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Articoli di riviste sul tema "Political activists"

Autore: Grafiati

Pubblicato: 4 giugno 2021

Ultima modifica: 31 luglio 2024

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1

Vanner, Catherine, and Anuradha Dugal. "Personal, Powerful, Political." Girlhood Studies 13, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): vii—xv. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ghs.2020.130202.

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“Today I met my role model,” tweeted climate change activist Greta Thunberg on 25 February 2020, captioning a picture of herself with girls’ education activist Malala Yousafzai, who also tweeted the picture, proclaiming that Greta was “the only friend I would skip school for.” The proclamations of mutual admiration illustrate a form of solidarity between the two most famous girl activists, who are often pointed to as examples of the power of the individual girl activist in spite of their intentionally collective approaches that connect young activists and civil society organizations around the

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King, Debra. "Operationalizing Melucci: Metamorphosis and Passion in the Negotiation of Activists' Multiple Identities." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 9, no. 1 (February 1, 2004): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.9.1.v813801745136863.

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Activists need to construct and manage multiple identities as activists, as well as negotiate their activist identities in relation to identity positions in other social realms such as paid work or parenting. This research is an empirical application of Melucci's concept of metamorphosis to the processes through which committed activists manage identity work. Metamorphosis facilitates an understanding of how activists maintain a sense of continuity through changes in identity. From life-history interviews with twenty long-term Australian activists this research operationalizes the four concept

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Jacobsen, Stefan Gaarsmand. "Resilient retfærdighed?" Slagmark - Tidsskrift for idéhistorie, no. 73 (August 15, 2018): 157–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/sl.v0i73.107234.

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This article uses the idea of resilience as a point of departure for analysing some contemporary challenges to the climate justice movement posed by social-ecological sciences. Climate justice activists are increasingly rallying for a system-change, demanding fundamental changes to political bureaucracy and the economy, which would put ecology, biodiversity and climate change first for all future political decisions. Since the concept of resilience has taken up a central role in recent developments in ecological sciences, it has also become part of the activist debate. The article’s main argum

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4

De Ridder, Matthijs. ""Ook een politieke invloed moet van onze Alma Mater uitgaan". Staatkunde en activisme bij Robert Van Genechten." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 70, no. 2 (July 4, 2011): 172–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v70i2.12320.

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Hoewel er geen twijfel over mogelijk is dat het activisme een weinig democratische beweging was, laat een analyse van de ‘Staatkundige kroniek’ van Robert Van Genechten zien dat het staatkundige denken van de activisten veel complexer is dan tot nut toe werd aangenomen. Opportunisme is maar een van de vele facetten van het activistische denken. Voor een beter begrip van de collaboratie tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog kan een onderzoek naar het discours van het activisme – in nationaal én internationaal verband – dan ook voor veel nuancerende inzichten zorgen.________“Our Alma Mater should also

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ARRINGTON, THEODORE S. "Machiavellianism of Political Activists." GPSA Journal: The Georgia Political Science Association 6, no. 1 (November 12, 2008): 99–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.1978.tb00718.x.

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Böttcher, Lucas, Pedro Montealegre, Eric Goles, and Hans Gersbach. "Competing activists—Political polarization." Physica A: Statistical Mechanics and its Applications 545 (May 2020): 123713. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.physa.2019.123713.

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Munro, Doug. "Public Intellectuals/Political Activists." WorkingUSA 19, no. 2 (June 2016): 145–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/wusa.12233.

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Vromen, Ariadne. "Community–Based Activism and Change: The Cases of Sydney and Toronto." City & Community 2, no. 1 (March 2003): 47–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1540-6040.00038.

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How do community–based political activists justify the ongoing effectiveness of their chosen location for political activity? How do they describe the shifts in relationships between community–development activism and the state? This article presents findings from case studies undertaken with two community–development organizations based in Sydney, Australia, and Toronto, Canada. The focus of the analysis is 40 in–depth interviews conducted with activists in the late 1990s. The article details how the activists describe the present realities for community–development activism and what they con

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Granovetter, Sara. "Activist as Symptom: Healing Trauma within a Ruptured Collective." Society & Animals 29, no. 7 (December 23, 2021): 659–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685306-bja10051.

