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1
Forje, J. W. "Science and technology policy in Cameroon". Thesis, University of Salford, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.356195.
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2
Jeffrey, David P. 1962. "Citizenship, exclusion, and political organizations : political response to immigrant policy". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/34339.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2000.Includes bibliographical references (leaves 304-325).
The dissertation examines whether policy can foster the political incorporation and democratic participation of immigrants. The study compares immigrants' political responses to immigrant policy in Sweden and Germany. Sweden is the critical case because Sweden's immigrant policy attempts to shorten the intergenerational integration of immigrants into the host society. The Swedish government extended the benefits of its universalistic welfare state to non citizens, "topped off' benefits through direct measures specifically for immigrants, and extended voting and office holding rights to non-citizens. The study examines three main questions. Does extending the welfare state and the political franchise to immigrants alter the general immigrant experience of intergenerational integration into the host society? Is Sweden's extension and support for immigrant political rights successful in promoting immigrant political participation? Is Sweden's immigrant policy successful in defining the forms of immigrant political participation, configuring immigrant associational patterns, and influencing immigrant political goals? Sweden's extension of its universalistic welfare state does not seem to alter immigrants' intergenerational integration into the host society. There is little difference in the economic and social situations of immigrants in Sweden and Germany, a country which makes a less comprehensive attempt to integrate immigrants into its society. Sweden's extension and support for immigrants' political rights are partially successful in promoting immigrant political participation. Sweden's immigrant policy is successful in defining the forms of immigrant political participation, configuring immigrant associational patterns, and influencing how immigrants achieve their political goals. The study suggests that civic tradition and associational life are factors that need not translate into greater political participation. Still, government policies can strongly influence how immigrants perceive and participate in politics.
by David P. Jeffrey.
Ph.D.
3
Genuth, Joel. "The local origins of United States national science policy". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/11299.
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4
Zheng, Henry Yisheng. "Exploring problem intractability in public policy implementation : the cases of superfund policy and low-level radioactive waste management policy". The Ohio State University, 1999. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1283340744.
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5
Franko, William Walter. "The policy consequences of unequal participation". Diss., University of Iowa, 2012. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/3295.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
As many political observers have pointed out, political participants in the United States are particularly unrepresentative of the population as a whole. Citizens who are politically active tend to be those on the upper end of the socioeconomic scale, for example, the wealthy and highly educated. This dissertation examines the ways in which inequalities in political participation lead to differences in the behavior of elected officials and their subsequent actions related to policy making. That is, politicians have the ability, and under certain circumstances the incentive, to vary how they govern and who they govern for, depending on how political influence is distributed throughout the citizenry.
I argue that considering the economic status of various groups in society is an important and often overlooked aspect of representation. Economic status is linked closely with economic need, which is especially important for the disadvantaged and may be difficult to measure by relying on issue positions or priorities gathered from opinion surveys. Income affects the types of government programs people are influenced by and rely on; for example, welfare, health care, and public housing policies are more likely to directly influence the poor while those with higher economic status are unlikely to encounter any of these programs. This suggests that different levels of political activity by various groups in society can have an influence on lawmakers' decisions regarding how to address certain issues.
To assess the influence of unequal participation on public policy I examine various stages of the policy process, including policy outcomes and issue agenda setting in the states. Few studies have assessed the effect of inequalities in participation on the public policy, and research assessing the link between inequality and policy has almost entirely overlooked the potential effects of unequal participation on agenda setting. This research explores whether states with higher economic inequalities in political participation have policies that are less likely to be beneficial to disadvantaged groups. Both policy outcomes and issue agendas are examined to fully understand the consequences of political inequality in the American states.
6
Nihoul, Gaëtane. "Policy formation in the European Union : the case of education policy". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.312553.
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7
Lamb, C. "Training policy and the state : Power and politics in policy management". Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.371961.
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8
Royed, Terry J. "Policy promises and policy action in the United States and Great Britain, 1979-1988 /". The Ohio State University, 1992. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487780865407853.
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9
Bell, Mark Stephen. "Nuclear weapons and foreign policy". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/107540.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis: Ph. D., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science, 2016.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 265-291).
