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1
Phillips, Sheryl Diann. "Praise the Political Activists: An Analysis of the Effects of Evangelical Religion on Political Activists, 1980-1988". W&M ScholarWorks, 1991. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625684.
Testo completo
2
Price, Linda 1966. "Making sense of political activism : life narratives of political activists from the South African liberation movement". Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/9750.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Bibliography: leaves 229-258.This is a study of the personal and social construction of meaning that political activists who have been involved in the South African liberation movement attribute to their lives. It examines the lives of a group of activists who were situated at the heart of the anti- apartheid movement for more than four decades. Their resistance to the wide-ranging laws and non-legal devices that the state employed to maintain white, Afrikaner Nationalist rule became the benchmark against which they lived their lives. 1960 saw an intensity of state oppression and brutality from which some activists escaped with their lives, while others were killed or jailed for life. The struggle to create a society where humanity and justice would triumph over cruelty and racial division was setback a generation. It took nearly three decades of defiance and unrest before Nelson Mandela was released from prison and South Africans sat down to negotiate the Interim Constitution that would guide the country towards its first democratic elections. ANC members in exile received indemnity so that they could return to the country and participate in the negotiations and four years later a new South Africa based on majority rule was won. Since these 1994 elections, South Africa has continued to undergo fundamental change from the old apartheid order to a new democratic dispensation. Oral stories are essential to this process as they contain memories of recent history that contribute significantly to contemporary political and social life, which in tum shape the future. The stories of the activists who comprise this study illustrate how their commitment to their cause and to themselves has shaped their lives, as well as those around them, and how meaningful engagement with the challenges of daily life can strengthen us as individuals.
3
Theron, Jean Monique. "Political Consumerism: Possibilities for International Norm Change". Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4109.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
MAThesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Consumers are gradually becoming influential actors in the international arena. The 21st century consumer has taken on a new identity, namely that of a citizen-consumer. A rising awareness of the importance of ethical purchasing behaviour has made political citizen-consumers a vehicle through which change in normative behaviour in the capitalist world economy could be attained. Activists have realised the support that political consumers could give to campaigns that strive to achieve norm change. Consumers have the power to hold multinational corporations (MNCs) accountable for unjust practices, and through their purchasing decisions, pressure MNCs to change the manner in which they operate. In order to determine to what extent political consumerism could contribute to international norm change, one has to understand how norms emerge, when norms are accepted and at which point norms become internalised. The theoretical framework of the life-cycle of norms is ideal to test the possibilities that political consumerism holds in the quest for norm change. The application of norm life-cycle framework to case studies provides evidence that political consumerism has already announced itself as a vehicle for change. Campaigns such as the conflict diamonds campaign and the Fair Trade movement have already successfully co-opted consumers to support the goals of these campaigns and have achieved some results in changing the behaviour and policies of MNCs. Political consumers have therefore already embarked on the journey towards norm change, but have not yet been able to bring the norm to internalisation. The study determines which stage in the norm life-cycle political consumerism has managed to reach. Related to this, it asks whether it is in fact possible for activists and political consumers to complete the norm life-cycle and thereby effect norm change to enhance capacity for social justice in capitalism. The study also concerns itself with the persuasion strategies that have been used and could still be used by activists to pursue change in the normative behaviour of consumers and MNCs. Persuasion is central to convincing actors to accept and internalise a new norm. The study situates these persuasion strategies within the norm life-cycle, in order to identify the challenges facing the consumer movement and possible solutions to assist political consumerism to reach its full potential.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In die internasionale arena het verbruikers gaandeweg die rol van invloedryke akteurs begin aanneem, naamlik dié van burgerlike-verbruikers. ‘n Toenemende bewustheid van die belangrikheid van etiese aankope het gedurende die 21ste eeu die politieke burgerlike-verbruiker in ‘n akteur omskep, wat normatiewe verandering in die kapitalistiese globale ekonomie te weeg kan bring. Aktiviste het besef dat politieke verbruikers steun aan veldtogte kan verleen wat na norm verandering streef. Omdat verbruikers oor die vermoë beskik om multi-nasionale korporasies (MNKs) vir onregverdige gebruike aanspreeklik te hou deur aankoop besluite, kan hul sodoende MNKs dwing on hul gebruike te verander. ‘n Begrip van die ontstaan en aanvaarding van norme, kan ook help om vas te stel tot watter mate politieke verbruiking tot internasionale norm verandering bydra. Die teoretiese raamwerk van die lewens-siklus van norme is ideaal om die potensiaal van politieke verbruiking te toets. Die toepassing van die norm lewens-siklus op gevallestudies bewys dat politieke verbruiking alreeds as ‘n middel vir verandering uitgekristaliseer het. Veldtogte, soos die konflik diamante veldtog en die “Fair Trade” beweging, het alreeds daarin geslaag om verbruikers te werf om die doelwitte van hierdie veldtogte te steun. Hierdie veldtogte het sodoende daarin geslaag om die verandering van MNKs se gedrag en beleid te bewerkstellig. Politieke verbruikers het hul reeds met die veldtog geassosieer om norm-verandering te laat plaasvind. Die studie het bepaal watter stadium in die norm lewens-siklus politieke verbruiking reeds bereik het, asook of dit moontlik vir aktiviste en verbruikers is om die siklus te voltooi en norm-verandering te laat plaasvind. Hierdie norm-verandering sal ook die vermoë vir die sosiale regverdiging van die kapitalistiese stelsel verbeter. Die studie het ook die aktiviste se oorredingstrategië uiteengesit, asook watter strategië in die toekoms kan gebruik word om die normatiewe gedrag van verbruikers en MNKs te verander. In die aanvaarding van nuwe norme speel oorreding ‘n belangrike rol. Die studie plaas daarom hierdie oorredingstrategië binne die norm lewens-siklus, sodat dit die uitdagings kan identifiseer wat die verbruikers-beweging in die gesig staar. Dit sal daarom vir die studie moontlik maak om werkbare opplossings voor te stel, wat politieke verbruiking tot sy volle potensiaal kan voer.
