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1
Kuryshev, Igor V., e Andrey A. Lyubimov. "Sources on Social and Political Moods of Peasants of the Ishim District of the Ural Region in 1925?27: Materials of the District OGPU Department Reports". Herald of an archivist, n. 2 (2021): 418–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2021-2-418-427.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article uses previously unstudied reports of the Ishim district OGPU department to describe social and political attitudes of various groups of peasantry in the palmy days of the New Economic Policy (1925–27). The study is to consider the influence of social rural stratification on peasants’ mindsets and the relationship between the authorities and the peasantry; to assess the political resources of the Ishim peasantry through the lens of the OGPU reports; and to show the intransigence in social interests of the rural poor and the kulaks. The authors assess political moods of peasant population as a whole and those of particular social groups: poor, middle peasants, and kulaks. Political moods of the peasantry differentiated with respect to the following criteria: attitude to the Soviet government and various groups and strata, attitude to agricultural tax, attitude to religion, and church, and also according to the degree of political consciousness. On the basis of this analysis, we put forward an idea of multidirectional, heterogeneous participation of peasant population in the political life of the second half of the 1920s and of its significant social differentiation. In general, in the rural areas, the Soviet government was unequivocally supported by the poor, who were to some degree influenced by the kulaks. The middle peasants were characterized by their changing attitude; they symptomatically juxtaposed Soviet government and communists. The rich peasants took an extremely negative position to the Soviet government and tried to exert pressure on the local authorities (i.e. village soviets). However, discontent with the New Economic Policy encompassed all strata of the peasantry. Persistent confrontation between peasants fighting each other in the Ishim anti-communist peasant uprising of 1921 did not weaken for quite a long time. In conclusion, it is noted that protests, social deviations, and negative stance on the New Economic Policy gradually intensified in the political behavior of the Ishim district peasantry. The OGPU reports are a representative source that permits to reconstruct the social and political attitudes of the Ishim region peasantry.
2
Bhardwaj, Suraj Bhan. "Peasant-State Relation in Late Medieval North India (Mewat)". Medieval History Journal 20, n. 1 (24 marzo 2017): 148–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971945816687636.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Studies on peasantry in medieval India 1 , particularly peasant protests in the late Mughal period, have not adequately addressed the issue of class consciousness in peasantry or that of class character of peasant protests against the state. In a way, agency has been denied to the peasantry in collectively developing and articulating an informed understanding of its distinct social position and economic interests as a class, as well as in protecting those interests. This essay retrieves this agency by arguing that the peasantry in late medieval north India, that is, late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries ce, did develop a degree of self-consciousness as a class and that its conflict with the state did betray a certain class character. The folksongs and folktales popular among the peasantry since the medieval times have all the ingredients with which to construct a definite peasant class ideology that included conceptions of economic interest, social ethics and relation with the ruling class. On the basis of hitherto understudied Rajasthani documents, the article details the various ways in which the state intervened in the peasants’ socio-cultural and economic lives and the ways in which the peasants responded to these interventions. It also shows how the peasants’ class consciousness conditioned their engagement with the state in specific areas, whether grievance redressal, conflict resolution or agricultural production and surplus distribution. Furthermore, it discusses how caste consciousness in a stratified peasant society impinged on its class consciousness. However, there remained certain limits to the fuller development of this class consciousness, which ultimately constrained the fuller realisation of the potential of peasants’ class struggle against the state. The essay locates these limits in the peasants’ periodic negotiations with the state and their belief in the ideal of a non-conflictual, harmonious relation with the state.
3
Pasichna, Yulia, e Andriy Berestovyi. "Social and Political Activity of Peasantry in 1905-1907". Eminak, n. 4(32) (13 gennaio 2021): 153–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.33782/eminak2020.4(32).473.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
By the beginning of 1905, a crisis was impending in all spheres of Russian society. Agrarian problems caused by objective and subjective factors prompted the peasantry to declare their principled positions on solving agrarian problems. The period of 1905-1907 is a vivid example of the struggle of the driving independent force of the revolution, the peasantry, for carrying out an agrarian revolution. Goal: To study the social and political activity of the Russian peasantry in 1905-1907. During 1905-1907, Russia was unsettled by a tide of the social and political activity of the peasantry. The protests, which began in Poltava and Kharkiv Provinces, spread throughout the state and in a short time became uncontrollable by the authorities. Scholars give different figures for the total number of peasant unrests, but despite these differences, it is not difficult to determine that during 1905-1907 peasant unrests covered up to 50% of all European Russia in different periods of peasants� revolutionary activity. Manifestations of the social and political activity of the peasantry can be observed in early 1905 in the spontaneous seizure of landowners� estates, later the peasants started to pillage, plunder, damage agricultural implements, go on strikes, and cut down forests without permission. The manifestations of early 1905 did not become a novelty for Russian society, but 1905 � 1907 were a test for the power structures of the state. After all, the peasantry, although they still �believed in the tsar�, reacted to the unsystematic actions of the power in solving agrarian problems by radical actions and the large-scale protests.
4
McDonald, Tracy. "Judith Pallot, ed., Transforming Peasants: Society, State, and the Peasantry, 1861–1930. Selected Papers from the Fifth World Congress of Central and East European Studies, Warsaw, 1995. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1998. 1 + 256 pp. $69.95 cloth." International Labor and Working-Class History 57 (aprile 2000): 132–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900262807.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Transforming Peasants is a collection of papers that focuses primarily on the Russian peasantry between 1861–1930, with brief forays into Poland, the Kirgiz steppe, and Turkestan. Judith Pallot's introduction to the volume is informative and concise. She provides the reader with an excellent overview of each paper and highlights each author's contribution to the existing debates within the context of Russian and East European peasant studies. Pallot is well versed in the comparative literature on the study of the peasantry and notes the degree to which new work on the Russian, Central Asian, and East European peasantries has been influenced, informed, and expanded by this comparative material. What unifies the various selections in Transforming Peasants is that each author is grappling with the way in which the state, intellectuals, or educated society conceived of or “imagined” peasants and how these conceptions, in turn, influenced, shaped, or determined policy aimed at transforming the peasantry.
