflexivas de lo que se supone que debe hacer la antropología. En los últimos años, estas pragmáticas se han movido, cada vez más, en la dirección de la cooperación, la colaboración y la coproducción, redefiniendo los diálogos antropológicos y las producciones académicas. Mientras tanto, esta simetrización de amerindios y antropólogos cambió la antropología en una dimensión ética y política más profunda, aún más fuerte cuando los antropólogos son los mismos amerindios. En la presentación se describirán tres casos para presentar algunas preguntas sobre la realización efectiva de cooperaciones, coproducciones y colaboraciones, cuando los amerindios son los protagonistas de los esfuerzos antropológicos. El primero es una exposición etnográfica virtual; el segundo, una mesa redonda en un congreso científico internacional; y el tercero, la producción y publicación de un artículo en una revista científica. En los tres casos, las estrategias creativas, plurales y comprometidas promovieron la redefinición de la pragmática antropológica. La tesis central es que, lejos de ser necesario, el esfuerzo antropológico actual debe repensar el estatuto de su indagación, movilizando distintas erramientas ontológicas, epistemológicas y axiológicas, para ser efectivamente plural. Palabras clave: Amerindios, antropología, cooperación, colaboración, coproducciónAbstractThe growing participation of Amerindians in the planning and implementation of research projects, and their role in the development and dissemination of results suggest the usefulness of redefining the ethnographic and reflective pragmatics of what anthropology is supposed to do. In recent years, these pragmatics have increasingly moved in the direction of cooperation, collaboration, and coproduction redefining anthropological dialogues and scholarly productions. Meanwhile, this symmetrization of Amerindians and anthropologists moved anthropology toward a deeper ethical and political dimension, even stronger when the anthropologists are Amerindians themselves. In the presentation, three cases will be described to introduce some questions about the effective realization of cooperation, co-productions, and collaborations when Amerindians are the protagonists of anthropological efforts. The first is a virtual ethnographic exhibition, the second a round table at an international scientific congress and the third the production and publication of an article in a scientific journal. In all three cases, creative, plural, and engaged strategies promoted the redefinition of anthropological pragmatics. The core thesis is that, far from being unnecessary, the current anthropological effort must rethink the status of its inquiry, mobilizing different ontological, epistemological, and axiological tools to be effectively plural. Keywords: Amerindians, anthropology, cooperation, collaboration, coproduction.
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Diemberger, Hildegard. "The 12th Dorje Phagmo of Tibet, 'Female Living Buddha' and Cadre: A Political Paradox?" Inner Asia 10, n. 1 (2008): 153–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/000000008793066812.
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AbstractThis paper looks at the Samding Dorje Phagmo as an example of a minority nationality cadre who has been appointed to high positions in the Chinese administration in the name of her ethnicity, religious role and gender. Like most cadres who were co-opted from traditional elites she is unique because of her historical profile and role, but she embodies practices that are widespread among Tibetan cadres. Historically the Samding Dorje Phagmo was an important religious institution, established in the fifteenth century as the reincarnation of the tantric goddess Vajravārāhī. In the 1950s the 12th Dorje Phagmo was included among the members of the local religious elite by the newly-established Chinese rule. She is currently the Vice-president of the National People's Congress of the Tibet Autonomous Region and a member of the National People's Political Consultative Conference. She is therefore one of the more senior Tibetan cadres and one whose career has been most long-lived. Her political practice shows that the contemporary Sino-Tibetan relationship is not always a clear-cut one of domination and resistance, or secular communist suppression of Buddhist beliefs and practices, but full of paradoxes.
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Walsh, John Patrick. "The marvellous life of a Haitian refugee: James Noël’s Belle merveille". Crossings: Journal of Migration & Culture 12, n. 1 (1 aprile 2021): 361–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/cjmc_00037_1.
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This article examines the marvellous realism of two Haitian writers, past and present. Building on earlier schools of literary and socio-ethnographic thought, including Haitian indigenism, French surrealism and the Cuban writer Alejo Carpentier’s ‘marvellous real’, Jacques Stephen Alexis theorized marvellous realism at the first Congress of Black Writers and Artists in 1956. Some 60 years later, James Noël published Belle merveille, a novel that depicts a refugee who survives the earthquake of 2010 and embarks on a journey to understand his place among international aid groups that proliferate in the aftermath. The article suggests that Noël’s novel is both a tribute to and a creative rethinking of Alexis’s ideological commitment to the intersection of literary and social realism. It argues that by filtering events through the imaginary of the refugee, Noël interrogates the very categories of the marvellous and the real undergirding Alexis’s aesthetic and political project. After providing theoretical and historical context for Noël’s work, the article carries out close readings of Belle merveille to illuminate the ways in which its redeployment of marvellous realism delivers a critique of humanitarian aid.