4
Sayers, Anthony Michael. "Liberal party activists in British Columbia". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28278.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The purpose of this thesis is to describe and analyze the nature and role of Liberal Party activists in the political life of British Columbia. As activists are at the central core of political parties, describing these activists is essential for understanding parties and the political process in general.
The description and analysis are based on the results of a survey of the 1987 Liberal leadership Convention conducted by several members of the Political Science Department at the University of British Columbia, including the author. The resulting information was collated and analyzed then compared with the accepted wisdom concerning Liberal supporters in British Columbia.
This thesis reveals the Liberal Party activists in British Columbia to be quite typical of activists found in other parties in Canada. As a result of the party's centre position in the polarized politics of this province, it does tend to attract activists disenchanted with this style of politics. This results in a heterogeneous collection of beliefs amongst activists. The success of the federal Liberal Party and the importance of many federal issues for Liberal Party sympathizers encourages provincial activists to adopt a federal oriented perspective on politics. This is at odds with the two major parties in British Columbia.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
5
Lundy, Susan Alice. "Aerosol activists practices and motivations of Oakland's political graffiti writers /". Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1679387321&sid=10&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Britnell, Matthew James. "The historical and the political in the writings of Michael Oakeshott". Thesis, University of Warwick, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.367147.
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Anderson, Jonathan Mark. "Environmental direct action : making space for new forms of political community?" Thesis, University of Bristol, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1983/470c8929-f448-4d1f-876b-78bdbad5f40c.
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Tasdemir, Salima. "The feminization of pro-Kurdish party politics in Turkey : the role of women activists". Thesis, University of Exeter, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/16023.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This study offers a case study of women’s political participation and representation in pro-Kurdish politics in Turkey since 1990s. Kurdish women have been double oppressed in Turkey due to both their ethnic identity and gender identity. They have been mobilized by the Kurdish national movement for the Kurdish national cause and joined both Kurdish armed and political struggles from the early 1990s. From the foundation of the first pro-Kurdish political party, the People’s Labour Party [Halkın Emek Partisi- HEP] in 1990, Kurdish women have actively been involved in pro- Kurdish party politics. However, the pro-Kurdish party failed in promoting egalitarian gender values, policies and supporting women’s inclusion in decision-making until the end of 1990s except the election of the first Kurdish woman deputy, Leyla Zana in 1991. Women’s participation and representation in pro-Kurdish party politics have significantly advanced numerically since 1990s. In contrast to the general picture of women’s underrepresentation in Turkey’s politics, the proportion of Kurdish women representatives has been increasing in representation bodies. Therefore, this research aims to examine the Kurdish case through conducting an intensive field research in order to explain the reasons and factors behind these developments. This research is an empirical case study, primarily based on qualitative analysis of face-to-face in-depth semi-structured interviews of female political activists and participant observations held during field research. On the basis of empirical data gathered from field research and an analysis of pro-Kurdish party characteristics, its gender policies and female political activists’ roles in representation bodies, this study argues that the pro-Kurdish politics has gradually been feminizing which refers to an increase in women’s both descriptive and substantive representation since the beginning of 2000s. The changes and developments in terms of women’s representation in pro-Kurdish politics are framed as a process of feminization; which can simply be defined as a process for women to be included in political decision-making both in numbers and ideas for representing women’s interests. In this regard, this thesis searches for answers for two essential questions: how has the pro-Kurdish party politics been feminized and what difference has been made in pro-Kurdish politics since women are increasingly taking part in decision-making processes. Thus, this study assesses whether descriptive representation links to women's substantive representation in pro-Kurdish politics. The examination of Kurdish women’s representation based on the feminizing politics approach does not only theoretically contribute to broaden the scope of feminizing politics but it also broadens the scope of the concepts of descriptive and substantive representation included in this approach. In this respect, this thesis will demonstrate that the analysis of the Kurdish women case in the context of feminizing politics presents several insights about the women‘s political representation and put forth how political parties and actors strategically interact in changing women‘s political representation.
9
Ray, Grady Dale. "Exogenous Influences and Paths To Activism". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2000. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2453/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The focus of this research was to ascertain the indirect effects upon activism of intervening variables and recognized exogenous influences upon activism. In addition, this research also focused upon the differences and similarities of a recruited activist model and spontaneous activist model. Regression and path analysis were used to measure the direct and indirect effects of the exogenous and intervening variables. This research found that when the intervening variables, political interest, political awareness, exposure to media, altruism, and self-interest were introduced to both the recruited and spontaneous models, the direct effects of the variables were enhanced.
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Foley, Rebecca C. (Rebecca Claire) 1974. "The challenge of contemporary Muslim women activists in Malaysia". Monash University, School of Political and Social Inquiry, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9128.
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Taylor, Colleen Anne. "One Size Fits All Feminism?: Domestic Women's Rights Activists' Struggle to be Heard". Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1400691191.
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Rassool, Ciraj. "The individual, auto/biography and history in South Africa". Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2004. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis is a contribution to the field of public history, which the author and others at the University of the Western Cape's History Department have over the last decade pioneered in defining and mapping out in South Africa. Rassool's theories about the relationship between history and biography were developed in relation to the life of the Unity Movement leader, I.B. Tabata.
13
Raymond, Emilie E. ""From my cold, dead hands' : a political and cultural biography of Charlton Heston" /". free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2003. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p3091960.
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Dowdle, Daniel Mark. "The internet as an anchor : a grounded theory model of internet advocacy and web site production in Japan and the issue of history textbook reform /". Diss., CLICK HERE for online access, 2005. http://contentdm.lib.byu.edu/ETD/image/etd1114.pdf.