5
Kovalenko, Tetiana, e Elina Pozniak. "Legal Regulation of the Preservation of the Culture of Ukrainian Peasantry: Current Situation and Prospects for Improvement". Law Review of Kyiv University of Law, n. 1 (15 aprile 2020): 253–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.36695/2219-5521.1.2020.51.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article investigates the current state of legal regulation of preserving the culture of Ukrainian peasantry as a carrier of Ukrainian identity, culture and spirituality of the nation. The necessity to revive and preserve the peasant as a landlord, bearer of morality and national culture is reflected in the scientific approaches of legal scholars in the field of agrarian, land and environmental law of Ukraine. In the process of analysis of a number of sources of agrarian, land, environmental law, normative legal acts of a programmatic nature, the existence of significant legal defects in the specified field was revealed (declarative nature of legal provisions, legal gaps, lack of complexity of legal regulation, inefficiency of legal norms). As a result, degradation of the spiritual, environmental, legal culture of the peasants occurs.
The authors found that the effectiveness of a number of legal acts, aimed at the legal regulation of the culture of Ukrainian peasantry, the social development of the village and the revival of social cultural and material infrastructure, is low. The measures identified in them to overcome the crisis in the social sphere of the village have practically no proper mechanisms of implementation.
In view of this, the authors substantiate ways to improve the legal regulation for the preservation of the culture of Ukrainian peasantry. The key to preserving the peasantry as a carrier of the national culture of Ukrainian people, according to the authors, is a integrated solution to the peasant's social problems. This direction of state policy should be implemented through organizational, legal and socio-economic measures aimed at ensuring employment and reducing unemployment, expanding the network of cultural institutions in the countryside, improving the level of education of rural youth, the development of environmental awareness, education, legal and advisory activities.
Increasing the standard of living and life of Ukrainian peasantry, the authors associate with the need for its financial and economic support with the use of funds from the State and local budgets for the implementation of cultural and educational activities in the countryside, leisure activities with the promotion of agricultural producers. An important guarantee of preserving the culture of Ukrainian peasantry is to increase the legal responsibility of officials of state authorities and local self-government for making decisions that limit or violate peasants' rights.
6
Klír, Tomáš. "Local Migration of Peasants in the Late Middle Ages: a Quantitative Analysis of the Cheb City-State 1442–1456". Journal of Migration History 8, n. 2 (15 giugno 2022): 191–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-08020004.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract Many scholars have proved statistically that the migration of the Early Modern European peasantry was predominantly local and socially conditioned. This article tries to expand our quantified knowledge of the Late Medieval period using the unique documentary evidence from the Cheb city-state (Czech Republic). Based on a detailed analysis, we show that the migration pattern of the Late Medieval Cheb peasantry was similar to the Early Modern one despite very different demographic, economic and social conditions. The strength of the ties to the land increased with wealth; the better the property often among rural landholdings, gaining a better position. The wealthier the peasants status of the household, the lower the rate of replacement on the landholding. Poorer peasants migrated relatively more to the city, where they were among the wealthier burghers. Even though peasant migration took place over short distances, it brought about fundamental changes for many peasants.
7
Mironov, Boris N. "The Peasants of the St. Petersburg and Moscow Provinces after Abolition of Serfdom". Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 66, n. 4 (2021): 1041–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2021.401.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article examines the condition of the peasantry in the St. Petersburg and Moscow provinces in 1850–1890 against the background of the development of 50 provinces of European Russia as a whole. The aim is to test the adequacy of the concept of the agrarian crisis of the post-reform village, which occurred as a result of the unfair reform of the 1860s predatory towards peasantry. The article criticizes the dominant concept of the Soviet historiography, which is regarded as controversial in modern scholarship. The first part of the article assesses the dynamics of the standard of living of the peasantry based on the traditionally used data: firstly, on production factor and sources of income, and the degree of sufficiency of peasant incomes for normal life and, secondly, on anthropometric indicators. The analysis of anthropometric data is preceded by a methodological introduction, which explains the theoretical foundations of using the body length data and the technique and procedure of processing primary information to obtain an adequate picture. Special attention is paid to the interpretation of the results of anthropometric analysis, which poses a difficulty to classical historians. The analysis of traditional and anthropometric indicators characterizing the condition of the metropolitan peasantry of the capital and 50 provinces of European Russia leads to the conclusion: in 1861–1890, the standard of living of peasants in the capital provinces had improved, moreover, to a larger extent compared to European Russia as a whole. The agreement of the results of economic and anthropometric analysis enhances the reliability of the conclusion about the improvement of the welfare of the Russian peasantry during the first 30 years after the peasant reform.
8
Ivanov, S. "The destruction of the Ukrainian village by the holodomor of 1932-1933: criminal laws of the soviet authority". Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law, n. 71 (25 agosto 2022): 32–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2022.71.4.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article considers and analyzes a number of important legal acts adopted by the Union and Republican leadership of the Bolshevik Party during 1932 - 1933. It was made an attempt to demonstrate theirs crime and inhumane nature on the example of repressive actions against the Ukrainian peasantry. It was determined that one of the keys implementation mechanisms of this crime against the Ukrainian peasantry was the establishment of excessive grain supplies, which provided for the planned grain seizure from the peasants to the state’s favour. It is shown that essentially the grain procurement provided not only an opportunity to replenish the stock of bread for sale abroad, but was a convenient and profitable state’s way to deal with the rebellious Ukrainian peasantry. It was found that under the guise of grain procurement, fighting against speculation, embezzlement, and sabotage, the government issued laws that effectively legitimized the extermination of the Ukrainian peasantry. A thorough analysis of a number of regulations adopted by the Soviet authorities during the study period and confirm the thesis of the artificial nature of the Holodomor, which in turn is an extremely important and urgent task in modern historical and legal science to preserve historical memory ukrainians. It has been proved that the legal nihilism of Stalin’s totalitarian dictatorship, embodied in a concentrated form by the anti-peasant laws of 1932-1933, convincingly proves that the Holodomor became one of the largest crimes against humanity in modern human history, that can be qualified as genocide against Ukrainians as a nation and peasants as a class by all criteria. Particular attention is paid to the criminal actions of the Soviet leadership during the forced collectivization of peasant farms and grain companies, as well as the policy of eliminating the kulaks as a class. It has been shown that the main goal of forced collectivization was to create collective farms instead of individual peasant farms, which in turn would facilitate the rapid implementation of grain procurement plans.
