Bibliografie tematiche / Political activists

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Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Political activists"

Autore: Grafiati
Pubblicato: 4 giugno 2021
Ultima modifica: 31 luglio 2024

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Articoli di riviste sul tema "Political activists"

1

Vanner, Catherine, e Anuradha Dugal. "Personal, Powerful, Political". Girlhood Studies 13, n. 2 (1 giugno 2020): vii—xv. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ghs.2020.130202.

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“Today I met my role model,” tweeted climate change activist Greta Thunberg on 25 February 2020, captioning a picture of herself with girls’ education activist Malala Yousafzai, who also tweeted the picture, proclaiming that Greta was “the only friend I would skip school for.” The proclamations of mutual admiration illustrate a form of solidarity between the two most famous girl activists, who are often pointed to as examples of the power of the individual girl activist in spite of their intentionally collective approaches that connect young activists and civil society organizations around the world. These girl activists have garnered worldwide attention for their causes but have also been subject to problematic media representations that elevate voices of privilege and/or focus on girl activists as exceptional individuals (Gordon and Taft 2010; Hesford 2014), often obscuring the movements behind them. For this reason, this special issue explores activism networks by, for, and with girls and young women, examining and emphasizing girls’ activism in collective and collaborative spaces.
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King, Debra. "Operationalizing Melucci: Metamorphosis and Passion in the Negotiation of Activists' Multiple Identities". Mobilization: An International Quarterly 9, n. 1 (1 febbraio 2004): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.9.1.v813801745136863.

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Activists need to construct and manage multiple identities as activists, as well as negotiate their activist identities in relation to identity positions in other social realms such as paid work or parenting. This research is an empirical application of Melucci's concept of metamorphosis to the processes through which committed activists manage identity work. Metamorphosis facilitates an understanding of how activists maintain a sense of continuity through changes in identity. From life-history interviews with twenty long-term Australian activists this research operationalizes the four concepts associated with metamorphosis: being present or "in the moment," taking responsibility for action, being reflexive, and having a rhythm for managing the identity process. The analysis of these concepts demonstrates the need to extend understandings of identity to incorporate non-instrumental aspects of cognition, such as emotion, the body, and passion. These facilitate an activist's capacity to metamorphose, and therefore manage various aspects of identity construction. Activism is therefore sustained when activists can maintain their passionate participation in creating social change, regardless of circumstances, rather than simply enhancing their commitment to a particular organization.
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Jacobsen, Stefan Gaarsmand. "Resilient retfærdighed?" Slagmark - Tidsskrift for idéhistorie, n. 73 (15 agosto 2018): 157–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/sl.v0i73.107234.

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This article uses the idea of resilience as a point of departure for analysing some contemporary challenges to the climate justice movement posed by social-ecological sciences. Climate justice activists are increasingly rallying for a system-change, demanding fundamental changes to political bureaucracy and the economy, which would put ecology, biodiversity and climate change first for all future political decisions. Since the concept of resilience has taken up a central role in recent developments in ecological sciences, it has also become part of the activist debate. The article’s main argument is that the scientific framework behind resilience is not politically neutral and that this framework tends to weaken the activist’s demands for a just transition and place more emphasis on technical and bureaucratic processes.
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De Ridder, Matthijs. ""Ook een politieke invloed moet van onze Alma Mater uitgaan". Staatkunde en activisme bij Robert Van Genechten". WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 70, n. 2 (4 luglio 2011): 172–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v70i2.12320.

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Hoewel er geen twijfel over mogelijk is dat het activisme een weinig democratische beweging was, laat een analyse van de ‘Staatkundige kroniek’ van Robert Van Genechten zien dat het staatkundige denken van de activisten veel complexer is dan tot nut toe werd aangenomen. Opportunisme is maar een van de vele facetten van het activistische denken. Voor een beter begrip van de collaboratie tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog kan een onderzoek naar het discours van het activisme – in nationaal én internationaal verband – dan ook voor veel nuancerende inzichten zorgen.________“Our Alma Mater should also exert a political influence”. Political science and activism by Robert Van GenechtenAlthough we cannot doubt that activism was hardly a democratic movement, an analysis of the ‘Political chronicle’ by Robert Van Genechten demonstrates that the political thinking of the activists is far more complex than had so far been assumed. Opportunism is only one of the many facets of activist thinking. To gain a better understanding of the collaboration during the First World War, an investigation of the discourse of activism – both in the national and in the international context – could therefore provide much more differentiated insights.
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ARRINGTON, THEODORE S. "Machiavellianism of Political Activists". GPSA Journal: The Georgia Political Science Association 6, n. 1 (12 novembre 2008): 99–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.1978.tb00718.x.

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Böttcher, Lucas, Pedro Montealegre, Eric Goles e Hans Gersbach. "Competing activists—Political polarization". Physica A: Statistical Mechanics and its Applications 545 (maggio 2020): 123713. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.physa.2019.123713.