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Abstract Animal activists serve as symptom-bearers for trans-species collective trauma within Western-industrial society. Findings from literature on traumatology and nonhuman animal activism, contemporary discourse, and the voices of ten activists currently in the field suggest that many animal activists suffer some form of trauma. Activist trauma arises through overlapping, complex relational processes of intersubjective attunement with nonhuman animals and embeddedness within a human social context that disavows nonhuman suffering. In understanding activist trauma as a symptom of a dysfunct

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J. Enrico Sinaga, Nicholas Edieth, Kadek Dwita Apriani, and Anak Agung Sagung Mirah Mahaswari Jayanthi Mertha. "Pergeseran Orientasi Politik Mantan Aktivis Pro-demokrasi di Bali: Dari Idealis ke Pragmatis." Jurnal Transformative 8, no. 1 (March 30, 2022): 81–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.21776/ub.transformative.2022.008.01.4.

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This article discusses the change in the political orientation of former pro-democracy activists in Bali after more than 20 years of the reformation. The change in their orientation from idealistic to pragmatic is allegedly one of the catalysts for the decline of democracy. This study aims to determine the causes of the change in the political orientation of former pro-democracy activists in Bali and to make a categorization from the political orientation of these former activists. The theory used as the analytical tool is the rational choice theory from Barbara Geddes. This research uses qual

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van Troost, Dunya, Bert Klandermans, and Jacquelien van Stekelenburg. "Friends in High Places." Humanity & Society 42, no. 4 (October 7, 2018): 455–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160597618802537.

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Scholars working from the political opportunity approach have upheld the notion that the political context sets the grievances around which activist mobilizes. Inspired by Tarrow and colleagues plea to explain political activism by analyzing how activists are mobilized, this article focuses on the individual protester. The research question in this article reads how are activist’s protest emotions shaped by characteristics of the political context, specifically by their political alliances? We focus on the emotional constellation evoked by environmental issues (e.g., climate change and nuclear

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National District (Sakha Republic), The Indigenous Women's Collectives, and Sardana Nikolaeva. "Plurality of Activisms." sibirica 22, no. 1 (March 1, 2023): 128–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/sib.2023.220107.

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Abstract Indigenous women's activism occupies a specific niche within local and global Indigenous politics and plays a particularly important role in the socio-cultural and political development of Indigenous communities. In this regard, it is vital to explore not only activist strategies of grassroots Indigenous women's organizing but also their histories, contexts, and activist scopes. The women's collectives in the Olenek Evenki National District of the Sakha Republic (Russian Federation) have a long history of cultural and political activism. In this photo-essay, we aim to narrativize wome

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Jusfayana, Yuthika, and Joevarian Hudiyana. "Self-Worth of Social-Political Activists: Theoretical Framework and Systematic Review." Psikologika: Jurnal Pemikiran dan Penelitian Psikologi 28, no. 2 (September 26, 2023): 321–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.20885/psikologika.vol28.iss2.art10.

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Activists are dedicated individuals who endeavor to create a substantial and significant influence on pivotal social issues. Their endeavors are propelled by a multitude of diverse factors, including aspects such as social identity, perceptions of fairness, efficacy, and other relevant considerations. These factors lead them to engage in a process of internalization within the collective group they are part of, shaping their sense of self-worth. However, the motivation to achieve self-worth is not always the predominant focus in existing study. Therefore, this study aimed to explained the cont

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Fourcade, Margot. "Sociolinguistics of Youth Activism: Implications for The Future of Political Language." International Journal of Applied Linguistics and English Literature 10, no. 6 (November 30, 2021): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.ijalel.v.10n.6p.1.

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From gun control reforms to climate change protests, today’s young activists have been described as ‘louder and more coordinated than [their] predecessors’ (Marris, 2019: 471). This article looks at the linguistic changes at work behind this description: how does their language make youth activists’ voices grow stronger, and how does it help them discuss, mobilise and organise their campaigns. The article begins with a comparison of the language of youth activists today and that of their predecessors, to better assess the extent and nature of these changes. It then analyses the influence of th

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Hájek, Roman. "The Changing Landscape of Local Information Space in the Czech Republic: Consequences for Local Political Communication." Polish Political Science Review 1, no. 1 (December 1, 2013): 4–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ppsr-2015-0001.