9
Chalcraft, John. "ENGAGING THE STATE: PEASANTS AND PETITIONS IN EGYPT ON THE EVE OF COLONIAL RULE". International Journal of Middle East Studies 37, n. 3 (22 luglio 2005): 303–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743805052098.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In spite of many competing views on peasants, their politics, and the state in 19th-century Egypt, the historiography contains certain striking continuities in its understanding of peasant–state political relations. Historians influenced by Marxism, modernization theory, and nationalism alike have usually seen state and peasantry as sharply distinct and conflicting. Peasants have often been depicted as locked in a struggle against the penetration of state agency into a previously autonomous rural domain. Whether seen as a force for benevolent modernization or for the predatory extraction of conscripts and taxes, the state has regularly been viewed as self-propelled and sui generis, reforming or invading the world of an either passive, silently subversive, or violently revolutionary peasantry. The figure of the tradition-bound, submissive, or apathetic peasant simply marks out a terrain for state agency, albeit an agency obstructed by peasant hostility, irrationality, or resentment. The silently subversive peasant, further, who uses James C. Scott's “weapons of the weak,” merely undermines in antagonistic and wordless fashion projects emanating from above. The revolutionary peasant, finally, becomes the self-generating locus of the nationalist or socialist modern and seeks the violent overthrow of the predatory state, transforming the latter into only the negative—albeit treacherous—terrain on which the positive historical agency of peasants and their allies can work. In short, the existing historiography, while varying the historical role, value, and meaning of peasant and state, preserves both as radically distinct, self-creating, and self-defining collective agents involved in zero-sum and often violent antagonism.
10
Chochotte, Marvin. "Making Peasants Chèf: The Tonton Makout Militia and the Moral Politics of Terror in the Haitian Countryside during the Dictatorship of François Duvalier, 1957–1971". Comparative Studies in Society and History 61, n. 04 (ottobre 2019): 925–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417519000306.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractDrawing on never-before-utilized archival and oral sources, “Making Peasants Chèf” contends that decades of peasant marginalization from political power created the social and political conditions for the rise of the infamous tonton makout militia under the dictator François Duvalier. After coming to power in 1957, Duvalier militarized and rearmed peasants in exchange for their loyalty. Thousands of previously ostracized peasants enlisted in the dreaded makout militia to access status and political power. This explains why the peasant-based militia formed an arm of state repression. With the support of an armed peasantry, Duvalier successfully repressed the political opposition, allowing the regime to stay in power for almost three decades.
11
Stauter-Halsted, Keely. "Patriotic Celebrations in Austrian Poland: The Kościuszko Centennial and the Formation of Peasant Nationalism". Austrian History Yearbook 25 (gennaio 1994): 79–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800006329.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The first peasant movement in Eastern Europe to declare its formal independence from other parties grew up in Austrian Galicia. Founded in 1895, the Polish Peasant party (Stronnictwo Ludowe) was characterized by an approach to the problem of Polish nationalism unique to the peasantry. Like many other agrarian groups, the Polish peasants privileged peasant culture and values above upper-class and urban traditions as the true source of national strength. Yet the dynamics of this budding peasant nationalism, its sources and leadership bases, have yet to be fully explored.
12
Rahmato, Dessalegn. "Agrarian change and agrarian crisis: state and peasantry in post-revolution Ethiopia". Africa 63, n. 1 (gennaio 1993): 36–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1161297.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractThis article reviews the agrarian policies of post-revolution Ethiopia and discusses the evolution of relations between the peasantry and the military state in the period 1975-90. In broad terms, state policy changed rapidly from simple, home-flavoured populism in the latter part of the 1970s to hard-line Stalinism in the 1980s. The various rural policies that followed, such as collectivisation, villagisation and resettlement, and their effect on the peasantry are briefly assessed. The central point is that these policies impeded the institutionalisation of the populist land reform, politicised agricultural programmes to the detriment of rural production, and embittered relations between state and peasantry. The article also deals with the structure of power in rural Ethiopia as it was beginning to emerge out of the radical reforms of the period in question. The newly evolving rural elite, peasants active in rural mass organisations, is shown to be closely linked with the state apparatus. The hardening of state policy on the one hand, and peasant resentment on the other, soon led to a sort of unholy alliance between the forces of the state at the local level and the rural elite, giving rise to corruption on a large scale. The rapid escalation of rural insurgency, while not directly addressed, is shown to have been a consequence of the deterioration of relations between peasants and the state. The reform of agrarian Stalinism hurriedly launched in 1990 - discussed at some length in the last section of the article - came much too late to rally the peasantry to the side of the state.
13
Baghdasaryan, S. D., e T. A. Samsonenko. "Contribution of soviet historians to the development of domestic people’s studies". Scientific bulletin of the Southern Institute of Management, n. 2 (25 giugno 2020): 109–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.31775/2305-3100-2020-2-109-114.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article is devoted to the contribution of Soviet domestic science to the study of the peasant class in the second half of the XVIII century. in the Russian Empire. The position of the peasantry in state policy is analyzed, and the scientific schools of the Soviet period specializing in the study of the system of serfdom are considered. The question is raised about the scientific achievements of Soviet historical science in the complex of using the existing approaches, scientific schools, and the system of knowledge about the development of the peasantry in the Russian Empire in the second half of the XVIII century. The study of social and economic processes of development of the peasant class during the evolution of feudal relations was the most popular topic of scientific research in Soviet historiography. The problems related to the condition of dependent peasants during the period of serfdom in tsarist Russia deserve careful study and continue to arouse interest in the works of Russian researchers.