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Munro, Doug. "Public Intellectuals/Political Activists". WorkingUSA 19, n. 2 (giugno 2016): 145–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/wusa.12233.

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Vromen, Ariadne. "Community–Based Activism and Change: The Cases of Sydney and Toronto". City & Community 2, n. 1 (marzo 2003): 47–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1540-6040.00038.

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How do community–based political activists justify the ongoing effectiveness of their chosen location for political activity? How do they describe the shifts in relationships between community–development activism and the state? This article presents findings from case studies undertaken with two community–development organizations based in Sydney, Australia, and Toronto, Canada. The focus of the analysis is 40 in–depth interviews conducted with activists in the late 1990s. The article details how the activists describe the present realities for community–development activism and what they conceptualize as the future for their field of political action. It is argued that by appreciating how activists substantiate the relevance of community–development activism in periods of economic, political, and social change we are able to build a notion of participation that is inclusive of, rather than critical of, everyday activist experiences.
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Granovetter, Sara. "Activist as Symptom: Healing Trauma within a Ruptured Collective". Society & Animals 29, n. 7 (23 dicembre 2021): 659–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685306-bja10051.

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Abstract Animal activists serve as symptom-bearers for trans-species collective trauma within Western-industrial society. Findings from literature on traumatology and nonhuman animal activism, contemporary discourse, and the voices of ten activists currently in the field suggest that many animal activists suffer some form of trauma. Activist trauma arises through overlapping, complex relational processes of intersubjective attunement with nonhuman animals and embeddedness within a human social context that disavows nonhuman suffering. In understanding activist trauma as a symptom of a dysfunctional system, I depathologize activist suffering and view activists as integral members of a whole society that seeks healing.
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J. Enrico Sinaga, Nicholas Edieth, Kadek Dwita Apriani e Anak Agung Sagung Mirah Mahaswari Jayanthi Mertha. "Pergeseran Orientasi Politik Mantan Aktivis Pro-demokrasi di Bali: Dari Idealis ke Pragmatis". Jurnal Transformative 8, n. 1 (30 marzo 2022): 81–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.21776/ub.transformative.2022.008.01.4.

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This article discusses the change in the political orientation of former pro-democracy activists in Bali after more than 20 years of the reformation. The change in their orientation from idealistic to pragmatic is allegedly one of the catalysts for the decline of democracy. This study aims to determine the causes of the change in the political orientation of former pro-democracy activists in Bali and to make a categorization from the political orientation of these former activists. The theory used as the analytical tool is the rational choice theory from Barbara Geddes. This research uses qualitative methods with a case studies approach. There are two important findings in this study: (1) The change in political orientation from idealistic to pragmatic is caused by the rational choices made by former pro-democracy activists by calculating their career and needs factors. (2) If career motives are more prominent than transactional and partisanship motives, then former pro-democracy activists tend to fill the positions in non-political party institutions. On the contrary, if the partisan motive is dominant in a former activist, then they tend to fill the position in a political party.
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Tesi sul tema "Political activists"

1

Phillips, Sheryl Diann. "Praise the Political Activists: An Analysis of the Effects of Evangelical Religion on Political Activists, 1980-1988". W&M ScholarWorks, 1991. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625684.

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Price, Linda 1966. "Making sense of political activism : life narratives of political activists from the South African liberation movement". Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/9750.

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Bibliography: leaves 229-258.
This is a study of the personal and social construction of meaning that political activists who have been involved in the South African liberation movement attribute to their lives. It examines the lives of a group of activists who were situated at the heart of the anti- apartheid movement for more than four decades. Their resistance to the wide-ranging laws and non-legal devices that the state employed to maintain white, Afrikaner Nationalist rule became the benchmark against which they lived their lives. 1960 saw an intensity of state oppression and brutality from which some activists escaped with their lives, while others were killed or jailed for life. The struggle to create a society where humanity and justice would triumph over cruelty and racial division was setback a generation. It took nearly three decades of defiance and unrest before Nelson Mandela was released from prison and South Africans sat down to negotiate the Interim Constitution that would guide the country towards its first democratic elections. ANC members in exile received indemnity so that they could return to the country and participate in the negotiations and four years later a new South Africa based on majority rule was won. Since these 1994 elections, South Africa has continued to undergo fundamental change from the old apartheid order to a new democratic dispensation. Oral stories are essential to this process as they contain memories of recent history that contribute significantly to contemporary political and social life, which in tum shape the future. The stories of the activists who comprise this study illustrate how their commitment to their cause and to themselves has shaped their lives, as well as those around them, and how meaningful engagement with the challenges of daily life can strengthen us as individuals.
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Theron, Jean Monique. "Political Consumerism: Possibilities for International Norm Change". Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4109.