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Powers, Theodore. "Knowledge practices, waves and verticality: Tracing HIV/AIDS activism from late apartheid to the present in South Africa". Critique of Anthropology 37, n. 1 (22 febbraio 2017): 27–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308275x16671788.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
As the South African HIV/AIDS epidemic enters its fourth decade, universal access to treatment has begun to extend the lives of people living with HIV/AIDS. While the South Africa’s ruling party – the African National Congress – has seized on improved health to bolster their political profile, the key agitators in producing this outcome were South African HIV/AIDS activists. Narrative accounts of the extended initiative have focused on the organisations that led the campaign for treatment access, such as the Treatment Access Campaign. Reflecting present trends in social movement theory, the emphasis in these accounts has been on transnational and/or ‘horizontal’ ties in alliance building. This approach obscures continuities with early South African HIV/AIDS activism during the late apartheid era. The concept of verticality is proposed as a means of highlighting the role of interpersonal relationships in the development of institutions and transmission of knowledge practices that link the waves of South African HIV/AIDS activism.
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Bob-Milliar, George M. "‘TE NYƆGEYƐNG GBENGBENG!’ (‘WE ARE HOLDING THE UMBRELLA VERY TIGHT!’): EXPLAINING THE POPULARITY OF THE NDC IN THE UPPER WEST REGION OF GHANA". Africa 81, n. 3 (22 luglio 2011): 455–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972011000234.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
ABSTRACTThis article analyses the reasons why, since the beginning of the Fourth Republic in 1992, the Upper West Region (UWR) has become one of the strongholds of the National Democratic Congress (NDC) in northern Ghana. In all five general elections to date, the NDC has won more than half of the presidential vote and over 70 per cent of the parliamentary seats. The article explores the factors that explain the NDC's electoral dominance in the UWR. At the regional level the accepted argument has been that the NDC's predecessor extended developments to the area. However, if voting preferences are based on development considerations, why didn't loyalty shift to the NPP? I argue that political loyalty is generational and that the popularity of the NDC in the UWR can be understood through an appreciation of the recent history of the region. On 14 January 1983, PNDC Law 41 decreed the creation of the Upper West Region, carved out of what was then the Upper Region. I conclude that the political and socio-economic opportunities that came along with decentralization are historical memories of high value, which the NDC capitalizes on in its electioneering campaigns.
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Stolz, Jörg. "Secularization research and its competitors: A response to my critics". Social Compass 67, n. 2 (25 maggio 2020): 337–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0037768620917331.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article is a response to the articles published in this issue of Social Compass by François Gauthier, Tobias Müller, David Voas and Sarah Wilkens-Laflamme about the presidential address given by Jörg Stolz at the SISR Congress in July 2019 and titled Secularization theories in the twenty-first century: Ideas, evidence, and problems.
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Kruglova, Tatyana A. "Intellectual Map of Domestic Aesthetics: To the Results of the Work of the Second Russian Congress of Aesthetics". Koinon 2, n. 3 (2021): 194–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/koinon.2021.02.3.036.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article is an overview of a prominent scientific event — The Second Russian Congress of Aesthetics (Yekaterinburg, July 2021). The paper assesses the state of aesthetics as a scientific and educational discipline throughout its history of the Soviet and post-Soviet periods. The article highlights four stages of the Soviet history of aesthetics. The first stage, the 1930s, received following K. Clark, the nomination “return of aesthetics”, which was associated with the general conservative turn of the Stalinist cultural policy, the creation of the socialist realist canon, the program of building socialism, the denial of the functionalism of the previous (avant-garde) stage. The “return of aesthetics” had not only a political and pragmatic content but contributed to the saturation of Soviet culture with fragments of the classical heritage, primarily the philosophical one. At the second stage (late Stalinism), there was a rollback of aesthetics in the direction of extreme political instrumentalization. During a short period of the “thaw,” aesthetics began to go behind public liberal discourse, yielding leadership to journalism and art criticism. At the stage of the “long seventies”, aesthetics becomes an influential and in-demand scientific discipline, included in the program of “technical progress” and “education of the builder of communism”, important ideological, aesthetic, and applied tasks are assigned to aesthetics since it is expected to influence all spheres of life. Aesthetics as philosophy and science develops, responding to contacts with semiotics, psychology, anthropology, cultural history, and sociology. Relying on the selective stream of translations of Western art philosophy, Soviet aesthetics begins to resonate with world trends, which is facilitated by the tacit consensus of the idea of aesthetics as a part of philosophical and humanitarian knowledge that has its autonomy. The state of aesthetics in the 1990s and early 2000s is qualified as a change of scientific generations and the emergence of new groups of professionals in aesthetic and artistic knowledge, not related to academic aesthetics, forming their conceptual vision of the development of art and aesthetics relations. The current state of aesthetics was diagnosed with a brief description of the last 15 years, when contacts with foreign aesthetic schools became regular and academic aesthetics began to be in demand in master’s educational programs, intellectual venues for festivals, and biennials of contemporary art, and cultural management programs. A large portion of the article is devoted to the analysis of the composition of the participants, their professional interests and competencies, the frequent concepts discussed in the sections, the structure of polemical problems, and crosscutting topics of all congress participants.