14
Fischer-Galati, Stephen. "Jew and Peasant in Interwar Romania*". Nationalities Papers 16, n. 2 (1988): 201–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905998808408082.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Common historical wisdom has it that the Peasant Revolt of 1907 and the elections of December 1937 reflected the profound anti-Semitism of the Romanian peasantry. And since the events of 1907 and 1937 have also been looked upon as decisive in determining the course of the history of the peasantry, if not of Romania as such, it seems only proper to assess the accuracy of these contentions.The revolt of 1907 was indeed a social movement directed against the exploitation of the impoverished Moldavian and Wallachian peasantry by Romanian landlords and Jewish “arendaşi” (Leaseholders). After 1907, and throughout the interwar years, Romanian historiography and political propaganda stressed the anti-Semitic character of the uprising in an effort to exonerate the absentee, and other, Romanian landowners and to emphasize the exploitative nature of Jews and Jewish capitalism. The Jewish question was organically connected with the peasant question in a variety of ways, all condemnatory of Jewish and Judaizing capitalism.As none of the major political parties of pro-World War I Romania—or, for that matter, few of interwar Romania as well—paid more than lip service to the economic and social plight of the peasants, it was convenient to regard the Jew as the root cause of all the evils affecting the peasantry. Before World War I, populists and, paradoxically, socialists enunciated political theories regarding “neoserfdom,” which, however different in origin, converged in demands for radical land reform. The reform came not because of such demands but because of the Bolshevik Revolution and the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian and Russian empires. Officially, it was unrelated to any political ideology, certainly separated from the Jewish question which, in theory, was resolved concurrently with the peasant question through the granting of citizenship and extension of political rights to the Jews of Romania. Following the countrywide agrarian reform in Greater Romania the peasant and the Jewish questions were in fact severed as Jews and Jewish capitalism had virtually no connections with the land.
15
González Arpide, José Luis, e Oscar Fernández Álvarez. "¿Qué es ser campesino?: una definición del campesinado desde la Antropología". Estudios humanísticos. Geografía, historia y arte, n. 14 (15 febbraio 2021): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/ehgha.v0i14.6892.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
<p>The authors of this article, of a theoretical nature, within the field of the peasant studies, take an anthropological approach to try and define peasantry. Thus, it first considers the origen and theoretical development of the generic concept of the peasantry through which the tradition theoretical framework of Peasant Studies hs been formed, so as later consider other aspects.</p><p>As a concluding remark, they see the analysis of the peasant groups and the relationships with the social struture as the path to be followed by the theoretical debate on peasantry. The authors pay a particular attention to the critical study of the concept.</p>
16
Slezin, A. A., e K. A. Yakimov. "Public Sentiment among Peasantry of “Revolutionary Turning Point” Generation at turn of 1920—1930s". Nauchnyi dialog 11, n. 8 (30 ottobre 2022): 453–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2022-11-8-453-469.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The paper studies characteristics of the public sentiment among peasantry of the “revolutionary turning point” generation (born at the turn of XIX—XX centuries). The relevance of the chosen topic lies in the need to carry out a comprehensive study of the state of public opinion of the villagers at the turn of the 1920—1930s through the prism of the “generational” section. Based on a wide range of archival documents and periodicals, most of which are introduced into scientific circulation for the first time, the paper focuses on the analysis of the main ways of adapting peasant mentality in the context of agricultural collectivization. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the sources and forms of manifestation of the protest moods among peasants. The conducted research showed the ambiguous attitude of peasantry towards collectivization. The authors come to the conclusion that in most cases the transition to collective farms caused discontent among villagers, and the collective farm system itself was associated with hunger and ruin. It is shown that a significant part of peasantry of the “revolutionary turning point” generation perceived the state policy in the countryside as a return to the prerevolutionary order. It is noted that the excesses during dispossession contributed to the intensification of the confrontation between the various property strata of peasantry.
17
Pasichna, Yulia, e Yuriy Zemskyi. "SOCIO-POLITICAL ACTIVITY OF THE PEASANTRY OF UKRAINE IN 1917". Problems of humanities. History, n. 5/47 (27 marzo 2021): 193–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.24919/2312-2595.5/47.218597.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Summary. The purpose of the study is to research the causes, nature, and features of the socio-political activity of the Ukrainian peasantry in 1917. Research methodology. The study is based on the principles of historicism, comprehensiveness, objectivity, and systematicity. During the study of this topic, the authors used general scientific (analysis, synthesis, elements of the statistical method) and special-historical (problem-chronological, historical-typological, historical-systemic) research methods. The scientific novelty lies in the substantiation of the thesis concerning the fact that the peasantry became an active subject of socio-political processes in 1917 in Ukraine. Conclusions. The changes that took place in early 1917 in the political life of the state became a catalyst for the active actions of the peasantry, which required radical changes in land tenure/land use. The agrarian problem worsened during 1905–1907 and in 1917 detonated an explosion of socio-political activity of the peasantry. It was expressed in the speeches of the peasantry, the organization of peasant congresses, the creation of peasant organizations, the involvement of workers and soldiers in speeches, etc. During 1917 the socio-political activity of the peasantry underwent changes. The end of 1917 was marked by its strengthening, which forced the government to take into account the needs of the peasantry as an active participant in the socio-political life of the state.
18
Datsenko, Artem. "Peasant movement in the Donbass in March – November 1917 and its impact on the economic and internal political situation in the region". Bulletin of Luhansk Taras Shevchenko National University, n. 9 (347) (2021): 134–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.12958/2227-2844-2021-9(347)-134-145.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article studies the events in the countryside of Donbass from March to November 1917. The author reflects the peculiarities of the peasant movement in Donbass, aimed at solving the land issue in order to redistribute land and property in their favor. The events geographically described in the article cover the territory of Donetsk and Luhansk regions within the boundaries of 2013. The article examines the main events associated with peasant uprisings. The author emphasizes that the peasant movement took place throughout the region, but it was most developed in the poorest counties; he aimed to redistribute land in favor of land-poor and landless peasants at the expense of not only landlords, industrial enterprises, church lands, but also rich peasants. developing in most cases spontaneously, and in the conditions of spring-autumn 1917 could not be suppressed by the then power. The author concludes that the situation in the rural areas of Donbass seriously affected the food supply of cities and the army, the rise in prices for essential goods, and even the investment attractiveness of the region. The peasantry of Donbass has already resisted the policy of the Provisional Government in predominantly passive and sometimes active forms. Any political forces planning to extend their power to Donbass already had to reckon with the position of the region's peasantry.