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Gouin, Rachel. "Gendering resistance : young women's learning in social action". Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102242.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Learning happens informally and incidentally in social struggle, yet it has not been the focus of many studies. When critical adult education scholars research the role of learning and education in transforming society, their analysis is centred on the role of capitalism, or the role of civil society. Critical adult education theory is caught in a debate between radical pluralist and socialist traditions---traditions that guide the role of education and educators in transforming society. Addressing this polemic, I draw on antiracist feminist scholarship to propose an analytical framework that takes into consideration the interdependence of systems of domination; namely, white supremacy, patriarchy and capitalism.In this study, I focus on young female activists' experiences and learning in social struggle. I rely on interviews and a participatory research project conducted with a group of young facilitators working with girls in an elementary school. The role of oppression and domination in social movements and in emancipatory projects is explored. Learning is found to be situated in particular historical contexts and to be influenced by underlying social dynamics inherent to social struggle. It is also found to be contradictory---it both inhibits and fosters change.
This study is my praxis. It is a back and forth between grassroots practice and research. It engages activists in thinking critically about their actions and uses various written texts to reflect their stories back to them, and to broader audiences. In the tradition of feminist and participatory research, I use this study as a catalyst for learning and for transforming practice.
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Klenk, Rebecca Marshall. "Educating activists : gender, modernity, and development in north India /". Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/6479.
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Leppert-Wahl, Marlaina A. "Pacifist Activists: Christian Peacemakers in Palestine 1995-2014". University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1406901078.
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Harris, Tony School of History UNSW. "Basket weavers and true believers : the middle class left and the ALP Leichhardt Municipality c. 1970-1990". Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of History, 2002. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/19325.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In the two decades between 1970 and 1990, hundreds of people passed through the ALP branches of Leichhardt Municipality. These were predominantly members of what this thesis calls a 'middle class Left', employed in professions and para-professions like teaching or the public service and motivated, to one degree or another, by the social movements and politics of the late 1960's and early 1970's. This is a social history incorporating the life histories of a selection of these people. It is set against the backdrop of conflicts with incumbent, conservative, working class-based political machines and the political climate of the times. The thesis is in four parts. Part I, the introduction, establishes the point of view of the writer as it shapes what is also a 'participant history'. In this context, and that of the oral history interviews, the introduction addresses the relationship between memory and history. Parts II and III are the body of the thesis and each is lead by a 'photo-essay', recognising the complimentary importance of a visual narrative. Part II sets out the broad political topography of the 1970's and early 1980's. Chapter one describes the middle-classing of the ALP in Leichhardt Municipality, set against a review of the principal literature. It then moves through chapters two to four to examine the three loci of middle-classing: Annandale, Balmain and Glebe. Part III moves on into the 1980's when the middle class Left 'takes power'. It examines, in chapter five, the emerging, sharp, divisions among the Left on Leichhardt Council and in the contests for federal and state parliamentary seats. Chapter six examines the deepening of these divisions in the mid to late 1980's, concluding with the climactic struggle over the Mort Bay public housing project. Chapter seven looks at the diaspora of the Labor Left in Leichhardt at the end of the 1980's as the branch membership declined and many sought out political alternatives to the ALP. Part IV brings the thesis to its conclusion, focussing on the complexities and ambiguities of the middle class Left and drawing out the main socio-political themes of the two decades.
19
Hodder, Robert. "Radical Tasmania: Rebellion, reaction and resistance: A thesis in creative nonfiction". Thesis, University of Ballarat, 2009. http://researchonline.federation.edu.au/vital/access/HandleResolver/1959.17/37979.
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Armstrong, Michael Neal. "Organizational characteristics and adolescent political development exploring the experience of youth activists in youth development organizations /". unrestricted, 2007. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-08152007-142917/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2007.Roderick J. Watts, committee chair; James Emshoff, Gabriel Kuperminc, committee members. Electronic text (117 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed Nov. 8, 2007; title from file title page. Includes bibliographical references (p. 102-111).
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Armstrong, Michael N. "Organizational Characteristics and Adolescent Political Development: Exploring the Experience of Youth Activists in Youth Development Organizations". Digital Archive @ GSU, 2007. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/psych_theses/41.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Interest in youth civic engagement continues to increase and a small but growing group of organizations are seeking to get young people involved in political activism. At the same time, researchers are giving more attention to the features of adolescent settings and how they relate to the overall development of young people. What remains to be absent is a contextual understanding of how the characteristics of adolescent settings contribute specifically to political development. The purpose of this study is to identify organizational level characteristics of youth organizations that promote the political development of adolescents. Semi-structured interviews and grounded theory analysis with 15 young activists revealed a “Big Six” of organizational characteristics and properties that influence participation in societal involvement behaviors. Post hoc analyses also revealed potential relationships between political development and the Big Six. Implications for both theory and practice are discussed and directions for future research are delineated.
22
Ostryzniuk, Natalie. "Savella Stechishin a case study of Ukrainian-Canadian women activism in Saskatchewan, 1920-1945 /". Ottawa : Library and Archives Canada, 1999. http://www.nlc-bnc.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape17/PQDD_0003/MQ30531.pdf.