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Nolte, Insa. "‘Without Women, Nothing Can Succeed’: Yoruba Women in The Oodua People's Congress (OPC), Nigeria". Africa 78, n. 1 (febbraio 2008): 84–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0001972008000065.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article examines the role of women in the politics of the Oodua People's Congress (OPC), a militant ethno-nationalist movement of the Yoruba people in south-west Nigeria. Women's inclusion in the organizational structure and their typical roles within the OPC, the article suggests, expand the political agency of women but at the same time ensure that their contributions are contained within the OPC's overall politics. Women play important roles within the OPC, primarily by enabling and supporting the vigilante activities of male OPC members. In the provision of this support, women overwhelmingly draw on the knowledge and powers associated with typically female life experiences. As a result, women's interests are represented within the overall agenda of the OPC, but on the basis of complementary rather than egalitarian gender roles.
29
Jaeger, Ashlyn. "(Re)Producing Cyborgs: Biomedicalizing Abortion through the Congressional Debate over Fetal Pain". Science, Technology, & Human Values 44, n. 1 (20 giugno 2018): 74–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0162243918783523.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The scientific and political debate over whether a fetus can experience pain highlights a vital and controversial boundary for governance—the boundary of human life. I use the 2012 and 2013 US federal debates over twenty-week abortion bans (also known as fetal pain laws) to investigate how personhood is constructed in a society transformed by biomedical science and technology in the United States. Although those who support and oppose the bill take different stances on abortion regulation, each relies on biomedical knowledge and risk assessment to substantiate claims. Through content analysis of congressional documents, I find that members of Congress strategically draw on biomedical discourse to manage the boundaries of bodies and construct a universal “at-risk” political subject in need of governmental protection. These findings bring scholarly debates about personhood into the era of biomedicalization by emphasizing the latent process of creating a hybridized subjectivity that I call cybernetic personhood.
30
Denzer, LaRay. "Women in Freetown politics, 1914–61: a preliminary study". Africa 57, n. 4 (ottobre 1987): 439–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1159893.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Opening ParagraphThe study of women in Sierra Leone has been well launched. Except for the work of Carol P. MacCormack (formerly Hoffer) on political leadership and socio-economic development among Mende and Sherbro women (1972, 1974, 1975, 1976, 1977, 1978, 1979, 1981, 1982), most of this scholarship focuses on women in Freetown, mainly the Krio. Filomena Steady (1975, 1976) has analysed Krio women's leadership in church and political organisations. The history of their economic contribution to the evolution of the city has been discussed by E. Frances White (1976, 1978, 1981a, b). Gender relationships in modern marriage have been examined by Barbara Harrell-Bond (1975). In addition, there are a number of biographical studies of prominent leaders: Paramount Chief Madam Yoko (Hoffer, 1974), Adelaide Casely Hayford (Okonkwo, 1985; Cromwell, 1986), Constance A. Cummings-John (Denzer, 1981, forthcoming a, b), Hannah S. Benka Coker (Metzger, 1973: 50–2), and Lottie Hamilton-Hazeley (Metzger, 1973: 52–3). On the basis of this body of work it is possible to study more closely the contribution of women in modern politics in Freetown and the socioeconomic forces behind their participation. This account covers the period from the emergence of the proto-nationalist movement, the National Congress of British West Africa (NCBWA), up to the campaign for independence.
31
Clayton, Dewey M. "African American Women And Their Quest For Congress". Journal of Black Studies 33, n. 3 (gennaio 2003): 354–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934702238636.
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XIAOYANG, ZHU, e ANITA CHAN. "Staff and Workers' Representative Congress: An Institutionalized Channel for Expression of Employees’ Interests?" Chinese Sociology & Anthropology 37, n. 4 (agosto 2005): 6–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21620555.2005.11038349.