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MA
Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Consumers are gradually becoming influential actors in the international arena. The 21st century consumer has taken on a new identity, namely that of a citizen-consumer. A rising awareness of the importance of ethical purchasing behaviour has made political citizen-consumers a vehicle through which change in normative behaviour in the capitalist world economy could be attained. Activists have realised the support that political consumers could give to campaigns that strive to achieve norm change. Consumers have the power to hold multinational corporations (MNCs) accountable for unjust practices, and through their purchasing decisions, pressure MNCs to change the manner in which they operate. In order to determine to what extent political consumerism could contribute to international norm change, one has to understand how norms emerge, when norms are accepted and at which point norms become internalised. The theoretical framework of the life-cycle of norms is ideal to test the possibilities that political consumerism holds in the quest for norm change. The application of norm life-cycle framework to case studies provides evidence that political consumerism has already announced itself as a vehicle for change. Campaigns such as the conflict diamonds campaign and the Fair Trade movement have already successfully co-opted consumers to support the goals of these campaigns and have achieved some results in changing the behaviour and policies of MNCs. Political consumers have therefore already embarked on the journey towards norm change, but have not yet been able to bring the norm to internalisation. The study determines which stage in the norm life-cycle political consumerism has managed to reach. Related to this, it asks whether it is in fact possible for activists and political consumers to complete the norm life-cycle and thereby effect norm change to enhance capacity for social justice in capitalism. The study also concerns itself with the persuasion strategies that have been used and could still be used by activists to pursue change in the normative behaviour of consumers and MNCs. Persuasion is central to convincing actors to accept and internalise a new norm. The study situates these persuasion strategies within the norm life-cycle, in order to identify the challenges facing the consumer movement and possible solutions to assist political consumerism to reach its full potential.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In die internasionale arena het verbruikers gaandeweg die rol van invloedryke akteurs begin aanneem, naamlik dié van burgerlike-verbruikers. ‘n Toenemende bewustheid van die belangrikheid van etiese aankope het gedurende die 21ste eeu die politieke burgerlike-verbruiker in ‘n akteur omskep, wat normatiewe verandering in die kapitalistiese globale ekonomie te weeg kan bring. Aktiviste het besef dat politieke verbruikers steun aan veldtogte kan verleen wat na norm verandering streef. Omdat verbruikers oor die vermoë beskik om multi-nasionale korporasies (MNKs) vir onregverdige gebruike aanspreeklik te hou deur aankoop besluite, kan hul sodoende MNKs dwing on hul gebruike te verander. ‘n Begrip van die ontstaan en aanvaarding van norme, kan ook help om vas te stel tot watter mate politieke verbruiking tot internasionale norm verandering bydra. Die teoretiese raamwerk van die lewens-siklus van norme is ideaal om die potensiaal van politieke verbruiking te toets. Die toepassing van die norm lewens-siklus op gevallestudies bewys dat politieke verbruiking alreeds as ‘n middel vir verandering uitgekristaliseer het. Veldtogte, soos die konflik diamante veldtog en die “Fair Trade” beweging, het alreeds daarin geslaag om verbruikers te werf om die doelwitte van hierdie veldtogte te steun. Hierdie veldtogte het sodoende daarin geslaag om die verandering van MNKs se gedrag en beleid te bewerkstellig. Politieke verbruikers het hul reeds met die veldtog geassosieer om norm-verandering te laat plaasvind. Die studie het bepaal watter stadium in die norm lewens-siklus politieke verbruiking reeds bereik het, asook of dit moontlik vir aktiviste en verbruikers is om die siklus te voltooi en norm-verandering te laat plaasvind. Hierdie norm-verandering sal ook die vermoë vir die sosiale regverdiging van die kapitalistiese stelsel verbeter. Die studie het ook die aktiviste se oorredingstrategië uiteengesit, asook watter strategië in die toekoms kan gebruik word om die normatiewe gedrag van verbruikers en MNKs te verander. In die aanvaarding van nuwe norme speel oorreding ‘n belangrike rol. Die studie plaas daarom hierdie oorredingstrategië binne die norm lewens-siklus, sodat dit die uitdagings kan identifiseer wat die verbruikers-beweging in die gesig staar. Dit sal daarom vir die studie moontlik maak om werkbare opplossings voor te stel, wat politieke verbruiking tot sy volle potensiaal kan voer.
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Sayers, Anthony Michael. "Liberal party activists in British Columbia". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28278.

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The purpose of this thesis is to describe and analyze the nature and role of Liberal Party activists in the political life of British Columbia. As activists are at the central core of political parties, describing these activists is essential for understanding parties and the political process in general. The description and analysis are based on the results of a survey of the 1987 Liberal leadership Convention conducted by several members of the Political Science Department at the University of British Columbia, including the author. The resulting information was collated and analyzed then compared with the accepted wisdom concerning Liberal supporters in British Columbia. This thesis reveals the Liberal Party activists in British Columbia to be quite typical of activists found in other parties in Canada. As a result of the party's centre position in the polarized politics of this province, it does tend to attract activists disenchanted with this style of politics. This results in a heterogeneous collection of beliefs amongst activists. The success of the federal Liberal Party and the importance of many federal issues for Liberal Party sympathizers encourages provincial activists to adopt a federal oriented perspective on politics. This is at odds with the two major parties in British Columbia.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Lundy, Susan Alice. "Aerosol activists practices and motivations of Oakland's political graffiti writers /". Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1679387321&sid=10&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Britnell, Matthew James. "The historical and the political in the writings of Michael Oakeshott". Thesis, University of Warwick, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.367147.