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Millar, David D. K. "Militancy during a phase of demobilization in the Parti Québécois". Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=35014.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This dissertation examined the lives and motives of militants in the Parti Quebecois in 1987 and 1988, at the end of a phase of demobilization for this organization in the Quebec independence movement.This study found that most PQ militants were francophone males under 40 years of age, with college degrees. They worked at jobs which would make them part of the intelligentsia, and along with some students, worked in francophone contexts. They often came from political homes, especially "nationalist" ones, and some militants felt hostility towards "les anglais". Most were actively involved in previous voluntary associations, especially activist organizations. They were recruited young and had prior attitudinal affinity. Most were self-recruited, while the others were recruited through family and friend networks. Their principal motive for joining was a set of ideological beliefs about Quebec independence, and they experienced no pressure to become a member. Most future militants, began by giving some casual labour to the PQ and then were invited to participate in more responsible positions. While a few militants stayed as "casual labour", the rest became "cadre" who worked part-time benevolently or "careerists" who received full-time jobs and salaries. The casual labour and cadre militants worked irregular hours, and had distinct preferences for and against certain types of political tasks. Most militants joined to further Quebec independence but intraparty conflict pitted youthful Johnsonists against older orthodox militants in 1987 and 1988. Among those militants who quit, most led busy, well-adjusted lives after the PQ, which were directed towards personal goals such as jobs or further education.
The data pointed out that the PQ militants were motivated to join by grievances such as the minorization of French-Canadians within Canada, fears about the French language and culture in Quebec, discontent with federalism, and to a lesser extent, status inequality and economic domination by anglophones. These grievances and aspirations for greater political autonomy for Quebec were the principal internal motives. The collective incentive of independence and the supporting beliefs that it would bring political autonomy, international prestige and cultural protection were the most important determinants of whether or not a militant would join the PQ. Many militants spoke of the selective incentives gained through militancy, especially the social, educational and political benefits. Altruism existed in small doses, but by-and-large, people volunteered their time to the PQ because it benefitted them. Finally, expectancy of success was a necessary factor for militant motivations. The 1980 referendum defeat appeared to be the cause of the factionalism which dominated the phase of demobilization in the Parti Quebecois from 1980 to the Fall of 1988.
The motives for staying or leaving after years of commitment were similar to and different from the motives for joining. The most important factor affecting a militant's decision to leave was the collective incentive. If the party's overall goal changed, many militants quit. Some militants of the losing faction stayed attached to the party due to social ties, paid positions, and the lack of viable alternative parties. Those militants who had some weaker ethnic group grievances, who believed less in the benefits of independence for Quebec, who enjoyed less certain organizational incentives, and were more pessimistic about the chances of success for their political party and social movement were more likely to be demobilized. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
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Haas, Anne E. "Political process, activism, and health". Connect to resource, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1127220576.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2005.Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xi, 260 p. Includes bibliographical references (p. 236-260). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center.
25
Sham, Priscilla, e 沈蔚. "Post-90s Hong Kong girl activists and their struggles for recognition". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2012. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B4833022X.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
At present, adolescent girls in Hong Kong face increasing pressure from society as most adults believe these girls are rebellious, promiscuous, apathetic, and dependent. In order to examine these claims, this study explores the following: 1) ‘Post-90s’ girls’ perceptions about themselves and the labels ‘Post-80s’ and ‘Post-90s’; 2) how they participate in social movements to redefine their identities as daughters, students, young women, and Hong Kong citizens; 3) their family relationship and their strategies to manage family expectations; and 4) their experiences in the social movements they join, and the effects of their participation on their social and personal lives.
I adopt the post-structuralist feminist perspective to explore six girl activists’ agency, life choices, and strategies in managing their relationships within their families, schools, and communities. I follow the interpretivist constructivist approach in examining the process by which these girls give meanings to their practices and personal relationships. I employ methods such as focus group, participant observation, and in-depth interviews to explore their desires, need for social recognition, and life constraints.
The results reveal that girl activists want autonomy from their parents. They need their teachers and schoolmates to appreciate their non-academic achievements. They crave society’s acknowledgment of their non-economic contributions in mobilising social change and the cultural values of local cultural heritages and natural landscapes. In the social movements, they want to make new friends who share their visions about social development. They also wish to learn new skills and knowledge from the movements and be able to use them in their daily lives.
There are four main interpersonal strategies that the girls employ to manage their personal relationships: 1) they negotiate, 2) deploy alternative identities, 3) make media exposure, and 4) become pioneers to educate their parents, teachers, and schoolmates. They also employ other strategies to mobilise social movements (including the use of cosplay, arts, and alternative media exposure) and draw people’s attention to the causes that concern them.
Thus, I argue that the post-90s girl activists distinguish themselves from the ‘Kong Nui’. They believe that Kong Nuis are indifferent to social issues, are uninterested in politics and activism, and would rather focus on consuming branded products. To distinguish themselves from the Kong Nuis, the post-90s girl activists adopt alternative lifestyles (e.g., becoming farmers) and unconventional attitudes towards social development. They are aware that mainstream people regard them as awkward, and they do feel frustrated about being belittled. Nevertheless, they are happy if they can enlighten other people about socio-political injustices in Hong Kong and finding alternative lifestyles.
This research has three major contributions. It identifies various ways for young women to make themselves young women icons. It also discusses the new social problems that concern the girl activists, including government-business collusion and ‘property hegemony’. It also demonstrates that, apart from sexual, affective and material desires, teenage girls also need social recognition. Girl activists struggle to be recognised as full members in their families, schools, communities and Hong Kong society by actively participating in social movements.published_or_final_version
Social Work and Social Administration
Master
Master of Philosophy
26
Aisen, Samantha Leah. "Minds, Bodies, and Political Selves: Embodying Pro-Choice Activism". Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1400359495.
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Kissinger, Kendel A. "Resisting Neoliberal Globalization: Coalition Building Between Anti-globalization Activists in Northwest Ohio". Connect to this title online, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1130673344.