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Abstract Due to the emergence of Internet-based media channels the character of local information spaces in the Czech Republic has undergone a remarkable change. Traditionally, dominant information sources: daily newspapers and municipally-owned media have become challenged by a variety of online sources run by groups of active citizens. Based on a systemic analysis of the local media sector and interviews conducted with representatives of local activist groups this paper discusses the consequences of these processes for local political communication. From the activists’ perspective, the new c

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Walgrave, Stefaan, W. Bennett, Jeroen Van Laer, and Christian Breunig. "Multiple Engagements and Network Bridging in Contentious Politics: Digital Media Use of Protest Participants." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 16, no. 3 (September 1, 2011): 325–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.16.3.b0780274322458wk.

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Based on three series of protest surveys across nations, issues, and time, this study examines to what extent the use of digital media permits activists to sustain multiple engagements in different protest events and different movement organizations. We find that digital media use stimulates multiple activisms. Through information and communication technologies (ICTs), activists can maintain multiple engagements and manage weak ties with diverse protest and movement communities. The data also suggest that these multiple engagements and overlapping activisms effectively provide linkages to and

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Pilegge, Joseph, and James A. Woods. "Political Scientists As Policy Activists." Southeastern Political Review 19, no. 1 (November 12, 2008): 37–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.1991.tb00048.x.

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O'LEAR, SHANNON. "ELECTRONIC COMMUNICATION AND ENVIRONMENTAL POLICY IN RUSSIA AND ESTONIA*." Geographical Review 87, no. 2 (April 1997): 275–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1931-0846.1997.tb00075.x.

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ABSTRACT. The use of e‐mail by a grassroots activist group that straddles the Estonian‐Russian border transcends political boundaries and provides ready connections to people in distant places. Activists create a perceived space of resistance in a supportive network that is stretched across space. This network of concern, defined by the physical space in which these activists work and by the strong communicative connections among them, was created to overcome continued environmental mismanagement and remove cultural barriers to cooperation. E‐mail communication has enabled an ongoing influence

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Alcalde Villacampa, Javier, and Martín Portos García. "Stop Mare Mortum y el movimiento de solidaridad con las personas refugiadas en Barcelona." Empiria. Revista de metodología de ciencias sociales, no. 52 (September 1, 2021): 151–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/empiria.52.2021.31368.

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Durante el largo verano migratorio de 2015 aumentaba de un modo dramático el nivel de conciencia ciudadana y activismo en Barcelona. En la primavera de 2016, cada día tenían lugar eventos de protesta en solidaridad con las personas refugiadas , promovidos por un amplio espectro de grupos locales, asociaciones y redes. En tanto, un cambio en el gobierno local erigía a una otrora activista social como alcaldesa, asumiendo el tema de las personas refugiadas como una prioridad política. Basado en una serie de entrevistas en profundidad con activistas clave, este artículo presenta, mapea y estudia

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Owen, Cam Nguyen. "“IT'S A RAT RACE”: THE IMPACT OF IDEOLOGICAL IMPRINTING ON MICROLEVEL EXPERIENCES OF MOVEMENT PROFESSIONALIZATION*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 24, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 59–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-24-1-59.

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Movement professionalization has mainly been conceptualized as a mesolevel process, with past research stressing differences between groups. Few studies have accounted for why activists in the same organization might have drastically dissimilar experiences. Using interviews with thirty left-wing former and current movement professionals, the article integrates recent scholarship on activist pathways to explain intragroup variations. Findings show that activists who saw professionalization as a dilemma were influenced by the ideological imprinting, i.e., exposure to ideals of “grassroots” mobil

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Clark, John A., and Charles Prysby. "Introduction: Studying Southern Political Party Activists." American Review of Politics 24 (April 1, 2003): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2003.24.0.1-19.

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The political changes that have occurred in the South over the past several decades have affected the political party organizations in the region. A region once marked by a weak and highly factionalized Democratic Party organization and an almost non-existent Republican Party organization now has two significant party organizations operating in each state. Examining the development of party organizations in the region should tell us much about both political party organizations and southern politics. This study, the Southern Grassroots Party Activists 2001 Project, focuses on political party a

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TORRES-BELTRAN, ANGIE. "Exiled Activists Mobilize Online." Political Science Today 3, no. 2 (May 2023): 32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psj.2023.40.