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Anderson, Jonathan Mark. "Environmental direct action : making space for new forms of political community?" Thesis, University of Bristol, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1983/470c8929-f448-4d1f-876b-78bdbad5f40c.

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Tasdemir, Salima. "The feminization of pro-Kurdish party politics in Turkey : the role of women activists". Thesis, University of Exeter, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/16023.

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This study offers a case study of women’s political participation and representation in pro-Kurdish politics in Turkey since 1990s. Kurdish women have been double oppressed in Turkey due to both their ethnic identity and gender identity. They have been mobilized by the Kurdish national movement for the Kurdish national cause and joined both Kurdish armed and political struggles from the early 1990s. From the foundation of the first pro-Kurdish political party, the People’s Labour Party [Halkın Emek Partisi- HEP] in 1990, Kurdish women have actively been involved in pro- Kurdish party politics. However, the pro-Kurdish party failed in promoting egalitarian gender values, policies and supporting women’s inclusion in decision-making until the end of 1990s except the election of the first Kurdish woman deputy, Leyla Zana in 1991. Women’s participation and representation in pro-Kurdish party politics have significantly advanced numerically since 1990s. In contrast to the general picture of women’s underrepresentation in Turkey’s politics, the proportion of Kurdish women representatives has been increasing in representation bodies. Therefore, this research aims to examine the Kurdish case through conducting an intensive field research in order to explain the reasons and factors behind these developments. This research is an empirical case study, primarily based on qualitative analysis of face-to-face in-depth semi-structured interviews of female political activists and participant observations held during field research. On the basis of empirical data gathered from field research and an analysis of pro-Kurdish party characteristics, its gender policies and female political activists’ roles in representation bodies, this study argues that the pro-Kurdish politics has gradually been feminizing which refers to an increase in women’s both descriptive and substantive representation since the beginning of 2000s. The changes and developments in terms of women’s representation in pro-Kurdish politics are framed as a process of feminization; which can simply be defined as a process for women to be included in political decision-making both in numbers and ideas for representing women’s interests. In this regard, this thesis searches for answers for two essential questions: how has the pro-Kurdish party politics been feminized and what difference has been made in pro-Kurdish politics since women are increasingly taking part in decision-making processes. Thus, this study assesses whether descriptive representation links to women's substantive representation in pro-Kurdish politics. The examination of Kurdish women’s representation based on the feminizing politics approach does not only theoretically contribute to broaden the scope of feminizing politics but it also broadens the scope of the concepts of descriptive and substantive representation included in this approach. In this respect, this thesis will demonstrate that the analysis of the Kurdish women case in the context of feminizing politics presents several insights about the women‘s political representation and put forth how political parties and actors strategically interact in changing women‘s political representation.
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Ray, Grady Dale. "Exogenous Influences and Paths To Activism". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2000. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2453/.

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The focus of this research was to ascertain the indirect effects upon activism of intervening variables and recognized exogenous influences upon activism. In addition, this research also focused upon the differences and similarities of a recruited activist model and spontaneous activist model. Regression and path analysis were used to measure the direct and indirect effects of the exogenous and intervening variables. This research found that when the intervening variables, political interest, political awareness, exposure to media, altruism, and self-interest were introduced to both the recruited and spontaneous models, the direct effects of the variables were enhanced.
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Foley, Rebecca C. (Rebecca Claire) 1974. "The challenge of contemporary Muslim women activists in Malaysia". Monash University, School of Political and Social Inquiry, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9128.

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Libri sul tema "Political activists"

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Kallen, Stuart A. Political activists of the 1960s. San Diego, CA: Lucent Books, 2004.

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Alan, Whitehorn, a cura di. Political activists: The NDP in convention. Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1997.

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Radha, Rajan, Kak Krishen e Vigil Public Opinion Forum (India), a cura di. NGOs, activists & foreign funds: Anti-nation industry. Chennai: Vigil Public Opinion Forum, 2006.

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Pamungkas, Sri Bintang. Menantang seorang diktator: Perjalanan di Jerman. Jakarta: RM Books, 2008.

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Florence, Lemoine, e Strickland John, a cura di. Government leaders, military rulers, and political activists. Westport, Conn: Oryx Press, 2001.

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Shawulu, Rima. The story of Gambo Sawaba. Jos, Plateau State, Nigeria: Echo Communications Ltd., 1990.

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Deb, Barma Narendra Chandra, Cirāna Gautamī Rāẏa e Kuṇḍu Caudhurī Kumuda, a cura di. Tripurāra gaṇatāṇtrika āndolanera agrapathika Prabhāta Rāẏera racanā saṃgraha o smr̥tikathā. Āgaratalā: Hāsi Rāẏa, 2002.