How do states change their foreign policies when they acquire nuclear weapons? This question is central to both academic and policy debates about the consequences of nuclear proliferation, and the lengths that the United States and other states should go to to prevent proliferation. Despite this importance to scholars and practitioners, existing literature has largely avoided answering this question. This dissertation aims to fill this gap. In answering this question, I first offer a typology of conceptually distinct and empirically distinguishable foreign policy behaviors that nuclear weapons may facilitate. Specifically, I distinguish between aggression, expansion, independence, bolstering, steadfastness, and compromise. The typology allows scholars and practitioners to move beyond catch-all terms such as "emboldenment" when thinking about how states may change their foreign policies after nuclear acquisition. Second, I offer a theory for why different states use nuclear weapons to facilitate different combinations of these behaviors. I argue that states in different geopolitical circumstances have different political priorities. Different states therefore find different combinations of foreign policy behaviors attractive, and thus use nuclear weapons to facilitate different foreign policy behaviors. The theory uses a sequence of three variables-the existence of severe territorial threats or an ongoing war, the presence of senior allies, and the state's power trajectory-to predict the combinations of foreign policy behaviors states will use nuclear weapons to facilitate. Third, I test the theory using case studies of the United Kingdom, South Africa, and the United States, each drawing on interviews and multi-archival research. In each case, I look for discontinuities in the state's foreign policy behaviors that occur at the point of nuclear acquisition and use process tracing to assess whether nuclear weapons caused the changes observed. The dissertation makes several contributions. It provides an answer to a foundational question about the nuclear revolution: how do states use nuclear weapons to facilitate their goals in international politics? It offers a new dependent variable and theory with potentially broader applicability to other questions about comparative foreign policy. Finally, it offers policy-relevant insights into how new nuclear states might behave in the future.
by Mark Stephen Bell.
Ph. D.
10
Swartz, Peter Goodings. "China's policy towards US adversaries". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/84847.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (S.M.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2013.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 119-134).
If the Chinese government is trying to reassure the US that China's rise is not threatening, why does China diplomatically support adversaries of the US such as Iran, Sudan, Libya, and Syria? This thesis shows that soft balancing against the US in concert with Russia best explains China's foreign policy towards these states. Economic interest and a number of other alternative theories, in contrast, do not explain the observed variation in China's policy. Critics of soft balancing have overstated their case; concrete instances of soft-balancing behavior are present in the international system.
by Peter Goodings Swartz.
S.M.
11
Cannon, Bart Joseph. "Public Opinion and State Policy". W&M ScholarWorks, 1991. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625688.
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12
Larcinese, Valentino. "Political information, elections and public policy". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2003. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/431/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis contributes to the study of the role of information in elections and public policy formation. Its main focus is on information acquisition and voting behaviour. Chapter 1 discusses the motivation of this research and presents a survey of related literature. Chapter 2 focuses on electoral turnout, Chapter 3 on public policy, and Chapter 4 on mass media. Chapter 2 studies the impact of information on electoral turnout. Since incentives to be informed are correlated with other incentives to participate in public life, a model of information acquisition and turnout is introduced to isolate potential instrumental variables and try to establish a causal relation. Results are tested on the 1997 General Election in Britain. It is shown that information, as well as ideology, matters for turnout. It also contributes to explain the systematic correlation of turnout with variables like education and income. Voters' knowledge of candidates and of other political issues is also substantially influenced by mass media. Chapter 3 presents a model that links the distribution of political knowledge with redistributive policies. It argues that voters can have private incentives to be informed about politics and that such incentives are correlated with income. Therefore redistribution will be systematically lower than what the median voter theorem predicts. Moreover, more inequality does not necessarily lead to an increase in redistribution and constitutional restrictions might have unintended consequences. In Chapter 4 it is argued that instrumentally motivated voters should increase their demand for information when elections are close. In supplying news, mass media should take into account information demand, as well as the value of customers to advertisers and the cost of reaching marginal readers. Information supply should therefore be larger in electoral constituencies where the contest is expected to be closer, the population is on average more valuable for advertisers, and the population density is higher. These conclusions are then tested with good results on data from the 1997 General Election in Britain.
13
Varshney, Ashutosh. "The political universe of economic policy : rising peasantry, the state and food policy in India". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/13982.
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14
Magraw, Katherine. "Weapons brokers and policy entrepreneurs : Congress and the strategic policy community during the Reagan era". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/13194.