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Miller, Carol Ann. "Lobbying the League : women's international organizations and the League of Nations". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:f517ac72-18b3-42b2-9728-31129462bf4a.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis is an account of women's international work at the League of Nations. While feminists' shift from the national to the international arena has been noted in studies on the inter-war women's movement, most often it has been interpreted as a reflection of the heightened salience of peace work in the aftermath of the First World War. This is an important observation but it overlooks the fact that women's activities at the League embraced the full spectrum of feminist causes: social reform, women's rights and peace. This thesis gives prominence to inter-war feminist activity played against the backdrop of institutional developments at the League which encouraged women to believe their goals could be advanced under its auspices. One of the major goals of the Women's International Organizations was to establish a political role for women in international affairs. The first chapter describes the efforts of women's organizations to secure the representation of women in the League of Nations. Many recently enfranchised women in Europe and North America identified the League as an institution toward which they should direct their newly won political influence. This is assessed in the context of ideas that emerged in the aftermath of the First World War about the transformation of the international sphere through the infusion of female values. The second, third and fourth chapters present a profile of the women's networks operating in and around the League. The study reveals a high level of interaction between the Women's International Organizations and women in official positions at the League. Chapter 2 examines the aims of the Women's International Organizations and exposes tensions between social feminist and equal rights feminist organizations that led to a struggle for influence at the League. The third and fourth chapters assess the impact of gender-stereotyping on patterns of appointments to the League. However much appointments to Assembly delegations and League advisory committees should have carried with them national allegiances, women delegates were often seen to represent women and this both positively and negatively affected women's participation. The remaining chapters assess women's impact on the development of League activities with particular attention to the implications of the idea that women as women had a special contribution to make at the international level. Chapter 5 explores the extent to which the assertion of difference enhanced women's influence with regard to the League's social and humanitarian work in the 1920s and enabled them to have several gender-specific concerns placed on the agenda. The Depression and the rise of reactionary ideologies influenced feminists to call for more decisive League action on the status of women in the 1930s. Most member states of the League, however, did not view the status of women as a subject for international consideration. Chapter 6 looks at the conflict between social and equal rights feminists over what League initiatives would prove most effective for advancing the status of women and traces developments that ultimately led to the League sponsored Inquiry on the Legal Status of Women in 1937. The seventh chapter assesses the impact of traditional associations between women and peace on women's peace activities at the League. Cultural representations of women as peace-loving had political relevance in the context of League activities and the League attempted to bolster support in the 1930s by intensifying collaboration with women. Significantly, the Women's International Organizations responded by asserting that only with equality would women's influence for peace be fully available. The interplay between equality and difference permeated women's international work at every level and the conclusion evaluates the way in which this tension influenced women's participation in and contribution to the activities of the League of Nations.
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Lertchoosakul, Kanokrat. "The rise of the Octobrists : power and conflict among gormer left wing student activists in contemporary Thai politics". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/503/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Since the early 1990s, the prominent role of 'Octobrists' – former left wing student activists from the 1970s – has become increasingly evident in parliamentary and extra-parliamentary politics. Some Octobrists have played leading or supporting roles in key moments of political transition, such as the 1992 urban middle-class movement for democracy, various social movements throughout the mid-1990s, the political reform process of the late 1990s, and the rise of the Thais Love Thais (Thai Rak Thai) government under Thaksin Shinawatra in 2001. But over the course of the past ten years, these former student activists have become increasingly divided, amidst the protracted conflict between 'Yellow shirt' (anti-Thaksin) and 'Red Shirt' (pro-Thaksin) forces in Thai politics. Octobrists have defended opposing political stances and severely attacked one another across the political divide. This thesis examines why the Octobrists have managed to remain a significant force in Thai politics, despite the collapse of left wing politics in the late 1970s, and why they have experienced deepening internal divisions and a crisis of legitimacy over the course of the past decade. This thesis argues that the Octobrists successfully exploited shifts in the structure of political opportunities over the 1980s and 1990s which allowed them to overcome constraints on their involvement in politics. These former left wing student activists successfully made use of the political skills, social networks, and progressive language which they had developed and refined since the 1970s, in order to gain access to new channels of political influence and power. Above all, they managed to reframe their earlier history as leftist failures and to craft a new political identity as 'Octobrists', as heroic fighters for democracy and against authoritarian rule in the 1970s. In examining the rise and deepening of conflicts among the Octobrists, moreover, this thesis traces the shifts in political environment which accompanied the ascendancy and entrenchment of the Thaksin government and the rise of antiThaksin mobilisation over the past decade, which undermined the loose unity among Octobrists and created new sources of tension and conflict in their midst. The thesis also shows how the notion of 'Octobrists' shifted from an effective rubric for forging a shared identity among former student activists to a rhetorical device for conflict and contestation among former comrades-in-arms.
30
Dudenhöfer, Hanna. "Has the use of apocalyptic narrative explanations by climate activists broadened the window of political opportunities for the swedish Green Party?" Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-175499.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Using thematic analysis, this study aims to find out if this broadened use of apocalyptic narrative explanations by the current climate change movement has spread to the swedish Green Party, which was chosen because the Green Party is the political party with the closest connection to the modern climate change movement, in terms of ideas and believes but alsoopen support for the movement. Furthermore, this thesis discusses whether or not a change inthe window of political opportunities regarding policy suggestions (Overton window) could be detected in relation to this use of apocalyptic narrative explanations. As underlying material three influential representative activist’s speeches - Greta Thunberg, Xiuhtezcatl Roske-Martinez and Luisa Neubauer - were chosen as well as the Green Party’s manifestos for the European Parliament elections of 2014 and 2019. The results show that, even thought he party has noticeably increased its use of apocalyptic narrative explanations in the latter manifesto, there seems to be no serious change towards more radical or previously unthinkable policy suggestions.Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, Umeå universitet
31
Oates, Deborah Hazel. "A drama out of a crisis : exploring fact/fiction and representation through interviews with women political activists". Thesis, University of Manchester, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.497708.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Using interviews with first time women activists who took part in the 1997 Manchester Airport Runway 2 protest, this thesis explores the construction of stories and knowledge in the process of interview research. As well as the 'topic' of journeys to activism, this project includes an interrogation of the boundaries of 'facts' and 'fictions' and the way knowledge is constructed and presented in academia. Working within a 'feminist framework' and taking seriously issues of referentiality and representation, this thesis argues for an integrated approach to academic writing which refuses binaries of facts/fictions, researcher/researched and self/other and explores ways of foregrounding the researcher as constructor rather than presenter of knowledge.