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Bahenská, Marie, e Jana Malínská. Ženy a politika, 1890-1938: Women and politics in 1890-1938. Praha: Masarykův ústav a Archiv AV ČR, v.v.i., 2014.

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Saengmyŏng P'yŏnghwa Ilkkun Pak Nam-gi Nongmin Kinyŏm Saŏphoe. Han nongmin ŭi sam kwa chugŭm: Saengmyŏng kwa p'yŏnghwa ŭi ilkkun Paek Nam-gi Nongmin ch'umojip. Kyŏnggi-do P'aju-si: Owŏl ŭi Pom, 2021.

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Teske, Nathan. Political activists in America: The identity construction model of political participation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997.

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Capitoli di libri sul tema "Political activists"

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Wilson, Ian. "Chapter Five. Urban Poor Activism and Political Agency in Post– New Order Jakarta". In Activists in Transition, a cura di Thushara Dibley e Michele Ford, 99–116. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/9781501742491-008.

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El-Issawi, Fatima. "Journalists Versus Activists? Traditional Journalists and Cyber-Activism". In Arab National Media and Political Change, 129–51. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-349-70915-1_6.

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Foster, Kenneth. "African-American Activists’ Perceptions of Racism and Empowerment". In African-American Political Psychology, 171–86. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230114340_12.

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Turner, Kofi-Charu Nat. "Y-Teen, political organizing, and ANC mothers (1959–1964)". In Caffie Greene and Black Women Activists, 55–69. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003204527-7.

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Swidlicki, Andrzej. "The Trials of the Underground Solidarity Activists". In Political Trials in Poland 1981-1986, 156–91. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003467878-5.

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Lange, Alex C., Stephen John Quaye, Chris Linder e Meg E. Evans. "Relationships Between Institutional Agents and Student Activists". In Political Activism in Colleges and Universities, 96–110. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781032614328-7.

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Schofield, Norman, e Anna-Sophie Kurella. "Party Activists in the 2009 German Federal Elections". In The Political Economy of Governance, 293–311. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-15551-7_16.

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Phillips, Sarah. "Nonstate Actors and Political Reform: Civil Society, Activists, and Political Parties". In Yemen’s Democracy Experiment in Regional Perspective, 113–35. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230616486_6.

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Lemoine, Florence. "Livingstone, David". In Government Leaders, Military Rulers and Political Activists, 110. New York: Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315063706-109.

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Del Testa, David W. "Benenson, Peter". In Government Leaders, Military Rulers and Political Activists, 22. New York: Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315063706-21.

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Atti di convegni sul tema "Political activists"

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Bali, Ahmed, Kurdistan Saeed e Kanaan Abdullah. "The role of communication technology in political change and the freedom of digital media". In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp192-202.

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This study examines the nature of the relationship between journalists and politicians in the age of media entrepreneurship, with emphasis on the factors and challenges faced by both media entrepreneurs and politicians while using digital media. This study relies on an inductive approach through using the qualitative method, this involves conducting interviews (N: 41) with journalists to discover whether they work in traditional media organizations or/and own and manage digital media enterprises, it also brings to lights new information about politicians, especially those who have media inclinations. This study reveals that digital media provide journalists with opportunities to achieve professional and financial independence. However, their work in the context of Iraqi scope does not go beyond spreading propaganda and promoting various agenda of political parties and politicians. In terms of the content of media entrepreneurship, this study unveils anonymous social media which are affiliated with/ or supported by politicians which work as piracy for trolling political opponents and activists. It is assumed that such social media have serious repercussions for freedom and privacy. This worries activists and journalists that they are unable to express their opinions freely for fear of being attacked by anonymous social media working on behalf of politicians. Therefore, the ethics of social media and their ownership seems to be a major concern in the Iraqi political media space, and it should be taken into consideration in future research.
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Abdullah, Ahmed, Kurdistan Saeed e Kanaan Abdullah. "The role of communication technology in political change and the freedom of digital media". In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp115-125.

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Abstract (sommario):
This study examines the nature of the relationship between journalists and politicians in the age of media entrepreneurship, with emphasis on the factors and challenges faced by both media entrepreneurs and politicians while using digital media. This study relies on an inductive approach through using the qualitative method, this involves conducting interviews (N: 41) with journalists to discover whether they work in traditional media organizations or/and own and manage digital media enterprises, it also brings to lights new information about politicians, especially those who have media inclinations. This study reveals that digital media provide journalists with opportunities to achieve professional and financial independence. However, their work in the context of Iraqi scope does not go beyond spreading propaganda and promoting various agenda of political parties and politicians. In terms of the content of media entrepreneurship, this study unveils anonymous social media which are affiliated with/ or supported by politicians which work as piracy for trolling political opponents and activists. It is assumed that such social media have serious repercussions for freedom and privacy. This worries activists and journalists that they are unable to express their opinions freely for fear of being attacked by anonymous social media working on behalf of politicians. Therefore, the ethics of social media and their ownership seems to be a major concern in the Iraqi political media space, and it should be taken into consideration in future research.
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Daffalla, Alaa, Lucy Simko, Tadayoshi Kohno e Alexandru G. Bardas. "Defensive Technology Use by Political Activists During the Sudanese Revolution". In 2021 IEEE Symposium on Security and Privacy (SP). IEEE, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/sp40001.2021.00055.