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Bardill, John, e Bernard Leeman. "Lesotho and the Struggle for Azania. Africanist Political Movements in Lesotho and Azania: The Origins and History of the Basutoland Congress Party and the Pan Africanist Congress". Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 21, n. 3 (1987): 450. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/485674.
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Taylor, Edgar Curtis. "Affective registers of postcolonial crisis: the Kampala Tank Hill party". Africa 89, n. 03 (16 luglio 2019): 541–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972019000512.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractA drinking party in 1963 precipitated a crisis over newly independent Uganda's sovereignty and the respectability of a new postcolonial ruling elite. Under Kampala's multiracial veneer in the early 1960s lurked bawdy British youth culture and radical African youth politics. When Europeans at a party in the elite suburb of Tank Hill allegedly mocked African aspirations for urban respectability and political sovereignty, UPC (Uganda Peoples Congress) Youth Wing activists used the affair to elicit public expressions of anger at the collusion of conservative politicians and racist former colonizers. Prime Minister Milton Obote attempted to channel that anger into nationalist unity but soon found common cause with British diplomats in expelling intemperate youth from Uganda's governing bureaucracy. The affair points to both the power and the limits of the affective politics of decolonization as well as the relationship between youth wings and the politics of respectability in early postcolonial Africa.
35
McClain, Paula D. "CONTEXT MATTERS! RACE, REPRESENTATION, AND PUBLIC OPINION". Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 2, n. 1 (marzo 2005): 145–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x05050113.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Katherine Tate, Black Faces in the Mirror: African Americans and Their Representatives in Congress. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2003, 224 pages, ISBN: 0-691-09155-2, Cloth, $18.95; ISBN: 0-691-11786-1, Paper, $18.95.Karen M. Kaufmann, The Urban Voter: Group Conflict and Mayoral Voting Behavior in American Cities. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 2004, 248 pages, ISBN: 0-472-09857-8, Cloth, $60.00; ISBN: 0-472-06857-1, Paper, $24.95.Vincent L. Hutchings, Public Opinion and Democratic Accountability: How Citizens Learn about Politics. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2003, 192 pages, ISBN: 0-691-11416-1, Cloth, $35.00.
36
Kuras, Leonid V., e Bazar D. Tsybenov. "Дальневосточная республика как «колыбель» Монгольской революции (к 100-летию ДВР и Монгольской революции 1921 г.)". Oriental Studies 13, n. 4 (25 dicembre 2020): 866–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2619-0990-2020-50-4-866-875.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Introduction. The Far Eastern Republic that emerged in the spring of 1920 suited all political players — Moscow, Tokyo, Washington, Irkutsk Political Center, and other peripheral political forces of the Far East. The ‘buffer’ state also played an important role in the transnational history of the Mongolian world. Mongolian revolutionaries stayed in the territory of the Far Eastern Republic in the summer and autumn of 1920. At that time, they were deeply imbued with the ideas of the Bolsheviks. Goals. The study seeks to examine the organizational role of the Far Eastern Republic as an outpost of the Mongolian Revolution of 1921. The objectives be tackled are as follows: investigation of the Russian-Mongolian revolutionary interaction in 1918-1920; analysis of activities of O. Maksteneck, an authorized representative of the RSFSR People’s Commissariat for Foreign Affairs to Mongolia; exploration of the route and work of three groups of Mongolian delegates in the territory of the Far Eastern Republic and Soviet Russia in 1920; insight into activities of the first congress of the Mongolian People’s Party in Troitskosavsk in March 1920. Materials. The paper analyzes archival documents dealing with the history of Russian-Mongolian military cooperation in the early-to-mid 20th century, considers works by domestic and Mongolian authors dedicated to the creation of the Far Eastern Republic and the Mongolian Revolution of 1921. Conclusions. The leadership of the Far Eastern Republic headed by B. Shumyatsky and the authorized representative of the RSFSR People’s Commissariat for Foreign Affairs O. Maksteneck played a crucial role in organizing the activities of the Mongolian revolutionary delegates. They convinced the Mongolian revolutionaries of the need to rely on Soviet power and its armed forces in the struggle for Mongolian independence.