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Winkelman, Diana Michelle Medhurst Martin J. "The rhetoric of Henry Highland Garnet". Waco, Tex. : Baylor University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2104/5095.
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33
Pion-Klockner, Nikita. "From consciousness to action are there common identifiable life experiences among people who actively organize against oppression? : a project based on qualitative research /". Click here for text online. Smith College School for Social Work website, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10090/1007.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (M.S.W.)--Smith College School for Social Work, Northampton, Mass., 2007Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment for the degree of Master of Social Work. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 126-132).
34
Wong, Chi Tsing. "Bridging the gap between structure and action : a sociological study of political activists' organisational involvement in Hong Kong". Thesis, University of Essex, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.363547.
Testo completo
35
Liokaityte, Milda. "“Heavy” file sharers’ and “heavy” activists’ values and attitudes toward file sharing and intellectual property rights". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Medier och kommunikation, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-180356.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
“Heavy” file sharers’ and “heavy” activists’ values and attitudes toward file sharing and intellectual property rights are analyzed in this thesis, with a focus on the conflict between property owners and non-owners. The purpose of this MA thesis is to investigate the perception of file sharing and intellectual property rights on the Internet. The main research questions is: How do “heavy” file sharers and “heavy” activists perceive file sharing and intellectual property rights on the Internet?. For answering it, critical political economy and both qualitative and quantitative methods are used. Therefore, the paper consists of two major parts. In the first part, the theoretical framework is introduced. In the second part, empirical research is presented and the theoretical framework is applied to the analysis of the gathered data. Data were collected with the help of a survey. The main results of the study suggest that “heavy” file sharers and “heavy” activists tend to have left-wing values and a left-wing political agenda behind file sharing, and perceive culture, and information and knowledge as “public goods”. Furthermore, “heavy” file sharers and “heavy” activists tend to contribute to the Net gift economy and share their created content in a way that constitutes an alternative to intellectual property rights, which they see as out-of-date.
36
Delibas, Kayhan. "Political Islam and grassroots activism in Turkey : a study of the pro-Islamist Virtue Party's grassroots activists and their affects on the electoral outcomes". Thesis, University of Kent, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.246576.
Testo completo
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Taylor, Colleen A. "One SIze Fits All Feminism? Domestic Women's Rights Activists' Struggle to be Heard". Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1398079498.
Testo completo
38
Coates, Ian. "Green ideology in theory and practice : an examination of theories of green politics in relation to a sociological investigation of the worldview of Green Party activists". Thesis, University of Bristol, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1983/a0660232-c6da-4ef3-b60b-ff5c70155845.
Testo completo
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Moy, Lisa. "Anti-racism and multiculturalism in secondary schools : listening to student activists and leaders". Thesis, McGill University, 1996. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=27479.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Much debate on the conceptualization and implementation of anti-racist (AR) and multicultural (MC) education exists both in the literature and in practice. But often overlooked is the influence that students have in generating these initiatives against racism. This qualitative research draws on the experiences of ten student activists and leaders, and explores student-involved AR and MC programs in Vancouver, Montreal, and Toronto. Specifically, the roots of student involvement, their views of AR and MC, the factors which limit action within schools, and the sources of hope and discouragement will be documented. It is argued that school ethos, a hierarchy of student activities, bureaucracy, and power relations between adults and students all act to marginalize and affect the outcome of student programs which challenge racism. Genuine collaboration, and the influence and necessity of adult allies, are emphasized.
40
Kiel, Christina. "Private Diplomats, Mediation Professionals, and Peace Activists: Can Non-governmental Actors Bring Peace to Civil Wars?" ScholarWorks@UNO, 2014. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1956.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This dissertation investigates how actors without the means of state power can affect the behavior of warring parties in order to end civil conflicts. Drawing on the intervention and mediation literature, I propose a theoretical framework that presents causal mechanisms for various forms of non-state conflict management to contribute to conflict resolution. The research distinguishes between direct mediation, capacity-building, and problem-solving approaches, and analyzes the approaches’ potential contributions to shorter wars and more sustainable peace.
On the one hand, non-state actors can be substitutes for governmental or inter-governmental mediators. They derive legitimacy from long-standing relations with the conflict parties, and their claims to neutrality are more believable than those of powerful states with strong national interests. Further, a confidential and deliberate process can lead to more stable agreements. On the other hand, NGOs and others can prepare or enhance ongoing high-level negotiations by giving parties the tools they need to engage with each other constructively, and by improving attitudes and changing perceptions.
The data collected for this dissertation allows me to test hypotheses for the sample of African internal conflicts (1990-2010) with econometric means. Results confirm that non-state conflict management is a significant precursor to high-level mediation. I find further that conflict dyads that experience non-state conflict management in one year are significantly more likely to end in the following year. Unofficial diplomacy is significantly related to lower conflict severity, as well as to a more stable post-conflict peace.
The findings challenge the common assumption that governments are the only actors in international relations that matter. In fact, non-state actors make important contributions to conflict resolution, and conflict parties as well as governmental mediators should consider cooperating with them in their search for peace.
41
Sams, Katharine. "Adam von Trott zu Solz' early life and political initiatives in the summer of 1939". Thesis, McGill University, 1990. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=59426.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Adam von Trott zu Solz was a participant in the German resistance to Hitler and to the National Socialist government. This thesis will describe his early life, his education and his political formation. Trott's foreign policy initiatives in England and his efforts to reactivate plans for a coup d'etat during the summer of 1939 will be examined.