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Faraj, Anwar, e Narmeen Ahmed. "The Role of Global Civil Society in Promoting Human Rights". In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp295-307.

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The tolerance is one of the issues that have aroused the interest of specialists and activists in political and cultural affairs in various countries of the world. Especially those countries whose societies have suffered from: societal crises, national or religious differences, and civil wars or internal or external political conflicts. Because of the developments in the human rights movement and the activities of international organizations and their role in alleviating conflicts and building peace in many countries, the issue of tolerance has become one of the global issues that receive the attention of global institutions, including global civil society organizations, which have witnessed an expansion in their activities by developments in Information and communication technology, to contribute an effective role in the cause of tolerance in various countries of the world, and is attracting interaction at the level of the international community.
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Clarke, Rachel, Reem Talhouk, Ahmed Beshtawi, Kefah Barham, Owen Boyle, Mark Griffiths e Matt Baillie Smith. "Decolonising in, by and through participatory design with political activists in Palestine". In PDC 2022: Participatory Design Conference 2022. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3536169.3537778.

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Zelenda Kupcova, Adela. "REFLECTION OF FREEDOM FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF RIGHT-WING EXTREMISM ACTIVISTS". In SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on POLITICAL SCIENCES, LAW, FINANCE, ECONOMICS AND TOURISM. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b21/s4.044.

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Marcella, Vanessa. "A comparison of climate change lexical creativity among American, European and international Twitter users". In 9th Brno Conference on Linguistics Studies in English. Brno: Masaryk University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p280-0212-2022-6.

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Climate change is an environmental, social, cultural and political phenomenon which has led to a bitter controversy among political leaders, social movements, and activists. The aim of this case study is to analyze lexical innovations in climate change discourse in the micro-blogging service Twitter, and more in particular, in the use of English language through hashtags by a new generation of young activists, NGOs, and American and European politicians and organizations in the time frame from 2015 to 2020. By means of this case study, we prove that, through the creativity of hashtags, Twitter users can take part in the heart of a discussion related to climate change leading to a valuable interpretive framework.
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Pasquali, Arian, Marcela Canavarro, Ricardo Campos e Alípio M. Jorge. "Assessing topic discovery evaluation measures on Facebook publications of political activists in Brazil". In the Ninth International C* Conference. New York, New York, USA: ACM Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/2948992.2949015.

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Amir, Nurul, M. Husain e Dian Lestari. "The Role of Women Political Activists in Overseeing the Political Budget for Women's Empowerment and Child Protection in Kendari City". In Proceedings of the Regional Seminar on Community Issues, SSIK 2023, 20 September 2023, Kendari, Province of Sulawesi Tenggara, Indonesia. EAI, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.20-9-2023.2340993.

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Anggreni, Likha Sari, e Monika Sri Yuliarti. "Social Movement and Freedom of Speech - Message Reception of 212 Mass Movement News in www.viva.co.id among Moslem Student Activists". In The 4th International Conference on Social and Political Sciences. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0007031700010001.

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Rapporti di organizzazioni sul tema "Political activists"

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Shaw, Jackie, Masa Amir, Tessa Lewin, Jean Kemitare, Awa Diop, Olga Kithumbu, Danai Mupotsa e Stella Odiase. Contextualising Healing Justice as a Feminist Organising Framework in Africa. Institute of Development Studies, agosto 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2022.063.

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Healing justice is a political organising framework that aims to address the systemic causes of injustice experienced by marginalised peoples due to the harmful impacts of oppressive histories, intergenerational trauma, and structural violence. It recognises that these damaging factors generate collective trauma, which manifests in negative physical, mental–emotional, and spiritual effects in activists and in the functioning of their movements. Healing justice integrates collective healing in political organising processes, and is contextualised as appropriate to situational needs. This provided the rationale for a research study to explore the potential of healing justice for feminist activists in Africa, and how pathways to collective healing could be supported in specific contexts. Research teams in DRC, Senegal, and South Africa conducted interviews with feminist activists and healers, in addition to supplementary interviews across sub-regions of Africa and two learning events with wider stakeholders.
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Kallas, Diana. The Magic Potion of Austerity and Poverty Alleviation: Narratives of political capture and inequality in the Middle East and North Africa. Oxfam, novembre 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2021.8298.

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Dominant narratives promoting economic growth at the expense of state institutions and basic social services have long underpinned a neoliberal model of spiralling debt and austerity in the MENA region. This exacerbates political capture and inequality and takes shape in an environment of media concentration and shrinking civic space. It is important for change movements to understand dominant narratives in order to challenge and shift them. With the right tools, civil society organizations, activists, influencers and alternative media can start changing the myths and beliefs which frame the socio-economic debate and predetermine which policy options are accepted as possible and legitimate, and which are not.
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Bachtiar, Hasnan, Kainat Shakil e Chloe Smith. Use of Informal Sharia Law for Civilizational Populist Mobilization in the 2024 Indonesian Elections. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), aprile 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0035.