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15
Fawn, Rick. "Czechoslovak foreign policy, 1989-1992 : the problems of translating ideas into policy". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1996. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1998/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Czechoslovak Foreign Policy, 1989-1992: The Problems of Translating Ideas into Policy The history of Czechoslovakia is the contest of individual will against the larger, deterministic forces of the international system. From before the creation of the country in 1918 to its disintegration at the end of 1992, Czechoslovakia's survival was predicated on the stability of the international system. Partly because of the country's geographical location, Czechoslovak thinking has been characterised by a tendency towards what can be broadly called 'humanism', and was evident particularly in the writings and politics of Tomas Masaryk and Vaclav Havel. This thesis examines the 30-month period of Czechoslovak foreign policy from the loss of Communist control in December 1989 to the June 1992 election, the results of which foretold the country's disintegration and after which the two key figures in foreign policy left public office. The thesis examines the problems of translating a series of ideas which it terms 'civic' into political practice. These ideas are drawn from the writings of Czechoslovak dissidents in the 1970s and 1980s and which, when they entered public office, they maintained had become even more appropriate. The thesis begins by placing the tension between ideas and systemic pressures in Czechoslovak foreign policy in its pre-1989 historical context. Then, after establishing the civic ideas which formed the intellectual basis for the post-Communist foreign policy, it considers the obstacles in their implementation in five aspects of Czechoslovak foreign policy. These are: the nature and structure of foreign policy decision-making; views on the unification of Germany and the moral reconstruction of bilateral relations; transformation of ties with the Soviet Union and socialist bloc institutions; the geopolitical, cultural and economic bases for regional cooperation; and proposals for creating a second 'New Europe'.
16
Ruiz, Vasquez J. C. "Colombian police policy : police and urban policing, 1991-2006". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:3fc1cf23-5246-4919-978a-6aee375b9a69.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The purpose of this research is to analyze Colombian police policy with particular reference to the police and urban policing after the promulgation of the Constitution of 1991. This study examines how the Constitution of 1991 has impacted on the configuration, professionalization and institutionalization of the Colombian police. This dissertation concludes that the new Constitution of 1991 was crucial in transforming an insignificant organization into a noteworthy public institution with its own corporate aims and ethos and a certain autonomy regarding the government, parties, ministries and the military. This research is divided into three main parts. The first one will focus on the police as a structure emphasizing the process of formation, development and institutionalization. It dissects the police structure into five aspects: historical configuration, structural organization, personnel, expenditure and controls. This part shows that the current importance of the police in the Colombian institutional landscape in terms of international aid, personnel and budget increase and public exposure has no precedents prior to 1991.The second part will be devoted to the study of the organizational life of the police force stressing the role played by high-ranking officers in improving the image of the police and, more importantly, in creating a vigorous institution difficult to control from outside, but at the same time, not easy to manage internally as a consequence of the distinction existing between high-ranking and low-ranking officers. The final part of this work examines urban and community policing in large urban areas taking the case of Bogotá. It focuses on the role played by the police in its implementation, successes and failures, concluding that the reluctance of the police to adopt these programmes of policing has limited their productive effects on the actual job and indeed the whole organization.
17
Randolph, Lewis Anthony. "Development policy of four U.S. cities /". The Ohio State University, 1990. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487683401442375.
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18
Stokes, Leah C. "Electoral backlash against climate policy : a natural experiment on retrospective voting and local resistance to public policy". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/99561.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis: S.M., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science, 2015.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 34-40).
Retrospective voting studies typically examine policies where the public has common interests. By contrast, climate policy has broad public support but concentrated opposition in communities where costs are imposed. This spatial distribution of weak supporters and strong, local opponents mirrors opposition to other policies with diffuse public benefits and concentrated local costs. I use a natural experiment to investigate whether citizens living in proximity to wind energy projects retrospectively punished an incumbent government because of its climate policy. Using both fixed effects and instrumental variable estimators, I identify electoral losses for the incumbent party ranging from 4-10%, with the effect persisting 3 km from wind turbines. Voters also discriminate by correctly punishing the level of government responsible for the policy, providing evidence that voters are informed. I conclude that the spatial distribution of citizens' policy preferences can affect democratic accountability and exacerbate political barriers to addressing climate change.
by Leah C. Stokes.
S.M.
19
Halloran, John W. Jr. "Coordinating science : White House Office of Science and Technology Policy (OSTP) influence in federal R&D budgets". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/101807.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis: S.M., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science, 2015.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 102-105).