19
Shcherbatyuk, V., e Y. Oryshchenko. "REFLECTION OF UKRAINIAN PEASANT INSURRECTIONARY MOVEMENT OF 1917 – 1921 IN UKRAINIAN PRE-SOVIET LITERATURE Dedicated to the centennial of the Ukrainian revolution of 1917 – 1921". Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, n. 132 (2017): 62–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2017.132.1.14.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In this paper we intend to analyze the image of the peasant insurrectionary movement (1917 – 1921) in Ukrainian pre-Soviet literature. The achievements of pre-Soviet authors, in particular, in the studies of the peasant insurrectionary movement of the stated period, have been defined. Factual materials concerning insurgent peasantry have been found and the research assessment aspects have been generalized. As we have found out only few Ukrainian works from the pre-Soviet literature described the peasant insurrectionary movement of 1917 – 1921. Among the first works were those of M. Hrushevskyj, I. Krypyakevych, Ye. Chykalenko. Special attention to the life of peasantry and its protest movement was paid by the outstanding historian M. Hrushevskyj. He explored this subject in the context of the Ukrainian revolution studies. His works are an important source for the peasant insurrectionary movement studies. At the same time we have stated the absence of works directly covering insurrected peasantry as an integrated force within the Ukrainian revolution. On the other hand, as the historiographic analysis has shown, these first works could be regarded as proto-historiography of the peasant insurrectionary movement as they were produced during the initial stage of the Ukrainian revolution of 1917 – 1921. Keywords: peasant insurrectionary movement of 1917 – 1921, peasantry, revolution, research, Ukrainian pre-Soviet literature, historiography.
20
Rodríguez, Juanita. "Picturing the Peasant in Orlando Fals Borda’s Work 1950s-1970s". Master, Vol. 5, no. 2 (2020): 60–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.47659/m9.060.art.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Orlando Fals Borda, a renowned Colombian sociologist, who worked for both the academia and the government from the 1950s to 90s, wrote two works on Colombian peasantry and its relation with big landowners that were published with a selection of photographs of peasants, landowners, and grassroots movements. These works and their images have had an impact on the construction of peasant- and landowner visual icons in recent Colombian history, as they have been used in books, primers, and exhibitions since their creation, and they had a crucial influence on the visual propaganda of the Agrarian Reform project in Colombia. As a result of Fals’s fieldwork, there are two photograph collections kept at two institutions in Colombia that have organized and catalogued the images: The Central Bank in Montería and the National University in Bogotá. These institutions are prime creators of the visual memory of rural Colombia and I analyze Fals’s fieldwork as part of a jigsaw puzzle in which peasants, landowners, and intellectuals, like Fals, both consumed and created visual icons of land, rurality, and peasantry in Colombia’s recent history. Keywords: Agrarian Reform, Colombia, landowners, Orlando Fals Borda, peasants, photography.
21
Kurisoo, Merike, e Aivar Põldvee. "The Appearance of Hans and Jaan. A 17th Century Epitaph Painting Donated by Estonian Peasants". Baltic Journal of Art History 14 (27 dicembre 2017): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/bjah.2017.14.05.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The epitaph donated by Hans and Jaan, two peasants from Türi parish, is evidence of the acceptance of ecclesiastic values and religious devotion among the Estonian peasantry. Other examples of this tendency from the Swedish era also exist. For instance, the grand wheel crosses, typical for North Estonia, that were once located in the Türi churchyard; and a chandelier (1659) donated by a peasant in the Keila church, the size of which exceeds those gifted by manor lords. From a later period, the stained-glass coats of arms of the peasantry in the Ilumäe chapel (1729) are also an example of this heightened sense of self-awareness and its display in houses of worships.Along with the hundreds and hundreds of works donated to churches by nobles, the epitaph painting depicting the Adoration of the Shepherds is a rare example of a painting gifted to a church by farmers, which also commemorates them. Hans and Jaan have now earned a place in Estonian (art) history: the pictures of the two simple men are the first known portraits of peasants whose names we know.
22
Tsvetkov, Vasily. "Features of the Development and Discussion of the Draft Land Reform in the White South of Russia in the Summer – Autumn of 1919". Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, n. 4 (settembre 2022): 80–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.4.8.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Introduction. The history of the agrarian and peasant policy of the White Movement during the Civil War in Russia seems to be insufficiently studied. The stability of the military-political system, which was created by anti-Bolshevik structures, a Special Meeting under the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the South of Russia, General Denikin, depended on its successful proclamation and effective implementation. The peasantry made up the majority of the Russian population, and its support was extremely important. This was also important for the white armies, since the position of the peasantry influenced the implementation of mobilizations, military and civil duties. Аnalysis. The analysis made it possible to identify several problems that are fundamentally important for understanding the features of the formation and evolution of the agrarian and peasant policy of the white South. There were two groups of participants in the discussion of the land bill. Their positions were distinguished by a different attitude to the size of the farms of former landlords, to the forms of redemption operations. Supporters of the preservation of large private farms advocated taking into account the economic factors associated with maintaining high marketability and export orientation. Another point of view was the need to satisfy, first of all, the political demands of the peasantry. Supporters of this group of participants in the work of the Commission noted the need to make maximum concessions to peasant demands, demanded to take into account the psychological need of the peasantry for additional allotment of land. In their opinion, in the future, peasants will be able to completely replace landlords in relation to the production of marketable agricultural products. The position of the Supreme Ruler of Russia, Admiral A.V. Kolchak, also played an important role in the work of land management commissions. Results. The analysis of the features of the discussion of the land bill, the agrarian and peasant policy of the Special Meeting conducted in the article gives grounds to assert serious changes in the internal political course of the White Movement by the end of 1919.