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The Defenders Front of Islam or the Front Pembela Islam (FPI) is an Islamist civilizational populist movement in Indonesia. Its religious and political blueprints have been a challenge to the elites in power. In 2017 and 2019, it was involved in the contest of electoral politics to fight against the elites by implementing the populist politics that tends to undermine the democratic process. As a result, it was banned in 2020 but re-established a year later. In 2024 elections, it supports for Anies Baswedan-Muhaimin Iskandar to compete against Prabowo Subianto-Gibran Rakabuming and Ganjar Pranowo-Mahfud MD. The findings suggest that by applying the Islamist civilizational populism, the FPI instrumentalizes the informal religious law to support its political mobilization. It emphasizes the legal-centric perspective of “sharia,” which gives the FPI’s activists and its wider audience only one imperative option to solve the problem: join in the populism. We arguably state that the informal religious law can contribute to the process of Islamist civilizational populist mobilization.
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Iffat, Idris. Use of Online Space in Pakistan Targeting Women, Religious Minorities, Activists and Voices of Dissent. Institute of Development Studies, marzo 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.071.

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There is ample evidence that online hate speech in Pakistan is directed against women, religious minorities, journalists, voices of dissent and activists. The targeting of many of these groups is an expansion online of the traditional hostility and abuse they face offline. However, the internet has made such abuse easier and online hate speech is growing as internet use rises in the country. Those responsible vary somewhat: women and religious minorities are typically targeted by religio-political parties and their followers, while journalists and activists are often targeted by government/the military. In all cases, online hate speech can have a serious offline impact, including physical violence, and restrictions on people’s freedom/ability to work/post online. This review, looking at online hate speech in Pakistan in relation to particular groups, draws largely on reports by think-tanks/NGOs as well as media articles and blogs. Relatively little academic literature was found on the subject, but grey literature was quite extensive, especially on certain religious minorities (Ahmadis) and women.
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HEFNER, Robert. IHSAN ETHICS AND POLITICAL REVITALIZATION Appreciating Muqtedar Khan’s Islam and Good Governance. IIIT, ottobre 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47816/01.001.20.

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Ours is an age of pervasive political turbulence, and the scale of the challenge requires new thinking on politics as well as public ethics for our world. In Western countries, the specter of Islamophobia, alt-right populism, along with racialized violence has shaken public confidence in long-secure assumptions rooted in democracy, diversity, and citizenship. The tragic denouement of so many of the Arab uprisings together with the ascendance of apocalyptic extremists like Daesh and Boko Haram have caused an even greater sense of alarm in large parts of the Muslim-majority world. It is against this backdrop that M.A. Muqtedar Khan has written a book of breathtaking range and ethical beauty. The author explores the history and sociology of the Muslim world, both classic and contemporary. He does so, however, not merely to chronicle the phases of its development, but to explore just why the message of compassion, mercy, and ethical beauty so prominent in the Quran and Sunna of the Prophet came over time to be displaced by a narrow legalism that emphasized jurisprudence, punishment, and social control. In the modern era, Western Orientalists and Islamists alike have pushed the juridification and interpretive reification of Islamic ethical traditions even further. Each group has asserted that the essence of Islam lies in jurisprudence (fiqh), and both have tended to imagine this legal heritage on the model of Western positive law, according to which law is authorized, codified, and enforced by a leviathan state. “Reification of Shariah and equating of Islam and Shariah has a rather emaciating effect on Islam,” Khan rightly argues. It leads its proponents to overlook “the depth and heights of Islamic faith, mysticism, philosophy or even emotions such as divine love (Muhabba)” (13). As the sociologist of Islamic law, Sami Zubaida, has similarly observed, in all these developments one sees evidence, not of a traditionalist reassertion of Muslim values, but a “triumph of Western models” of religion and state (Zubaida 2003:135). To counteract these impoverishing trends, Khan presents a far-reaching analysis that “seeks to move away from the now failed vision of Islamic states without demanding radical secularization” (2). He does so by positioning himself squarely within the ethical and mystical legacy of the Qur’an and traditions of the Prophet. As the book’s title makes clear, the key to this effort of religious recovery is “the cosmology of Ihsan and the worldview of Al-Tasawwuf, the science of Islamic mysticism” (1-2). For Islamist activists whose models of Islam have more to do with contemporary identity politics than a deep reading of Islamic traditions, Khan’s foregrounding of Ihsan may seem unfamiliar or baffling. But one of the many achievements of this book is the skill with which it plumbs the depth of scripture, classical commentaries, and tasawwuf practices to recover and confirm the ethic that lies at their heart. “The Quran promises that God is with those who do beautiful things,” the author reminds us (Khan 2019:1). The concept of Ihsan appears 191 times in 175 verses in the Quran (110). The concept is given its richest elaboration, Khan explains, in the famous hadith of the Angel Gabriel. This tradition recounts that when Gabriel appeared before the Prophet he asked, “What is Ihsan?” Both Gabriel’s question and the Prophet’s response make clear that Ihsan is an ideal at the center of the Qur’an and Sunna of the Prophet, and that it enjoins “perfection, goodness, to better, to do beautiful things and to do righteous deeds” (3). It is this cosmological ethic that Khan argues must be restored and implemented “to develop a political philosophy … that emphasizes love over law” (2). In its expansive exploration of Islamic ethics and civilization, Khan’s Islam and Good Governance will remind some readers of the late Shahab Ahmed’s remarkable book, What is Islam? The Importance of Being Islamic (Ahmed 2016). Both are works of impressive range and spiritual depth. But whereas Ahmed stood in the humanities wing of Islamic studies, Khan is an intellectual polymath who moves easily across the Islamic sciences, social theory, and comparative politics. He brings the full weight of his effort to conclusion with policy recommendations for how “to combine Sufism with political theory” (6), and to do so in a way that recommends specific “Islamic principles that encourage good governance, and politics in pursuit of goodness” (8).
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Melnyk, Andriy. «INTELLECTUAL DARK WEB» AND PECULIARITIES OF PUBLIC DEBATE IN THE UNITED STATES. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, marzo 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11113.