This thesis examines the role of the White House OSTP in the nation's budgeting for science and technology activities. Interviews conducted by the researcher with members of the White House staff as well as federal agency officials are the primary empirical support, with analysis of annual priority memoranda and presidential budget requests reinforcing the findings. The original contribution of this research is to highlight limitations of responsive competence despite presidential attempts to coordinate the R&D bureaucracy. In science policy, presidents obtain responsive competence by hiring entrepreneurial OSTP staff members in the areas that most align with their priorities. The centralized R&D coordination that OSTP does actually perform in budgets is highly constrained by legal authority, bureaucratic resistance, and the epistemic norms of the science policy community itself. The relationship of the President's Science Advisor with the Administration is an important confounder across presidencies
by John W. Halloran, Jr.
S.M.
20
Vos, Timothy P. "Explaining media policy American political broadcasting policy in comparative context (The Netherlands, Canada) /". Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.
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21
Grossman, Daniel P. (Daniel Phillip). "A policy history of Hanford's atmospheric releases". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/12258.
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22
Rothkin, Karen 1966. "Obligations abroad : towards a just foreign policy". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/18037.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2004.Includes bibliographical references (leaves 200-209).
This dissertation considers three implications of collective self-government for just foreign policies in an imperfect world. Individuals are the appropriate moral unit of analysis, constrained to govern themselves justly, together with compatriots. First I derive limits to state autonomy that follow from states being mere aggregations of rights-bearing individuals: human rights constrain treatment of individuals, and government must include all citizens. States are governed well-enough that others should not interfere if all citizens have effective political powers without risking their dignity. These states are collectively self-determined. Second, the fact of citizenship constrains redistribution of wealth among countries. Shared wealth should presuppose shared governance, and if one wants to limit the latter, one should limit the former, to that needed for collective self- determination. Providing clear limits on aid, as well as interference, helps avoid abuse. While participation, representation and accountability do not guarantee good government, they are prerequisites; the primary international obligation is to develop well-ordered institutions. Third, I derive constraints on national autonomy that follow from the need to secure international cooperation. Reasonable disagreements about fairness are sometimes indistinguishable from rational-interest pursuit, giving others reason for distrust. Since collectively self-determined citizens put their interests first, how are countries to agree on a single cooperative solution? If they agree to follow a single course of action when new problems arise, before they know which countries will in fact benefit, and with the knowledge that risks, costs and benefits would be distributed fairly over
(cont.) time, countries would find it reasonable to trust one another as long as they are all seen to comply. Citizens would find it rational to cooperate because long-term security is in their own long-term interests. Equivalently, countries could agree to join a transnational institution that is run democratically, with authority to issue binding decisions on problems over which it has jurisdiction. This limits what each country can decide for itself, while enabling greater cooperation and trust on sub-national and international levels. This encourages flexible, complex solutions to global collective-action dilemmas, and allows costs to be distributed among countries and over time.
by Karen Rothkin.
Ph.D.
23
Chiku, Takemi. "Japanese space policy in the changing world". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/12825.
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24
Lowe, Allyson M. "Social policy negotiation in the European Union /". The Ohio State University, 2002. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1486462067843427.
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25
O'Hagan, Patrick. "EU agricultural policy making towards Poland, 1989-1995, and its applications for policy network theory". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.361953.
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26
Zurovchak, John Francis. "Cultural Influences on Foreign Policy Decision Making: Comparing the Structures and Processes of Czech and Slovak Foreign Policy Organizations /". The Ohio State University, 1995. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu148793199346666.
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27
Matti, Simon. "Exploring public policy legitimacy a study of belief-system correspondence in Swedish environmental policy /". Doctoral thesis, Luleå : Political Science Unit, Luleå University of Technology, 2009. http://pure.ltu.se/ws/fbspretrieve/3012491.
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28
Mitchell, David Hermann Margaret G. "Making foreign policy Presidential management, advisors and the foreign policy decision-making process /". Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.
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29
Payne, Kenneth. "Personality and the policy stream : explaining US foreign policy decision-making during the first Clinton administration". Thesis, University of Essex, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.250069.