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Staller, Karen M. "Stitching Tattered Cloth: Reflections on Social Justice and Qualitative Inquiry in Troubled Times". Qualitative Inquiry 26, n. 6 (20 settembre 2018): 559–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077800418786900.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article is a transcript of a keynote performance delivered at the opening of the 14th Annual International Congress of Qualitative Inquiry (ICQI). I compare the troubled times we face during the first year of President Donald J. Trump’s administration in 2017 with conditions existing during the mid-to-late nineteenth century. Similarities include mass migration, religious intolerance, nativist and anti-immigrant movements, racial injustice, political division, acute income inequality, and debates over the role of science and religion. Finding inspiration in the work of social reformer Charles Loring Brace (1826-1890), I examine his efforts in founding the Children’s Aid Society (CAS) of New York in 1853. Guided by a moral compass and radical new view of social justice work, Brace used qualitative methodological approaches and melded disciplinary knowledge to devise a comprehensive intervention strategy to alleviate child suffering. His goals were nothing short of eradicating poverty and homelessness, decreasing crime and delinquency, reducing illiteracy, reducing unemployment, and improving child and maternal health outcomes. For nearly four decades Brace worked to establish a multi-service child welfare agency that continues to exist 165 years later. He contributed to creating a new profession of applied philanthropy or social work. I compare these efforts with the building of ICQI. Norman K. Denzin, ICQI’s founder, possesses the same kind of visionary leadership, commitment to social justice, and ‘dangerous’ ideas as demonstrated by Brace. I suggest ICQI grew from a similar set of building blocks and possesses the same transformative power as CAS demonstrated in troubled times.
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Pitts, Britney. "“Uneasy Lies the Head that Wears a Crown”: A Critical Race Analysis of the CROWN Act". Journal of Black Studies 52, n. 7 (2 giugno 2021): 716–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00219347211021096.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Black hair in the United States remains misunderstood and othered against Eurocentric standards of beauty and professionalism as evidenced by the ongoing policing of Black hair in schools and workplaces. The CROWN Act of 2019 was passed in several states to protect Black adults and children from hair-biased discrimination, and was introduced to the United States Congress in December 2019. In September 2020, the CROWN Act passed in the US House of Representatives, however, it has not been passed in the Senate, yet. In this paper, I provide a critical race analysis of hair policies and challenges collected from news articles, the CROWN Research Study, and testimonies in support of the CROWN Act to demonstrate the importance of this bill’s passing at the federal level.
39
Helfand, Steven M. "The Political Economy of Agricultural Policy in Brazil: Decision Making and Influence From 1964 to 1992". Latin American Research Review 34, n. 2 (1999): 3–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100038565.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractBased on primary research and fifty interviews, this article analyzes the history, institutions, and politics of agricultural policy formulation in Brazil from 1964 to 1992. It focuses on how trade, credit, and support-price policy evolved in response to economic crisis and democratization in the 1980s. Although the economic crisis caused policy to be redesigned, the change in political regime and in the institutions of interest-group representation significantly influenced the direction of policy reform. The return to a democratic regime permitted the Congress and the Brazilian judiciary to play more significant roles in shaping agricultural policy. Simultaneously, democratization led to the questioning of corporatist institutions and the emergence of more participatory organizations in the agricultural sector. These changes have caused policy making to become increasingly subject to explicit rules, which should lead to more predictable policies and a long-term reduction in discrimination against Brazilian agriculture.
40
Mauceri, Philip. "State Reform, Coalitions, and The Neoliberal Autogolpe in Peru". Latin American Research Review 30, n. 1 (1995): 7–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100017155.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
When President Alberto Fujimori suspended constitutional rule in April 1992, he ended Peru's twelve-year experiment in civilian democratic governance. Citing the growing insurgency of Sendero Luminoso, corruption in the political parties, and difficulties with the Peruvian Congress in passing his economic program, Fujimori announced that democracy would have to be “temporarily suspended” in order to build new institutions. This move was backed by the armed forces. Perhaps most surprising to outside observers was the widespread popularity of Fujimori's move, which reflected the growing disenchantment with traditional political parties of the right and the left. Democratic procedures and institutions during the 1980s had been precarious at best. The military's counterinsurgency campaign against Sendero Luminoso had transformed Peru into one of the hemisphere's worst offenders against human rights, with the highest number of forced disappearances in the world. But despite documented cases of torture and other violations of human rights by state authorities, Peruvian military forces acted with the knowledge that they were virtually immune from prosecution.