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The article focuses on the «Intellectual Dark Web», an informal group of scholars, publicists, and activists who openly opposed the identity politics, political correctness, and the dominance of leftist ideas in American intellectual life. The author examines the reasons for the emergence of this group, names the main representatives and finds that the existence of «dark intellectuals» is the evidence of important problems in US public discourse. The term «Intellectual Dark Web» was coined by businessman Eric Weinstein to describe those who openly opposed restrictions on freedom of speech by the state or certain groups on the grounds of avoiding discrimination and hate speech. Extensive discussion of the phenomenon of «dark intellectuals» began after the publication of Barry Weiss’s article «Meet the renegades from the «Intellectual Dark Web» in The New York Times in 2018. The author writes of «dark intellectuals» as an informal group of «rebellious thinkers, academic apostates, and media personalities» who felt isolated from traditional channels of communication and therefore built their own alternative platforms to discuss awkward topics that were often taboo in the mainstream media. One of the most prominent members of this group, Canadian clinical psychologist Jordan Peterson, publicly opposed the C-16 Act in September 2016, which the Canadian government aimed to implement initiatives that would prevent discrimination against transgender people. Peterson called it a direct interference with the right to freedom of speech and the introduction of state censorship. Other members of the group had a similar experience that their views were not accepted in the scientific or media sphere. The existence of the «Intellectual Dark Web» indicates the problem of political polarization and the reduction of the ability to find a compromise in the American intellectual sphere and in American society as a whole.
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Walsh, Alex. The Contentious Politics of Tunisia’s Natural Resource Management and the Prospects of the Renewable Energy Transition. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), febbraio 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.048.

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For many decades in Tunisia, there has been a robust link between natural resource management and contentious national and local politics. These disputes manifest in the form of protests, sit-ins, the disruption of production and distribution and legal suits on the one hand, and corporate and government response using coercive and concessionary measures on the other. Residents of resource-rich areas and their allies protest the inequitable distribution of their local natural wealth and the degradation of their health, land, water, soil and air. They contest a dynamic that tends to bring greater benefit to Tunisia’s coastal metropolitan areas. Natural resource exploitation is also a source of livelihoods and the contentious politics around them have, at times, led to somewhat more equitable relationships. The most important actors in these contentious politics include citizens, activists, local NGOs, local and national government, international commercial interests, international NGOs and multilateral organisations. These politics fit into wider and very longstanding patterns of wealth distribution in Tunisia and were part of the popular alienation that drove the uprising of 2011. In many ways, the dynamic of the contentious politics is fundamentally unchanged since prior to the uprising and protests have taken place within the same month of writing of this paper. Looking onto this scene, commentators use the frame of margins versus centre (‘marginalization’), and also apply the lens of labour versus capital. If this latter lens is applied, not only is there continuity from prior to 2011, there is continuity with the colonial era when natural resource extraction was first industrialised and internationalised. In these ways, the management of Tunisia’s natural wealth is a significant part of the country’s serious political and economic challenges, making it a major factor in the street politics unfolding at the time of writing.
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Ellison, Sara Fisher, e Catherine Wolfram. Pharmaceutical Prices and Political Activity. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, settembre 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w8482.

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Camous, Antoine, e Russell Cooper. Political Activism and the Provision of Dynamic Incentives. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, gennaio 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w26654.

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Aaronson, Daniel, Mark Borgschulte, Sunny Liu e Bhashkar Mazumder. Schooling and Political Activism in the Early Civil Rights Era. Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.21033/wp-2024-06.

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