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30
Lawlor, Andrea. "Understanding public policy through mass media". Thesis, McGill University, 2014. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=121392.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Media have both direct and indirect influences on policy, and can, at various times, serve as a contributor to policy, a conduit of policy information, and a mirror to the policy process. Although the scholarly literature acknowledges media's role in the policy process, particularly their ability to affect policymakers directly, systematically push policy alternatives, or influence public opinion, the literature often omits a critical role for media: reflecting the policy process. Mass media are the public's largest source of information on policy, yet the volume and tone of media reporting on policy over time, not to mention what we can learn about public policy through media data, are often overlooked. This dissertation examines how we can use media as a tool to better understand the complexity of public policy narratives, framing and change. It also suggests an approach to using media data as a tool to examine the relationships between policy actors and domains. Using automated content analysis of over 25-years of comparative media data, this dissertation consists of three articles: each makes a contribution to the policy literature, namely in the areas of pension policy, immigration policy, and the literature on issue ownership. When taken together, these articles make a broader contribution to the field's understanding of how framing, language and narrative impact the public's understanding of many facets of the policy process. Results demonstrate the value of understanding media's role as a mirror. Additionally, the approach used can be considered a contribution to the methodological toolkit available to policy and political communications scholars to assist them in better understanding the complex relationships between policy and media.Les médias ont des effets directs et indirects sur les politiques. À différents moments, les médias peuvent participer à la création et à la diffusion de politiques, tout comme ils peuvent éclaircir le processus d'élaboration de ces politiques. Le rôle des médias dans ce processus, surtout par rapport à leur capacité d'influer sur les décideurs de façon directe, d'avancer systématiquement des politiques de rechange ou d'influencer l'opinion publique, est reconnu dans la littérature spécialisée. Toutefois, on y aborde rarement un autre rôle fondamental des médias, qui est celui de nous faire comprendre le processus de création de politiques. Pour le public, les médias de masse constituent la principale source d'information sur les politiques, mais le volume et le ton des rapports médiatiques à ce sujet au fil du temps – sans oublier les apprentissages sur les politiques publiques que nous pouvons tirer des données des médias – sont souvent négligés. La présente dissertation traite de l'utilisation des médias comme outils pour approfondir notre compréhension du récit, de la formulation et de la modification des politiques publiques. Elle propose également une approche pour appliquer des données médiatiques à l'examen des rapports entre acteurs politiques et domaines. La présente étude s'appuie sur une analyse de contenu automatisée de données comparatives des médias, couvrant une période de plus de 25 ans. Chacune des trois grandes sections de l'analyse apporte une contribution à la littérature spécialisée, en explorant les politiques en matière de pension et d'immigration, ainsi que la question de l'adhésion aux politiques. Dans son ensemble, l'étude renseigne sur la portée de l'expression, du langage et du récit sur la compréhension populaire des nombreux aspects du processus d'élaboration de politiques. Les résultats de l'analyse soulignent l'importance de comprendre le rôle des médias dans la traduction de ce processus. De plus, les chercheurs qui s'intéressent aux politiques et à la communication politique peuvent utiliser l'approche méthodologique proposée pour étudier les rapports complexes entre les politiques et les médias.
31
Mallick, Ross. "West Bengal government policy : 1977-1985". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.254502.
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32
O'Rourke, Nancy C. "Political Efficacy and Political Participation of Nurse Practitioners: A Dissertation". eScholarship@UMMS, 2016. https://escholarship.umassmed.edu/gsn_diss/47.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In many states, outdated rules and regulations restrict nurse practitioners (NPs) from practicing to their full potential, often limiting patients’ access to primary care. Modernizing NP state scope of practice laws and allowing patients greater access to NPs services is a priority. Unlike other professions, nurse practitioners have been unable to consistently influence legislative changes to health policy. This study examined the political efficacy and participation of nurse practitioners in the United States today (N=632). A descriptive cross sectional design, in conjunction with a political efficacy framework, evaluated nurse practitioners’ participation in political activities and their internal and external political efficacy. Increased internal political efficacy was significantly (p < 0.001) associated with NPs who were older, had specific health policy education, and have been mentored in health policy. Our findings show that NPs vote at consistently higher rates (94%) than the general population and almost 50% report contacting legislators via mail/email/phone. As a group however, NPs report limited participation in other political activities, especially grassroots efforts. These findings hold significant implications for the profession as we strive to make policy changes across the country. It is important that educators assess our current methods of educating NPs about politics and health policy. Professional organizations and policy makers must reexamine outreach and strategies to inspire greater grassroots engagement of NPs.
33
Landau-Wells, Marika. "Dealing with danger : threat perception and policy preferences". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/118222.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis: Ph. D., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science, 2018.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 193-216).