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Exile—the banishment of individuals from their home country—is a commonly used form of repression against activists, dissidents, and other political opponents. The aftermath of exile usually limits opposition influence and weakens home-country networks. However, while banishment may keep exiles physically away from home, it does not keep political opponents from promoting their agendas from abroad. In a new article published in the American Political Science Review, authors Jane Esberg and Alexandra A. Siegel demonstrate how exile affects political opponents’ online activism. Their research hi

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Thorkelson, Eli. "Two Failures of Left Internationalism." French Politics, Culture & Society 36, no. 3 (September 1, 2018): 143–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2018.360309.

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After the unsuccessful end of the spring 2009 French university movement, faculty and student activists searched for new political strategies. One promising option was an internationalist project that sought to unite anti-Bologna Project movements across Europe. Yet an ethnographic study of two international counter-summits in Brussels (March 2010) and Dijon (May 2011) shows that this strategy was unsuccessful. This article explores the causes of these failures, arguing that activist internationalism became caught in a trap of political mimesis, and that the form of official international summ

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Gallagher, Janice. "The Last Mile Problem: Activists, Advocates, and the Struggle for Justice in Domestic Courts." Comparative Political Studies 50, no. 12 (March 24, 2017): 1666–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414016688001.

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The ability of a state to protect its own citizens’ lives is a key part of democratic legitimacy. While the right to physical integrity is nearly universal, holding those who violate this right legally accountable has proved difficult. I argue that the dynamics between civil society groups and government officials can activate investigatory processes plagued by bureaucratic inertia. I develop two analytical categories of civil society actors: Activists impose a political cost to impunity and challenge victim-blaming narratives, whereas advocates facilitate the flow of investigative information

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Boghossian, Johnny, and José Carlos Marques. "Saving the Canadian Fur Industry’s Hide: Government’s strategic use of private authority to constrain radical activism." Organization Studies 40, no. 8 (February 21, 2019): 1241–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0170840618815928.

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We examine the relationship between private and public regulatory authority in contexts characterized by radical transnational activist contestation against industry practices. Employing a comparative case design, we study government responses to similar activist campaigns calling for a trade ban on Canada’s sealing and fur industries. Relying on conventional public authority, the Canadian government was unable to prevent a European ban on seal skin products, leading to the collapse of its sealing industry. In contrast, its response to anti-fur trapping activists successfully employed private

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Gutman, Yifat. "Looking backward to the future: Counter-memory as oppositional knowledge-production in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict." Current Sociology 65, no. 1 (July 9, 2016): 54–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011392115584644.

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This article examines a strategy of peace activism that gained visibility in the last decades: memory activism. Memory activists manifest a temporal shift in transnational politics: first the past, then the future. Affiliated with the globally-circulating paradigm of historical justice, memory activist groups assume that a new understanding of the past could lead to a new perception of present problems and project alternative solutions for the future. Based on ethnographic fieldwork and discourse analysis among memory activists of the 1948 war in Israel since 2001, the article examines the act

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Pepin-Neff, Christopher, and Thomas Wynter. "The Costs of Pride: Survey Results from LGBTQI Activists in the United States, United Kingdom, South Africa, and Australia." Politics & Gender 16, no. 2 (June 7, 2019): 498–524. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x19000205.

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AbstractA comparative analysis of emotional taxation was conducted to investigate the affective cost of entering the political process among 1,019 lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer and intersex (LGBTQI) activists in the United States (n = 355), the United Kingdom (n = 230), South Africa (n = 228), and Australia (n = 206). Four consistent trends were identified across these four contexts, with important implications for the study of social movements, youth activism, gender, sexuality, and race. First, levels of emotional taxation resulting from LGBTQI activist work were consistently ve

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Imhoff, Débora, Cecilia Gariglio, Valeria Ponce, Bruno Díaz, and Angelina Pilatti. "Environmental Activism: relationship with psycho-social and psycho-political variables among activists and non-activists from Argentina / Activismo ambiental: relación con variables psicosociales y psicopolíticas en activistas y no activistas de Argentina." Psyecology 5, no. 2-3 (September 2, 2014): 350–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21711976.2014.957541.