42
STINNETT, LISA H. "TRANSNATIONAL PROTEST, U.S. ACTIVISTS AND POLITICAL OPPORTUNITIES: ASSESSING THE IMPACT OF NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL POLITICS ON UNITED FOR PEACE AND JUSTICE'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE 2003 IRAQ WAR". University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1186779385.
Testo completo
43
Van, Rooyen Janine. "An analysis of the representation of Winnie Madikizela-Mandela in Antjie Krog's Country of my skull and Njabulo Ndebele's The cry of Winnie Mandela". Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/632.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Winnie Madikizela-Mandela is arguably one of the most widely represented female figures in South Africa. The images presented of her are not static. Indeed, they are shot through with contradictions which include Mama Africa, Warrior, and Abhorrent Mother. The figure of Madikizela-Mandela is a nexus for different opinions and interpretations; she is a focal point for and of the divisions in South African consciousnesses. Therefore the depictions of this persona provide the reader with a means to analyse the discourses through which she is represented. Such an exploration might also provide South Africans with insight into some of the biases and beliefs generally held more than a decade after the advent of democracy. The South African texts Country of My Skull by Antjie Krog, and The Cry of Winnie Mandela by Njabulo Ndebele, extensively represent Madikizela-Mandela and (re-)mythologise her, and as such each provides interesting comparative material for a discussion of the ideological implications imbricated in each. These texts are also particularly appropriate to use in such a study because the writers, a white woman, and black man respectively, could not be further apart on the continuum of South African cultural identification. The politics of the representations of Madikizela-Mandela can thus be interpreted from opposing social extremes. The Mandela name is a powerful signifier, and often constitutes much of Madikizela-Mandela’s public identity. The power of naming is thus the focus of Chapter One of this dissertation. The romantic ideal of Nelson Mandela and Madikizela-Mandela’s relationship constitutes a major focal point in Ndebele’s work. On the other hand, Krog’s text denigrates Madikizela-Mandela’s refusal to toe the peaceful democratic line. As such, the needs of the public in relation to Madikizela-Mandela are illuminated through the impositions of the authors and characters in these texts.
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Stinnett, Lisa H. "Transnational protest, U.S. activists and political opportunities assessing the impact of national and international politics on united for peace and justice's campaign against the 2003 Iraq war /". Cincinnati, Ohio : University of Cincinnati, 2007. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?acc%5Fnum=ucin1186779385.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (M.A.)--University of Cincinnati, 2007.Advisor: Laura D Jenkins. Title from electronic thesis title page (viewed Dec. 10, 2007). Includes abstract. Keywords: United for Peace and Justice, Political Opportunities, Transnational Activism, Social Movement Organizations. Includes bibliographical references.
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Herman, Ruth Annette. "The business of a woman : the political writings of Delarivier Manley (1667?-1724)". Thesis, [n.p.], 2000. http://library7.open.ac.uk/abstracts/page.php?thesisid=18.
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46
Syren, Christian J. "Living in fear : the experiences of parents of political activists in "coloured" Cape Flats townships, 1985-1988 : a social-psychological study". Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/16632.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Bibliography: pages 212-218.The present is a social-psychological study which describes and analyses the experiences of parents of political activists in "coloured" Cape Flats townships against the background of the socio-political upheaval in South Africa during the 1985/86 rebellion and thereafter. An ethnographic research method was used due to its suitability in terms of accessing the phenomena under study, and due to the theoretical problems associated with the use of traditional social psychological models in the South African context; it was argued that it is necessary to articulate the micro- and macro levels of social phenomena at the point of their intersection to do social psychology in an oppressive context. Outlines of the 1985/86 rebellion, which emphasized the role of youth and students, and of the methods of operation of the South African Police, from a historical perspective, were given as a backdrop against which the analyses of the empirical data were presented. The concrete experiences of the parents with respect to various forms of political repression were described and situated as specific stressors in their everyday lives; police presence, visits and searches of their homes, having a child 'on the run', detention without trial of their children, and the prevalent fear of being informed upon. While the particularly stressful aspects of these experiences were highlighted, they were moreover found to have had significant consequences in terms of contributing to the development of the parents' politicization and engagement in the political activities of their own children. These experiences were furthermore found to have precipitated the parents' own gradual involvement in support and other activities offered by progressive organizations, which reinforced the development of an outlook of resistance towards the state. Although the security forces' engineering of a climate of fear in the townships was portrayed as initially being a pervasive aspect of daily life and a powerful deterrent to parental involvement, it later, on the basis of commonality of experiences of victimization and persecution, forged communality of spirit and unity in resistance. The parents' experiences were first and foremost found to be characterized by fundamental emotional intra-personal conflict, and the need for further research of the psychological sequelae of political persecution and repression was stressed. The thesis was concluded by a comparison of some central findings which related to international as well as local research.
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Koop, Royce Abraham James. "Multi-level party politics : the Liberal Party from the ground up". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/2796.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The organizations of national and provincial parties in Canada are understood to be separated from one another. However, it is not known whether this separation extends to the constituency-level organizations of those parties. In order to provide a better understanding of how national and provincial parties are linked at the local level (if at all), this thesis describes and accounts for the local organizations of the national Liberal Party and the provincial Liberal parties in sixteen national constituencies selected from the provinces of British Columbia, Ontario, and New Brunswick.
Information from interviews with local party activists and participant observation in the ridings is used to develop a continuum of constituency-level party organizations. Descriptions of the activist bases, constituency associations, and local campaigns in each riding allow for each local organization to be placed along this continuum between integrated local organizations, which share important linkages between the national and provincial levels, and differentiated local organizations, where no such linkages exist. The placement of local organizations along this continuum is accounted for by (1) similarities or differences between the national and provincial party systems in the three provinces studied; (2) the actions of incumbent members of the national Parliament and provincial legislatures; and (3) characteristics of the constituencies. The patterns identified lead to a classification of four types of local organizations – One Political World, Interconnected Political Worlds, Distinctive Political Worlds, and Two Political Worlds – that illuminate the different forms of linkages between national and provincial parties that exist at the constituency level.