This dissertation develops and tests a new individual-level theory specifying the relationship between threat perception and policy preferences. The project takes a unified approach to studying the space of danger-mitigating political behaviors. It is designed to demonstrate that a single psychological model can apply to both citizens and elites and in both domestic and foreign policy issue areas. The first paper develops Threat-Heuristic Theory, a new individual-level model of the psychological processes linking the detection of danger to specific policy preferences for mitigating it. The paper presents a review of the literature in biology and cognitive science regarding evolved systems of threat perception and response, on which the theory draws. The paper demonstrates that the theory's core explanatory variable, threat classification, is not a proxy for other constructs already incorporated into political science. The paper also illustrates that the domain of complex dangers, characterized by low levels of agreement in threat classification, contains issues of interest to political science. The second paper applies the theory to explain variation in preferences for specific forms of immigration restriction in the U.S. The paper highlights the importance of understanding threat classification in order to move beyond explanations of pro/anti-immigrant sentiment towards a model that captures preferences for real-world policy options. The third paper applies the theory to a small number of elite policy-makers in order to explain their support for particular measures included in U.S. national security strategies of the early Cold War and of the first George W. Bush Administration. The paper demonstrates how "bad strategy' and problematic policy preferences can arise systematically through the operation of Threat-Heuristic Theory's psychological model and need not be solely explained by bureaucratic politics or error.
by Marika Landau-Wells.
Ph. D.
34
Sances, Michael William. "The effect of voter control on public policy". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/95551.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis: Ph. D., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science, 2014.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references.
In democracies, the public make decisions that affect policy. In some situations, these decisions are only indirectly related to policy: voters choose an elected executive, who then appoints an unelected policy-maker, who in turn decides policy. In other situations, these decisions are more directly related to policy: voters bypass the executive and elect the policy-maker directly. In still other situations, voters bypass the electoral process altogether, deciding policy for themselves. Do these different configurations matter? While centuries of debate over the merits of democracy have been premised on the assumption they do, there is still limited evidence that voter control affects policy. In this dissertation, I provide three empirical tests of the claim that voter control institutions matter for public policy. The first empirical chapter examines what happens when voters lose control over property tax policy in New York towns. Consistent with expectations, voter control has large impacts on property tax policy. The second empirical chapter examines what happens when voters gain control over local education policy in Virginia school districts. In this case, policy is unaffected when voter power is increased. The third and final empirical chapter examines what happens when voters gain control over fire protection policy in Illinois special district governments. In this case, the increase in voter control happens via two channels: elections and referendums. While elections have no effect on policy, referendums cause significant changes in both policy and performance. The final chapter concludes by considering several outstanding questions raised by the results, including the precise conditions under which voter control will matter, the implications of these results for debates over citizen competence, and the degree to which the results may be driven by elites capturing the democratic process.
by Michael William Sances.
Ph. D.
35
Rovner, Joshua Randall. "Intelligence-policy relations and the problem of politicization". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/46633.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2008.Includes bibliographical references (p. 399-414).
A growing literature in international relations theory explores how domestic institutions filter and mediate international signals. The study of intelligence-policy relations fits naturally into this mold, because intelligence agencies are specifically designed to collect and interpret information about the international environment. This study provides a general framework for theorizing about intelligence-policy relations by exploring how leaders respond to new intelligence estimates. In addition to providing a deductive characterization of the intelligence-policy problem, the dissertation presents a model of politicization, defined as the manipulation of estimates to reflect policy preferences. When leaders commit themselves to controversial policies, they have strong domestic political incentives to put pressure on intelligence agencies to publicly support their decisions. Intelligence agencies control secret information and presumably have access to sources that are unavailable elsewhere. For this reason, the use of intelligence for policy advocacy is a uniquely persuasive kind of policy oversell. The dissertation tests the model in a series of pair-wise comparisons. The first pair of cases explains why the Johnson administration first ignored and later politicized intelligence on Vietnam. The second pair explains why, despite their differences, the Nixon and Ford administrations both ended up politicizing intelligence on the Soviet strategic threat. The last pair of cases compares the U.S. and British responses to intelligence before the recent war in Iraq. The results of the study show that domestic variables identified in the oversell model strongly affect the likelihood of politicization. Organizational and individual-level explanations are less satisfying.
by Joshua Rovner.
Ph.D.