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Bickerton, James, Keith Archer, and Alan Whitehorn. "Political Activists: The NDP in Convention." Canadian Public Policy / Analyse de Politiques 25, no. 3 (September 1999): 419. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3551529.

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Prindeville, Diane-Michele, and John G. Bretting. "Indigenous Women Activists and Political Participation." Women & Politics 19, no. 1 (April 21, 1998): 39–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j014v19n01_03.

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Sealey-Huggins, Leon Ayo. "Depoliticised activism? Ambivalence and pragmatism at the COP16." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 36, no. 9/10 (September 12, 2016): 695–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-12-2015-0143.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to interrogate the forms of activist organisation at the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change COP16 in Cancún and reveals their attempts to create alternatives to a seemingly “depoliticised” response to climate change. The paper argues that existing attempts to challenge depoliticisation face problems in the form of governmental opposition, limitations on forms of organising, and internal conflicts between activists. Design/methodology/approach This paper utilises “scholar-activist” engagement with actors at alternative “popular” spaces est

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Lund, Darren, and Rae Ann Van Beers. "Unintentional Consequences: Facing the Risks of Being a Youth Activist." in education 26, no. 1 (December 23, 2020): 3–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.37119/ojs2020.v26i1.479.

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Students involved in social justice activist groups and activities encounter several potentially negative consequences in advocating for issues that are important to them. Through duoethnographic interviews with scholar-activists, former youth activists describe the barriers they experienced as socially engaged young people, including dealing with pushback from their cultural, school, and even activist communities. Without adult allies to help mentor them through these processes, the negative emotions associated with these encounters can lead youth to burn out and leave activism altogether. Th

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Valocchi, Stephen. "The Importance of being "We": Collective Identity and the Mobilizing Work of Progressive Activists in Hartford, Connecticut." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 14, no. 1 (February 1, 2009): 65–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.14.1.y534010633308j7m.

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This article examines the ways that collective identity influences the mobilizing work activists perform in a wide variety of progressive activities in Hartford, Connecticut, as reported in open-ended life history interviews. Using a collective identity typology based on ideology, organization, and biography, the analysis demonstrates the variety of ways in which these different "group allegiances" affect how activists raise consciousness, choose strategies and goals, pursue allies, and build coalitions. These myriad differences in mobilizing by activists with different collective identities w

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Giuranno, Michele G. "The Logic of Party Coalitions with Political Activism." Journal of Public Finance and Public Choice 29, no. 1 (April 1, 2011): 199–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251569211x15665367493715.

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Abstract This paper considers an electoral equilibrium between two party coalitions. Each coalition is composed of two factions called activists and opportunists. Activists are interested in announcing a policy as close as possible to their ideal policy and are ready to contribute with vital electoral resources to die one’s own party coalition. Opportunists are interested only in winning elections and need the activists’ contributions to enhance their party valence. Thus, the two factions of each coalition negotiate on both policy platform and activists' contributions. Results show that, in eq

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Koo, Sejin. "PARTY ACTIVISTS IN SOUTH KOREA AND MONGOLIA: PROGRAMMATIC LINKAGES AND POLICY MOTIVATIONS." Journal of East Asian Studies 18, no. 3 (July 19, 2018): 367–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2018.20.

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AbstractParty activists are important for building party–voter links. This study focuses on the motivations of these activists and the hypothesis that economic factors are associated with more programmatic and policy-driven platforms. I examine a novel comparative survey data set of party activists collected in multiple districts in South Korea and Mongolia to determine whether national economic development, the local economy, or individual income shapes activist motivations. The results challenge the economic account and, instead, shed light on the importance of party characteristics, such as

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Collitt, Samuel, and Benjamin Highton. "The Policy Polarization of Party Activists in the United States." American Politics Research 49, no. 4 (April 4, 2021): 386–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x211004442.

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This article investigates how a key stratum of the partisan elite—party activists—have been positioned across time and policy issues. We examine the extent to which activists have polarized symmetrically or asymmetrically and find that only on the issue of abortion has one party’s activists (Republicans) polarized notably more than the other’s. The article also analyzes party activist proximity to the mass public’s policy preferences and finds that Democrats are consistently closer to the public on economic issues, and Republicans are consistently closer on a subset of non-economic issues. Our

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Hampton, Matthew. "Queering the Way: Investigating the Relationship Between LGBT+ Advocacy and Policy Advancement." Oregon Undergraduate Research Journal 20, no. 2 (November 16, 2022): 46–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5399/uo/ourj/20.2.5.