41
Di Virgilio, Aldo. "From proportional representation to plurality and back: Post-Christian Democratic parties compared". Modern Italy 13, n. 4 (novembre 2008): 429–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940802367703.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article analyses the competition strategies adopted by the Christian Democratic (DC) and post-Christian Democratic (post-DC) parties after the electoral reforms of 1993 and 2005. Four main aspects are considered: the significance of cultural (ideological and cognitive) factors in the DC's exit from the political stage; the need to adapt post-DC strategy to bipolarism and the nostalgia for an autonomous centre; the nature and geography of the post-DC vote; and the attitudes of the middle-level elites of the three principal post-DC parties (the DL, the UDEUR and the UDC) vis-à-vis the competitive and strategic decisions they had to make. The article reaches the following conclusions: the post-DC parties share the same cultural orientations and have similar politico-electoral characteristics (a confessional background, the relevance of patronage networks and personalistic vote mobilisation); all three parties adapted, in different ways and with different degrees of success, to the new structure of coalitional bipolarism in the decade 1996–2006; and both research data on the main post-DC parties’ national congress delegates and the evolution of their electoral strategies on the eve of the 2008 elections show that the post-Christian Democrats felt more at home in the centre-left alignment, together with the post-communist PDS-DS, than in the centre-right alignment led by Berlusconi.
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Spektor, Ilya. "Transformation of the Soviet Ties with Indian Communist Movement in the1960s: from the Struggle with “Pro-Chinese Sectarians” towards the Left Unification Politics". Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, n. 1 (2022): 128. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080016330-0.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The history of the Communist party of India is important due to the party’s activities during the struggle for the country’s independence and in virtue of its leading position in Indian politics during the period when the government of J. Nehru was in power. Differences between so-called “leftists” and “rightists” in the party lead to the split in the CPI and to the formation of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) which was founded by the leaders of the “leftist” faction. The main reasons of the split were the differences in the attitude of different groups of Indian communists towards the Indian National Congress and the politics of Indian government. At the same time the spit related to the foreign politics of India and with the international communist movement. At the first stage of the conflict within the party, the sympathies of the USSR were entirely on the side of the “rightist” faction and the current leadership of the CPI. The “leftist” and the CPI (M) were considered as anti-Soviet group and potential political allies of China. However, the electoral success of the CPI(M) and the neutral position of the party during the Sino-Soviet split changed the attitude of the Soviet government towards this political force. Since the second half of the 1960s the USSR tried to maintain relations with the two main communist parties in India. The key sources are the documents of the Soviet Embassy in Delhi, which are being introduced into scientific circulation for the first time.
43
Laven, David. "AUSTRIA'S ITALIAN POLICY RECONSIDERED: REVOLUTION AND REFORM IN RESTORATION ITALY". Modern Italy 2 (agosto 1997): 3–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532949708454776.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article examines Austrian policy towards the Italian states from the Congress of Vienna to the revolutions of 1848. It argues that the paramount concern of Habsburg policy was not revolution, but rather the maintenance of a hegemonic position in the peninsula against threats from the Habsburgs’ traditional enemy - the French. Revolution caused significant concern only because it might provide the French with a pretext for intervention in the peninsula. Consequently a number of strategies were adopted both to forestall insurrection (vigorous policing, encouraging moderate reform programmes, armed intervention), and to retain influence over the peninsula's rulers (diplomatic pressure, dynastic and military alliances, promises of assistance against unrest). However, by the 1830s the Austrians were faced by increasing challenges to their position of dominance. This was in part because of the personal ambitions of individual Italian rulers, but it also reflected the changing situation in Paris after the July Revolution, and in Vienna after the death of Francis I.
44
Stogov, D. I. "The“Ukrainian Question” in the Newspaper “Yuzhny Kray” (March – October 1917)". Rusin, n. 62 (2020): 73–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/62/5.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article analyses the editorial policy of the newspaper “Yuzhny Kray”, which had a significant circulation in Kharkiv. The subject of the study is the newspaper’s publications from March to October 1917, i.e. during the Provisional Government. Among other issues put on the agenda by the revolutionary wave, the Ukrainian question can be singled out in particular. In modern conditions, when Russian-Ukrainian relations are subject to serious tests, it is important to refer to the crucial events of 1917. The author focuses on the plots related to the spread of the Ukrainian language and culture, the dialogue of Russian and Ukrainian cultures in the Kharkiv province, which had a very diverse ethnic composition. Of particular interest are the issues related to the teaching of the Ukrainian language in the Kharkiv province. In addition, the author analyses the articles about the Ukrainian Central Rada, some events (all-Ukrainian Peasant Congress, Congress of Ukrainian socialists-revolutionaries, Kiev Congress of Ukrainian Lawyers, etc.), newspaper publications concerning the reaction of the authorities and social groups to the problem of Ukrainism. The athour concludes that the newspaper “Yuzhny Kray” reflected primarily the views of the liberal intelligentsia and followed the policy of the Provisional Government on the Ukrainian issue, generally supporting the idea of creating national and cultural autonomy of the Ukrainian people, but criticizing the the Central Rada policy of federalization and demanding guarantees for national minorities in the territory of the would-be Ukrainian autonomy.