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Mears, Zachary M. "Presidents, the Public, and American Foreign Policy Behavior". The Ohio State University, 2000. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1243568575.
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Stanton, Sheldon Lewis. "Foreign policy as theater : understanding Spain and NATO /". The Ohio State University, 1993. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487844105976317.
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Armstrong, Ben(Ben David)Ph D. Massachusetts Institute of Technology. "Brass cities : Innovation policy and local economic transformation". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2019. https://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/122404.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis: Ph. D., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science, 2019Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 285-314).
How have some former industrial cities become hubs for high-wage jobs while others continue to grapple with economic stagnation? This dissertation aims to show how government interventions have shaped U.S. cities' paths to income and employment growth. In the 1980s, nearly every state government in the U.S. began investing in innovation policies aimed at diversifying local economies and stimulating the growth of high-technology industries. Three political obstacles short-term electoral incentives, industry capture, and barriers to collective action - have made the implementation of these policies difficult. Case studies of U.S. cities illustrate how state innovation policies have the potential to overcome these obstacles and transform local economies adapting to the decline of manufacturing.
Two pairs of cities - Pittsburgh, PA and Cleveland, OH; Albany, NY and Rochester, NY - had similar economic prospects in the early 1980s, but have followed different economic trajectories in the decades since. In Pittsburgh and Albany national leaders in income and employment growth - the state government played the role of coalition builder, convening local coalitions to identify promising innovation initiatives and monitoring local coalitions as they implemented the initiatives. In Cleveland and Rochester, where income and employment growth has been comparatively low, pre-existing local coalitions and powerful incumbent industries crowded out a potential role for the state government. The model of state government intervention that emerges from this research suggests that convening local actors with economic incentives can overcome barriers to collective action and empower new actors - particularly universities - to implement economic development initiatives in the long term.
Monitoring can help avoid policy capture by local interests and amplify the initiatives that showed the most potential. Forming local economic coalitions in this model depends on local actors (e.g. universities, firms) identifying regional economic development goals as institutional priorities.
by Ben Armstrong.
Ph. D.
Ph.D. Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science
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Harrigan, Brian. "Government environmental policy in Brazil". Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/9881.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Brazil is not a homogeneous mix of peoples or ecological traits and its regions are in fact characterized by widely divergent cultures, beliefs, perceptions and attitudes reflected in a wide array of social and political structures. This thesis posits that there are underlying characteristics which form the foundation of the Brazilian governments' environmental policies, and that fundamental trends have emerged from this policy process. Part 1 attempts to hone the meanings of both the environment and policy, and presents the elements which form the environmental policy framework, and provides the blueprint from which Brazil's environmental mapping is traced. Part 2 underlines Brazil's diversity alluded to previously, and which must constantly be contrasted with the admittedly simplifying policy instruments developed in Part 1 in order to more accurately reflect the country's diverse realities. Brazil's less than brilliant environmental reputation is also briefly described. Part 3 and, particularly, Part 4 form the nucleus of the thesis, and describe Brazil's historical formation viewed through its effect on the environmental policy framework elements, namely long and short-term forces, "environmental players", and the constituent parts of the policy process including: Agenda setting and policy formulation, and policy legitimization, implementation and evaluation. Nearly five hundred years of social, political and economic evolution and their effects on the environmental framework are sectioned into five periods, with relevant elements affecting Brazil's environmental policy arena concluding each historical section, and with particular analytical emphasis starting from the onset of the military regime in 1964. Finally, Part 5 is a retrospective overview which pulls together the analysis of the previous parts, and unfold Brazil's environmental policy map, identifying the clear characteristics and trends which have surfaced within the country's environmental evolution, thus reaching the thesis' objectives. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
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Russell, Sharon Stanton 1944. "Uneasy welcome--the political economy in migration policy in Kuwait". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/111071.
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Jones, Christopher G. "The limits of policy community approach : policy making in the aerospace industry in France and Britain 1979-1992". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.284240.