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The modern LGBT+ rights movement in the United States has pushed both political and social advancements forward since the mid-twentieth century, furthering the fight for equality. Even as hundreds of anti-LGBT+ bills have been proposed and passed in states across the country throughout the last decade or so, they have remained a force to be reckoned with. This study analyzes the specific tactics used by LGBT+ activists and nonprofits from the mid-twentieth century to present day, through the framework of Douglas McAdam’s Political Opportunity Theory to explain how campaigns or movements are ma

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Beta, Annisa R. "The Muslimah Intimate Public: Re-Considering Contemporary Daʾwa Activists in Indonesia". Asiascape: Digital Asia 7, № 1-2 (22 травня 2020): 20–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22142312-bja10002.

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Abstract This article reconsiders contemporary digital activism in an increasingly pious Indonesia and responds to Eva F. Nisa’s 2018 paper on young Muslim women as daʾwa (proselytization) activists published in this journal. This paper asks: How have today’s socially mediated publics in Indonesia influenced the figure of the daʾwa activist? How are these daʾwa activists different from those in the past? I argue that the daʾwa activists are the products of a Muslimah intimate public, part of a networked public within which young women discuss, engage with, and express how they ‘feel’ about iss

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Zienkowski, Jan. "Marking a sense of self and politics in interviews on political engagement." Journal of Language and Politics 14, no. 5 (December 31, 2015): 665–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.14.5.03zie.

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This paper explores the relationship between notions of self and politics in discourse on political engagement. By means of a heuristic inspired by the poststructuralist notion of logic and the pragmatic concept of metapragmatic awareness, the author argues that metapragmatic markers play an important role in communicating interpretive processes that inform preferred and disavowed modes of subjectivity. He relies on an interview conducted with an activist involved in Flemish minority politics in order to show how activists distinguish between preferred and disavowed modes of politics. In deali

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Polletta, Francesca. "How Participatory Democracy Became White: Culture and Organizational Choice." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 10, no. 2 (June 1, 2005): 271–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.10.2.96746725j1312512.

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Why do activists choose the organizational forms they do? Social movement scholars have tended to focus on activists' instrumental assessments of organizational forms' costs and benefits or on activists' efforts to balance instrumental calculations with a commitment to ideological consistency. Neither explanation is adequate. Organizational forms, like strategies, tactics, and targets, are often appealing for their symbolic associations, and especially, their association with particular social groups. The article fleshes out this dynamic through a case study of the rise and fall of participato

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Zhurbina, Irina. "Political Ontology of Alain Badiou and Sylvain Lazarus." Balkan Journal of Philosophy 13, no. 2 (2021): 153–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/bjp202113218.

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The article reviews the concepts of the French anthropologist and political theorist Sylvain Lazarus and the philosopher Alain Badiou, who suggest a new perspective on the subjective foundations of politics as thought. The focus on the subjective foundations of politics can be explained by the initial ambiguity in the works of the French theorists, who interpret the activities of the intellectual activist in different ways. The paper shows that Sylvain Lazarus is more concerned with the intellectual activity of political activists, whom he categorizes as political activists and politicians by

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Danforth, Scot. "Becoming the Rolling Quads: Disability Politics at the University of California, Berkeley, in the 1960s." History of Education Quarterly 58, no. 4 (October 12, 2018): 506–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/heq.2018.29.

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Abstract (sommario):

Historical analyses of 1960s university campus activism have focused on activities related to the civil rights movement, Free Speech Movement, and opposition to the Vietnam War. This study supplements the historiography of civil disobedience and political activity on college campuses during that tumultuous era with an account of the initiation of the disability rights movement with the Rolling Quads, a group of disabled student activists at the University of California, Berkeley. This small group, with little political experience and limited connections to campus and community activists, organ

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Gordon, Hava R., and Jessica K. Taft. "Rethinking Youth Political Socialization." Youth & Society 43, no. 4 (October 25, 2010): 1499–527. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0044118x10386087.