45
Orlov, I. B. "Features of Scientific Tourism in the USSR (Problem Statement)". Vestnik NSU. Series: History and Philology 22, n. 8 (29 novembre 2023): 112–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2023-22-8-112-125.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article analyzes the phenomenon of scientific tourism in the USSR, both from the perspective of tourism issues and within the framework of the social history of science. However, modern research on scientific tourism has actually fallen out of the field of view of both scientific directions. For tourism issues, research design is limited, first of all, by different approaches to defining the sphere of scientific tourism in Soviet and post-Soviet historiography. Whereas within the social history of science framework, broad research prospects are opening up. The macro-analytical strategy makes it possible to identify the relationship of the “Intourist” with the party and state institutions toward scientific tourism, and the micro-analytical approach shows how interaction within tourist groups influenced non-political (including scientific) activity. Scientific tourism is considered as an external social factor influencing science, and at the same time as a form of scientific activity. Based on archival materials and documents of personal origin, the author concludes that the early history of scientific tourism fell in the second half of the 1920s and the completion of its formation in the 1960s. At the same time, the historical reconstruction allows us to see how certain areas of scientific tourism were formed – congress, industrial, expedition, exhibition, and specialized. The author explains the unstable dynamics of the development of Soviet scientific tourism, in addition to bureaucratic red tape and interdepartmental inconsistencies, primarily by attempts to combine two mutually exclusive attitudes – the expansion of scientific and technical cooperation and the achievement of ideological and political effect from trips.
46
Al-Jarf, Reima. "Exploring Rule-based and Idiosyncratic Loanword Plural Forms in Arabic". International Journal of Linguistics Studies 4, n. 1 (11 febbraio 2024): 25–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/ijls.2024.4.1.3.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This study sought to explore how loanwords in Arabic are pluralized, whether loanword plurals are rule-based or idiosyncratic and the productivity of each type of loanword plural form: The Masculine Sound Plural (MSP), Broken Plural (BP), two or more Plurals, Zero Plural (ZP), Borrowed/Foreign Plural (BP) and Hybrid Plural (HP). It also aimed to shed light on the factors that contribute to the emergence of new, idiosyncratic plural forms. Analysis of a sample of 265 loanwords used in Standard and Colloquial Arabic collected from some Internet websites and glossaries showed that 37% of the loanwords in the sample have no plural forms (a Zero Plural) such as invariable singular nouns referring to food and drink (pizza, cappuccino), names of diseases and medications (bilharzia, Panadol), names of chemicals (potassium; ); sports (judo), sciences or areas of study (انثروبولوجيا anthropology), non-count nouns (ديزل diesel), Proper Nouns with a unique reference كونغرس) Congress ), noun referring to genus لافندر) lavender), and collective nouns (باغاج baggage). Results also showed that 35% of the loanwords take a BP only, whether it is a sole plural or a second or third plural form for the same loanword; 22% have double plurals as in nouns referring to some nationalities, ethnicities and religious groups, specialists and political loanwords; 16% have a BP (كادر /ka;dir/ > كوادر /kawa:dir/ cadres); 13% have a MSP together with another plural; 15% retain their Foreign Plural (يوتيوبرز YouTubers; موفيز movies; شيبس chips; داتا data); 4% have multiple plural forms (Malay (pl): الماليز (BP), ماليزيون (MSP), ماليزيات (FSP) and 1.5% have a HP (شوزات shoes+a:t/). Findings also showed that 46.5% of the loanwords follow the Arabic pluralization rules in the MSP, BP and FSP formation, even in the case of loanwords with double and multiple Plurals. Loanwords with a FP and HP represent a new morphological phenomenon in Arabic that was not reported by any prior study in the literature. The factors that contribute to the emergence of new idiosyncratic plural forms are discussed. Findings are also discussed in the light of some integration/adaptaion models of Arabic morphology. Recommendations for Arabic, English and translation pedagogy are given.