23
Melnychuk, Oleh, e Tetiana Melnychuk. "Establishment of the Bolshevik Totalitarian Regime in Podillia at the End of the 1920s – at the Beginning of the 1930s: Causes, Technologies And Consequences (on the Example of the Melnykivtsi Village in the Vinnytsia Region)". Scientific Papers of the Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsyiubynskyi State Pedagogical University. Series: History, n. 35 (2021): 56–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31652/2411-2143-2021-35-56-68.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The purpose of the article, based on the analysis of sources, taking into account the microhistorical approach, to trace the process of final establishment of the Bolshevik totalitarian regime in the Podillia at the and of 1920s – at the beginning of the 1930s through analysis of causes, technologies and consequences. The methodology of the research is based on a combination of general scientific, special-historical and interdisciplinary methods of microhistorical research, taking into account the principles of historicism, systematics, scientificity and verification. The scientific novelty lies in the author's attempt, based on the analysis of a wide representative source base, from the standpoint of a specific microhistorical study, to analyze the process of planting the Bolshevik totalitarian regime in Podillia in the second military-communist assault. Conclusions. An analysis of various sources reflecting the process of planting the Bolshevik totalitarian regime in the village of Melnykivtsi in the Vinnytsia region suggests that the intensification of local authorities to socialize peasant farms in Podillya began in the spring of 1928. If at the beginning of the unification of peasants voluntarily, then with the party taking a course for continuous collectivization, in November 1929, forceful methods of involvement in collectives prevailed. Suppression of the resistance of wealthy peasants was proposed through the expropriation of their property and deportation outside their permanent residence. The response of the Podillia peasantry to the atrocities of the authorities was the intensification of open resistance, as a result of which in the spring of 1930th the Soviet authorities were even overthrown for a short time in some settlements of Podillya. The appearance of J. Stalin's article "Dizziness from Success" was perceived by some peasants as an outspoken criticism by the leader of the violent methods of the local authorities, so as a result of the so-called "bagpipes", by May 1930 almost 1/3 of all members of collective farms left the collectives. . During the second stage of continuous collectivization, which began in September 1930th, the main "argument" that was to persuade the peasants to join the collectives was tax pressure. Influence on the peasantry was carried out through the system of grain procurement. By setting unbearable norms for the delivery of bread for individual farms, the authorities thus forced them to join the collective farms. Forced collectivization, accompanied by the expropriation of wealthy peasants, unbearable grain procurement plans and the forced seizure of food supplies led to mass starvation of part of the Podolsk peasantry in the spring of 1932. As a result of the artificially planned Holodomor of 1932-1933th decreased by more than 1 million people. According to the authorities' plan, the genocide was to finally subdue the Ukrainian peasantry by starvation. By destroying the peasant owners, the Bolshevik government also deliberately and purposefully destroyed the social base of Ukrainian nationalism.
24
Borysenko, Valentyna. "Culture and Life of the Peasants in Dnipropetrovsk Region in the 1920s – 1930s (After the Archival Materials of the All-Ukrainian Academy of Sciences Ethnographic Commission)". Ethnic History of European Nations, n. 64 (2021): 57–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2518-1270.2021.64.08.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article is aimed at the description of culture and life of the peasants on the base of unique archival materials recorded by the scientists and correspondents of the All-Ukrainian Academy of Sciences Ethnographic Commission in Dnipropetrovsk region in the 1920s – 1930s. The layer of traditional culture, when its structure has been comparatively integral yet, is reflected in folklore-ethnographic materials. The bearers of this culture, peasantry mainly, have been in the extreme critical state of their vital activity. The Soviet regime invasion has frustrated their way of life. Powerful propaganda has caused discrepant feelings in the peasant’s soul. It seems that hope for better life has appeared, but violence against people, appropriation of their property has generated deep doubts in the fairness of this power. The research methodology used during the article writing, includes, first of all, historical, historical-comparative, the method of oral history. The main results: a unique peasant’s confession in 1933, as an example of micro history, which personifies the time life of the whole peasantry, is published in the article for the first time. The practical meaning: this is undervalued material for the specification of fixed postulates in the textbooks in History concerning the thematic of this historical period, promulgation of archival facts for the use during the articles and monographs writing. Originality: the existence of traditional culture in the conditions of traditions deformation and transformation in Dnipropetrovsk region is testified after the archival sources. Scientific novelty: unique treasures of Ethnographic Commission, concerning to the very difficult period in our history, where the peasantry becomes the bystanders of the Bolshevist experiment, are described for the first time. The article type: cognitive, analytical.
25
Voronchuk, Iryna. "OLEKSANDR LAZAREVSKYI AND THE DISCUSSION ON THE FACTORS OF SERFDOM IN THE LEFT-BANK UKRAINE". Вісник Львівського університету. Серія історична / Visnyk of the Lviv University. Historical Series, n. 54 (3 novembre 2022): 284–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/his.2022.54.11614.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article analyzes the discussion that unfolded among professional historians of the Hetmanate after the work of Oleksandr Matviiovych Lazarevskyi “Ordinary Peasants of Little Russia” was published in 1866. Lazarevskyi was one of the first researchers to study the history of the Left-bank Ukraine, which at that time remained virtually unexplored. When in 1861 the peasant reform was announced by the tsarist government, the researcher became interested in the issues of the Left-bank Ukrainian peasantry, especially given the fact that due to his official position he had access to archival documents of those institutions that dealt with peasant affairs. Looking into the matter of attaching Left-bank peasants to the land, Lazarevskyi concluded that serfdom was not imposed by the Russian government but became the work of Ukrainian Cossack officers (starshyna), who concentrated administrative and judicial power in their hands. This conclusion, however, did not gain general acceptance. The divergence of views was mainly about the origins and the process of the introduction of serfdom in the Left-bank Ukraine. A scientific discussion began among the historians of Ukraine such as Mykhailo Hrushevskyi, Dmytro Bahalii, Venedykt Miakotyn, Ivan Luchytskyi, Victor Barvinskyi, Ivan Telichenko, Oleksandr Shlikevych and others. In particular, Hrushevskyi pointed out that precisely this conclusion of Lazarevskyi had to be corrected. In support of Hrushevsky’s view, this article lists a number of laws of the Russian Empire of the 18th century which aimed at making Russian peasants serfs. It is shown that very fast that order of things was transferred to the Left-bank Ukraine, which lands were given out to Russian officials on a large scale resulting in Great Russia's latifundial landownership. In addition to the lands received for the service, Russian officials independently appropriated territories adjacent to them, thus significantly enlarging their estates. They were the ones who led the establishment of their customary order of life in Ukrainian lands, turning into serfs not only peasants but also ordinary Cossacks, which also aligned with the interests of the Cossack starshyna. The final point in the enserfment of peasantry, in particular the Ukrainian one, was put by the law of May 3, 1783 which forbade peasants to leave entirely. Hence, when considering the reasons for the enslavement of the Left-bank peasantry, one should take into account the impact of the Russian social practices and the efforts of the tsarist government to turn Ukraine into a colonial province.