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Alfredson, Lisa Stephanie. "Seeking asylum from sex persecution : challenging refugee policy and policy-making of Canada in the late twentieth century". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2000. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1559/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Canada's 1993 refugee policy Guidelines for Women Refugees Fearing Gender-Related Persecution reinterpret the 1951 UN Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees to radically expand state-responsibilities for women's human rights. The evolution of this novel inter-state responsibility departed from established models of policy-making in some important respects. This study explores how asylum seekers challenged Canada to align domestic policies on violence against women with humanitarian responsibilities in refugee policy, shaping their own eligibility criteria and rights to state protection. These stateless persons and foreign nationals drew upon both human rights and Canadian citizenship rights in order to make claims upon the state and influence policy. Their influence has implications not only for women's rights to inter-state protection, but for non-citizen participation in policy-making. The participation of non-citizens in policy-making has been neglected in academic social policy. Here their role in policy-advocacy networks is explored through an analytic framework that draws on migration system theory and collective action theories. This illuminates the inter-state structural context, interactions between grassroots actors and government, and the interplay of national and supranational identity and rights issues. The study then identifies the structural context and key political opportunities that opened up for women seeking asylum and challenging refugee policy. Case studies are analysed to describe how emerging opportunities were used by the particular asylum seekers and their core network of supporters between 1991 and 1997, and to what effect. Insight is provided into: how refugee policy-making involves asylum seekers whose roles are expanding in complicated and dynamic relationships with receiving-states; why a new international migration flow based on age-old structural persecution emerged in the late twentieth century and who these asylum seekers really are; the ways they influenced policy; and the extent and implications of their influence, for policy and policy-making. The thesis suggests that academic social policy may need to rethink nationally bound policy and policy-change frameworks and their traditional basis in citizenship, which globalisation is calling into question. It suggests that citizenship and human rights discourses and state-responsibilities are merging through the influence of stateless persons and foreign- nationals who make expressly political use of new policy advocacy opportunities, both institutional and extra-institutional, and through transnational identity and rights issues of which feminism is a strong example. It indicates that Canada's policy guidelines are not the end of the road - refugee policy needs to move in a direction that recognises both 'gender- related' and 'sex' persecution at the heart of asylum seekers' claims.
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Breetz, Hanna L. "Fueled by crisis : U.S. alternative fuel policy, 1975-2007". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/83759.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2013.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 296-310).
This dissertation investigates the policy-making process that led to three "crash programs" for alternative fuels after energy shocks in the 1970s and early 2000s: (1) the proposed Energy Independence Authority in 1975-1976, (2) the Synthetic Fuels Corporation in 1979-1980, and (3) the revised Renewable Fuel Standard in 2007. These were massively ambitious programs, with enormous budgets and unachievable technological goals. What makes them truly puzzling, though, is that they were major policies that emerged without major advocates. Although various interest groups and constituencies supported the development of alternative fuels, neither the powerful industry lobbies (oil, coal, corn, ethanol) nor the public interest groups (environment) had previously advocated for interventions of this scope and scale. This presents a fundamental empirical puzzle for public policy scholars, as it contradicts our understanding of the drivers of policy change. Typically, the policy process literature portrays radical policy change as resulting from the strategic efforts of interest or advocacy groups during a window of opportunity. Here, however, radical policy change occurred in the absence of lobbying or advocacy efforts. What explains this phenomenon? How do we account for the creation of these programs? What conditions and sequence of decision-making led to these policy outcomes? This dissertation develops an alternative model of "politician-driven policymaking." Public alarm over a deepening national crisis is the catalyst for this process. It gives rise to two coupled mechanisms: "bidding up," in which the President and Congress compete for leadership during the crisis, and "signing on," in which interest groups and minority Congressional groups bargain and often bandwagon with the legislative proposals.
by Hanna L. Breetz.
Ph.D.
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Armstrong, Martha Addison. "Implementation of family policy in corrections : a case study /". The Ohio State University, 1990. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487682558442438.
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Boettcher, William A. "Prudence or peril : presidential risk behavior in foreign policy /". The Ohio State University, 1997. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487947908403168.
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Tahir, Hailani Muji. "Islamic budgetary policy : in theory and practice". Thesis, Available from the University of Aberdeen Library and Historic Collections Digital Resources, 1988. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?application=DIGITOOL-3&owner=resourcediscovery&custom_att_2=simple_viewer&pid=59748.
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Boukara, H. "Ideology and pragmatism in Algerian foreign policy". Thesis, Lancaster University, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.373480.
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Rodriguez-Maribona, Carolina Labarta. "British foreign policy towards Spain, 1950-1961". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.312748.
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Karadawi, Ahmad A. "Refugee policy in the Sudan 1967-1984". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.239449.
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Calingaert, Daniel. "The Gorbachev leadership's policy of nuclear disarmament". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.315991.
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