47
Ling, Peter J. "Why Reagan was not impeached". European Journal of American Culture 40, n. 3 (1 settembre 2021): 201–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ejac_00053_1.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In the aftermath of Watergate and Vietnam, Congressional investigations uncovered the largely unknown activities of the CIA and other agencies, which included arming and interfering in the domestic politics of regimes in both Central America and Iran. These programmes had also involved supporting reactionary regimes in ways that some saw as drawing the United States into conflicts, like Vietnam, without public knowledge or consent. In 1987, it was revealed that the Reagan administration had operated a clandestine policy in Nicaragua that evaded the restrictions placed upon the executive by the Boland Amendment in terms of aid given to the Nicaraguan Contras and that National Security Council (NSC) staff had lied to Congress and concealed these illegal actions. They had solicited funds from foreign allies and smuggled arms to the Contra insurgents in support of their efforts to topple the Sandinista regime. Contrary to the Arms Export Control Act and to its own publicly stated policy, the administration had also sold arms, particularly missiles, to Iran, which had been branded a sponsor of international terrorism since the Iranian revolution, and which was currently at war with its neighbour, Iraq. Such deals had formed part of ‘arms for hostages’ negotiations that were also contrary to official policy. Finally, it was disclosed that profits from the arms sales had been diverted to fund the Contras and hence to evade Congressional restrictions on funding. This article explores why these illegal actions did not result in President Reagan’s impeachment. It considers the merits of the administration’s claims that this was a ‘rogue operation’ by zealots within the NSC, and the success of its efforts to present Reagan as eager to cooperate with efforts to discover the truth of what had happened. It reviews the interactions between the Tower Commission, Congressional investigations and Office of Independent Counsel probe (Lawrence Walsh) and shows how these contributed to Reagan’s ‘escape’ from impeachment. It reviews the argument that Reagan’s underlying health problems contributed to his lax management of NSC operations and it considers the importance of televised testimony, particularly that of Oliver North, in shaping public opinion in the administration’s favour. Finally, it considers how this significant episode in 1980s politics foreshadowed major trends in US politics that can be seen as culminating in the present, acute partisan divide, Donald Trump’s double impeachment, and a manifest decline in public trust and respect for American political institutions.
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Neal, Zachary P. "A sign of the times? Weak and strong polarization in the U.S. Congress, 1973–2016". Social Networks 60 (gennaio 2020): 103–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.socnet.2018.07.007.
Testo completo
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Khan, Pervaiz. "South Africa: from apartheid to xenophobia". Race & Class 63, n. 1 (luglio 2021): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03063968211020889.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
How to explain the violent xenophobic attacks in South Africa in recent years? Two militant South African activists, Leonard Gentle and Noor Nieftagodien, interviewed here, analyse the race/class bases for the anti-foreigner violence in terms of the echoes/reverberations of apartheid and the rise of neoliberalism. They argue that remnants of apartheid have endured through the reproduction of racial and tribal categories, which has contributed to the entrenchment of exclusionary nationalist politics and the fragmentation of black unity. South Africa’s specific history of capitalist development, the African National Congress’s embraces of neoliberalism, on the one hand, and rainbowism, on the other, have produced the underlying conditions of precarity and desperation that resulted in the normalisation of xenophobia. The unions, too, have failed to recognise the new shape of the ‘working class’. Gentle and Nieftagodien outline the need to contend with the broader social conditions, the global economic crisis, neoliberalism and the deep inequalities it engenders in order to counteract the rising tide of xenophobia and build working-class unity.
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Chermont, Lucia. "A revista Aonde Vamos? publica o relatório Kruschev". Esboços: histórias em contextos globais 28, n. 48 (12 agosto 2021): 308–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5007/2175-7976.2021.e78132.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
A revista Aonde Vamos? (1943-1977), um semanário carioca publicado pela comunidade judaica com forte viés crítico e ideológico vinculado à direita sionista, veio à luz durante um período de grandes transformações marcado pela integração e afirmação judaica frente ao legado do Holocausto e às tensas expectativas advindas da recente fundação do Estado de Israel. Este artigo analisa a publicação pioneira e na íntegra do relatório Kruschev pela revista Aonde Vamos? entre 21 de junho e 19 julho de 1956. O relatório tinha sido apresentado no XX Congresso do Partido Comunista da União Soviética em 14 de fevereiro do mesmo ano e expunha abusos do período stalinista soviético. Este artigo objetiva trazer à luz como a circulação de ideias e de informações era intensa e possuía caráter transnacional, além de ressaltar como essas ideias e informações eram carregadas de significados e representações para determinadas linhas ideológicas da comunidade judaica. A partir de um aporte teórico-metodológico da História Cultural e das Representações, buscou-se compreender os usos e as representações do documento pela imprensa judaica brasileira, assim como o posicionamento dela frente ao relatório e o sentido e significado de sua publicação na revista Aonde Vamos?.