This examination of the local organizations of the Liberal Party calls into question the academic consensus on the separation of national and provincial parties in Canada. Instead, the Liberal Party is characterized as an unevenly integrated party, where the parliamentary and extra-parliamentary parties are separated from provincial counterparts, but where the national and provincial parties on the ground are oftentimes integrated.
48
Werner, Mirjam Danielle. "Why frames are not enough : frames, narratives and meaning making accounts or the discursive mechanisms through which political activists understand their actions". Thesis, University of Leeds, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.590151.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis elaborates theory on the understanding of meaning making processes at the micro level through which political activists come to understand, interpret and give meaning to their experiences. It argues that though framing theory offers insights into the strategic and instrumental use of contested meaning making processes in mounting actions, it is not enough to explain what happens before a contentious political situation is constructed strategically with the aim to mobilise others. By linking framing theory with a body of literature called sensemaking theory from organisation studies, however, it is possible to gain a better understanding of the dynamics that to come into play when and how individual activists come to interpret and understand their situation and actions in a certain way in a' self-referential manner. Integrating these two theoretical approaches in a theoretical framework thus captures both sides of the process of meaning making at the micro level, and allows for a deeper comprehension of the 'micro-foundations' of political activism. The thesis furthermore sets a first step to explore the implications of the theoretical framework in more detail, both methodologically and empirically, through a study of the meaning making accounts of Dutch political activists. The analysis of the discursive utterances of 23 in-depth interviews with activists from radical activist group GroenFront!, the more moderate activist network Referendum Platform Nederland and a group of individual citizen activists provided insights into the different dimensions which affect the form and content of meaning making accounts. The analysis has allowed for a refinement of the theoretical framework and the development of a typology of meaning making accounts which implies the need for a more dynamic and processual approach to understanding the meaning making of political activists. The thesis thus demonstrates the importance of studying the meaning making processes of activists which" precede any strategic and externally directed framing processes. As such, it allows for a much deeper understanding of the meaning making processes that underlie, activate and ultimately decide the success or failure of political activism. The implications for existing theory and research involve a fundamental extension of framing theory in the field of social movements and the need for interpretive and processual studies at the micro level of individual activists and the way in which they give meaning to their political reality
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Wäscher, Till [Verfasser], e Jens [Akademischer Betreuer] Loenhoff. "Framing opposition to surveillance - Political communication strategies of privacy activists in the aftermath of the Snowden leaks / Till Wäscher ; Betreuer: Jens Loenhoff". Duisburg, 2018. http://d-nb.info/115572268X/34.
Testo completo
50
Álvarez, Justo Elías. "El Eurocomunismo y su influencia en el PSUC (1975-1982)". Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/671841.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
La presente tesis aborda el estudio del eurocomunismo y de su influencia en el PSUC, el principal partido del antifranquismo en Catalunya.
Coincidiendo con el desarrollo de la transición a la democracia, el partido de los comunistas catalanes oficializó en su IV Congreso (1977) importantes cambios organizativos, estratégicos y doctrinales que fueron expresión, simultánea, de la culminación de las experiencias de los años sesenta y de una reflexión crítica respecto a la experiencia de los países del denominado socialismo real.
El abandono definitivo del partido de vanguardia, la nueva concepción del partido de masas, la aproximación a problemáticas sociales inéditas como el ecologismo o la amenaza de la marginalidad entre la juventud serán, entre otros elementos, aspectos que el PSUC tratará de integrar en una estrategia coherente de avance al socialismo. Cabe destacar igualmente que, el desarrollo de la democracia (democracia político-social) y una revalorización de los derechos políticos, se convierten en los principales ejes de una línea política que se reclama autónoma en tiempos de la Guerra Fría y enfrentamiento de bloques.
Con el ánimo de analizar la influencia del eurocomunismo en la organización del partido y su militancia, el estudio del V Congreso (1981) aparece como un acontecimiento clave. El congreso era, según las normas estatutarias, la máxima autoridad del partido, así como era también la expresión de la voluntad general de la militancia. Por ello reflejó en numerosa documentación congresual, los debates que tuvieron lugar en las distintas agrupaciones del partido.
El V Congreso debía, bajo la óptica de la dirección, sancionar la línea política seguida desde el anterior congreso y oficializar definitivamente el eurocomunismo. No obstante, el congreso mostró la división del PSUC, que conoció un debate que afectaría a los principales pilares de la organización; naturaleza del partido, objetivos e identidad.
En suma, la presente tesis trata de analizar el desarrollo del PSUC en el periodo entre 1975 y 1982 y su repercusión en los debates que abrirían la crisis de la organización, comprendiendo que la organización de los comunistas catalanes experimentó una particular transición, que teóricamente, debía capacitarla para mantener el alto grado de influencia social alcanzado durante la fase final de lucha contra la dictadura franquista y adaptarse al nuevo- e inestable- marco democrático.The present thesis focuses on the influence of Eurocommunism on the PSUC, one of the main Catalan political parties during the 1970s. While the 4th Congress of the Party, held in 1977, set down the core ideas related to Eurocommunism and led to many changes within the organization, the 5th Congress (1981) was conceived by the party leadership, as its ultimate consecration. Nonetheless the debates that took place on the aforementioned congress revolved, precisely, around the legitimacy of the term Eurocommunism a fact that eventually opened up the crisis -and the looming split- when it was decided its definitive suppression. In a few words, our aim is to study which were the changes undertaken by the party and how they intertwined with the officialization of a new political line -under the banner of Eurocommunism- that gave room to new insights and approaches but also created internal instability when some portions of the rank and file members felt that core elements of the party were being eroded.