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This article draws from the experiences and narratives of teenage activists throughout the Americas in order to add a needed dimension, that of peer political socialization, to the larger political and civic socialization literature. The authors argue that although the existing literature emphasizes the roles and responsibilities of adults in shaping young people’s civic capacities, the roles that young people play in socializing each other for political engagement is underexplored. Based on two qualitative studies of teenage activists throughout North and Latin America, the authors argue that

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Taft, Jessica K. "Hopeful, Harmless, and Heroic." Girlhood Studies 13, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ghs.2020.130203.

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There has been a notable increase in the public visibility of girl activists in the past ten years. In this article, I analyze media narratives about several individual girl activists to highlight key components of the newly desirable figure of the girl activist. After tracing the expansion of girl power discourses from an emphasis on individual empowerment to the invocation of girls as global saviors, I argue that girls are particularly desirable figures for public consumption because the encoding of girls as symbols of hope helps to resolve public anxieties about the future, while their more

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Herbert, Lea, Laurie Campbell, Breahannah Hilaire, and Galaxina Wright. "Pilot Study of the Intersection of COVID 19 and Activist Mental Health." Journal for Social Action in Counseling & Psychology 15, no. 1 (August 31, 2023): 32–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/jsacp.15.1.32-50.

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Recent tensions in society have led to protests and demonstrations to raise awareness and consciousness ultimately for change. These efforts can be draining. Domestic increases in youth activism has illustrated transformative community action as well as the need to determine themes related to activist sustainability and mental health. Therefore, a phenomenological study was conducted to explore Millennial and Generation Z activist mental health perceptions and engagement during times of protest including COVID-19. The voice of seven youth activists regarding their experience with concurrent ac

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Stone, Walter J. "The Carryover Effect in Presidential Elections." American Political Science Review 80, no. 1 (March 1986): 271–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1957095.

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Abstract (sommario):

The carryover hypothesis asserts that participants' candidate support behavior in the general election is affected by their preferences for their party's nomination. This paper examines data from activist and national sample surveys for evidence of a carryover effect in the 1980 election. There is a detectable carryover effect on voting behavior both for activists and for citizens generally. Among activists, where evidence about candidate support behaviors beyond voting is available, the effect on such activity is substantial, and increases with the effort associated with the general election

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Samadhi, Willy Purna. "The Disorientation of the Political Capacity of Indonesian Pro-Democracy Activists." PCD Journal 10, no. 2 (April 13, 2023): 27–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/pcd.v10i2.6249.

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This study examines the political performance of pro-democracy activists in Indonesia after the end of the New Order. Using a democratic transformative politics approach, this study confronts aspects of the political capacity of pro-democracy activists with the need for popular control to work effectively. It finds that activists have been disoriented towards the development of political capacity and popular control. This study contributes to the study of Indonesian democracy by placing the issue of political capacity for building popular control as an integral part of the problem of democracy

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Cherry, Elizabeth. "“Not an Environmentalist”: Strategic Centrism, Cultural Stereotypes, and Disidentification." Sociological Perspectives 62, no. 5 (July 5, 2019): 755–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0731121419859297.

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Abstract (sommario):

Birding has long been associated with environmental activism, from its origins as a scientific hobby in the nineteenth century to today’s citizen scientist birders. My research with birders shows that despite their political activism, personal actions, and ecological beliefs, many disidentify as activists or environmentalists. Using data from 30 in-depth interviews and three years of ethnographic research with birders, I argue their disidentification comes from two interrelated sources. First, these birders followed the Audubon Society’s approach of strategic centrism, espousing a centrist ide

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Cardoso, Daniel. "The Political Is Personal: The Importance of Affective Narratives in the Rise of Poly-activism." Sociological Research Online 24, no. 4 (April 1, 2019): 691–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1360780419835559.

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Abstract (sommario):

There is a considerable gap on how social movements that center around non/monogamies decide to organize and articulate their strategies, as well as how they manage their tensions with other activist groups and ideologies or even the State. In addition to this, the fact that much of the literature that circulates is written in English and in an Anglophone context, hampers the ability of researchers to come into contact with other experiences of non/monogamies. This article gives a situated account of the rise of the Portuguese polyamorous social movement and shows how interpersonal relationshi

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MERELMAN, RICHARD M. "Role and Personality among Adolescent Political Activists." Youth & Society 17, no. 1 (September 1985): 37–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0044118x85017001003.

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