26
Barkan, Joel D., e Frank Holmquist. "Peasant-State Relations and the Social Base of Self-Help in Kenya". World Politics 41, n. 3 (aprile 1989): 359–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010504.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Peasant-state relations in developing countries are often a function of the nature and extent of stratification in peasant populations. Where there is a rigid class structure, the prospects for cooperation by members of the peasantry are low, and large landowners tend to ally themselves with the state to exploit the rural poor. Where, on the other hand, the nature of rural stratification is ambiguous, “small” and “middle” peasants are able to organize themselves for collective action and to bargain effectively for state aid to their communities. The hypothesis is confirmed using survey data about the nature of peasant participation in the Harambee selfhelp development movement in rural Kenya. Effective peasant-state bargaining in Kenya has in turn contributed to the legitimacy of the Kenyan political system.
27
Nikulin, Viktor V. "Revolutionary tribunals in the anti-peasant terror system (1918–1921)". Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, n. 189 (2020): 197–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2020-25-189-197-201.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
We reveal the forms, methods and features of the participation of revolutionary tribunals in anti-peasant actions carried out by the authorities in 1918–1921, including against the participants in the Antonov revolt. We analyze the significance and role of tribunals as specific types of special courts in the implementation of the authorities’ policy towards the peasantry. It is argued that the revolutionary tribunals occupied their definite place in the system of anti-peasant terror and carried out their specific functions, fulfilling the task of formally legalizing unstructured violence against peasants. We analyze the process of increasing the repressiveness of the tribunals against the background of a sharp increase in anti-Soviet manifestations on the part of the peasantry, which ultimately resulted in anti-peasant terror. The task of the revolutionary tribunals as an institutional instrument of anti-peasant terror was to judicially legalize repression against the pea-santry. The role of the tribunals in the prosecution of deserters, the bulk of whom were again pea-sants, is revealed. It is argued that the revolutionary tribunals were granted the broadest confisca-tion rights against deserters and the process of their implementation. Considerable attention is paid to the activities of the revolutionary tribunals during the suppression of the peasant revolt in the Tambov region, in particular the Tambov revolutionary military tribunal, which was a parallel structure of the territorial revolutionary tribunal, which was under the jurisdiction of the Revolu-tionary Military Council of the Republic.
28
Nadan, Amos. "The route from informal peasant landownership to formal tenancy and eviction in Palestine, 1800s–1947". Continuity and Change 36, n. 2 (agosto 2021): 233–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026841602100014x.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractExogenous intervention in land ownership began with few court judgments prior to the weighty Land Code in 1858; but it was especially this law which officially overturned the status quo by permitting registration of cultivated land in the names of non-cultivators. This changed the rules of the game for the peasantry in Palestine. Informally, yet practically, peasants had been the de facto owners of almost all cultivated lands in Palestine for generations. Following the landmark intervention of 1858, non-peasants seized the opportunity to acquire economic assets. They purchased and confiscated peasant lands or manipulated registration of peasant lands into their own names, and the peasants often became their tenants. The additional purchase of lands by Zionist settlers in latter years, compounded by rural demographic growth, intensified this pressure. By 1930, three-quarters of Arab peasants in Palestine cultivated lands they no longer formally owned, while others were pushed to migrate to cities.
29
Tóth, Szilárd. "Campania electorală a Partidului Maghiar în zona rurală cu ocazia alegerilor din România interbelică". Anuarul Muzeului Etnograif al Transilvaniei 30 (20 dicembre 2016): 147–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.47802/amet.2016.30.11.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The aim of this study is to analyze the position of the Hungarian Party to the Romania’s Hungarian peasantry. I intend to analyze the party elite position on this issue and the importance the Hungarian peasants represented to this political elite. I will analyze then the election campaign made by the Hungarian Party in the rural areas, approached methods to the peasantry by the candidates and the effectiveness of this election campaign. I will also analyze the position of the Hungarian peasantry to the Hungarian Party (sympathy for the Hungarian Party or to other political parties) and its participation in the inter-war elections.
30
Czapla, Zbigniew, Grażyna Liczbińska e Janusz Piontek. "BODY MASS INDEX VALUES IN THE GENTRY AND PEASANTRY IN NINETEENTH AND EARLY TWENTIETH CENTURY POLAND". Journal of Biosocial Science 49, n. 3 (11 ottobre 2016): 364–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021932016000481.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
SummaryThe aim of this study was to assess the impact of social and occupational status on the BMI of the gentry and peasantry in the Kingdom of Poland at the turn of 19th and early 20th centuries. Use was made of data on the height and weight of 304 men, including 200 peasants and 104 gentlemen, and 275 women, including 200 from the peasantry and 75 from the gentry. Gentlemen were characterized by a greater body height than peasants (169.40 cm and 166.96 cm, respectively), a greater body weight (67.09 kg and 60.99 kg, respectively) and a higher BMI (23.33 kg/m2and 21.83 kg/m2, respectively). Landowners and intelligentsia had a greater BMI than peasants (23.12 kg/m2and 24.20 kg/m2vs 21.83 kg/m2, respectively). In the case of women, there were no statistically significant differences in mean height, weight and BMI by their social position, and in BMI by occupational status. Underweight occurred less frequently in the gentry and more frequently in the peasantry (0.97% and 2.04%, respectively). Overweight was five times more common in gentlemen than in peasants (26.21% and 5.10%, respectively). Differences in the BMI of gentlefolk and peasants resulted from differences in diet and lifestyle related to socioeconomic status.
31
Scanlan, Padraic X. "Slaves and Peasants in the Era of Emancipation". Journal of British Studies 59, n. 3 (luglio 2020): 495–520. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2020.39.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractFrom the middle of the eighteenth century until the late 1830s, the idea of enslaved people as “peasants” was a commonplace among both antislavery and proslavery writers and activists in Britain. Slaveholders, faced with antislavery attacks, argued that the people they claimed to own were not an exploited labor force but a contented peasantry. Abolitionists expressed the hope that after emancipation, freedpeople would become peasants. Yet the “peasants” invoked in these debates were not smallholders or tenant farmers but plantation laborers, either held in bondage or paid low wages. British abolitionists promoted institutions and ideas invented by slaveholders to defend the plantation system. The idea of a servile and grateful “peasant” plantation labor force became, for British abolitionists, a justification for the “civilization” and subordination of freedpeople.
32
McCloskey, Donald N. "The Prudent Peasant: New Findings on Open Fields". Journal of Economic History 51, n. 2 (giugno 1991): 343–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700038985.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The usual picture of the medieval peasantry is based on nineteenth-century scholarship, which has proven difficult to dislodge from educated minds. This article continues the revision of an important detail in the picture, the scattering of plots in open fields. Some recent work on the subject by Robert Allen and Gregory Clark is midly disputed, and new evidence is presented that risk avoidance is the key to understanding peasant behavior. The reason for the scattering was not sentiment or socialism. Peasants were not perhaps rational in every detail; but they were prudent.
33
Ansoms, An. "Views from Below on the Pro-poor Growth Challenge: The Case of Rural Rwanda". African Studies Review 53, n. 2 (settembre 2010): 97–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2010.0037.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract:This article focuses on the Rwandan peasantry to confirm how “views from below” can contribute to a better understanding of the ”pro-poor” growth challenge. Based on micro-level evidence gathered in 2007, it examines local peasants' perceptions of the characteristics and degree of poverty for different socioeconomic categories (i.e., peasant groups). It looks at the various opportunities and constraints that influence the potential of these categories or groups for social mobility and their capacity to participate in growth strategies. Further, it considers how local peasants perceive specific policy measures in the Rwandan government's “pro-poor” rural strategies. Their insights could inspire Rwandan policymakers and supporting donors to redirect their efforts toward distribution-oriented growth strategies.
34
Isaychikov, Viktor F. "Peasant revolts against the peasant revolution". Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, n. 189 (2020): 155–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2020-25-189-155-167.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Тhe peasant revolts, wars, and revolutions known in history had both revolutionary and reactionary sides. A particularly complex interweaving was observed in Russia (USSR) in the first third of the 20th century due to the maximum number of economic structures and classes in the country and four revolutions. The main reason for the struggle of the peasant classes, including re-volts, was poverty, caused by both agrarian overpopulation and social causes, among which the main one before the October revolution was the remnants of feudalism. All four revolutions in Russia were largely peasant revolutions, but they differed in class composition and class leader-ship. As a result of the Great October socialist revolution, a joint dictatorship of the working class and the peasantry (the petty bourgeoisie) was established in the country, not predicted by K. Marx, but foreseen by V.I. Lenin. However, the small working class after V.I. Lenin’s death could not hold on to power, and as a result of the “Stalinist” counter-revolution, an internally unstable dictatorship of the petty bourgeoisie (peasantry) was established in the country. We reveal the class processes in the peasantry that led to revolts and revolutions.
35
Malmstedt, Göran. "In Defence of Holy Days: The Peasantry's Opposition to the Reduction of Holy Days in Early Modern Sweden". Cultural History 3, n. 2 (ottobre 2014): 103–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/cult.2014.0066.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
During the early modern period most of the holy days celebrated in the late Middle Ages were abolished – although the rate of elimination varied between different confessions and areas. In comparison with other states, both Protestant and Catholic, the development in Sweden was characterized by a pronounced conservative tendency. This most likely reflects the views of the Swedish peasantry, as well as their ability to influence the course of events. My analysis of the peasantry's defence of holy days focuses on religious concerns and on the importance of a pre-modern worldview. Three interconnected motives are highlighted: the continuing cults of saints, the need for rituals to ensure the orderly behaviour of nature, and the conception of a contractual relationship with God and the resulting fear of God's wrath. Since the Swedish peasantry, along with most sections of society, continued to inhabit an enchanted world throughout the period, there was a strong need for methods of invoking heavenly support and fulfilling divine obligations. In finding their own ways of doing this, for example, by means of celebrating abolished holy days or the sanctifying of Saturdays, peasants demonstrated independence as well as a striking perseverance.
36
UPADHYAY, SHASHI BHUSHAN. "Premchand and the Moral Economy of Peasantry in Colonial North India". Modern Asian Studies 45, n. 5 (29 giugno 2010): 1227–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x09000055.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractThis paper argues that the concept of moral economy, formulated by E.P. Thompson and developed in Asian contexts by James Scott and Paul Greenough can be usefully employed to analyse the peasant narratives of Premchand, one of the greatest writers in Hindi-Urdu literatures. But such an application is possible only if the concept is expanded further. In Premchand's works related to peasantry we find several ideological currents. However, the idea of peasantry's own cultural resources in opposition to other social groups appears to be predominant in his later works. There is a sense of centrality of peasant culture which Premchand and some others among the Hindi literary intelligentsia came to acquire, and deployed for various purposes—against colonial regime, against the products of colonial modernity (e.g., factories, English schools, courts, medical profession), against the new urban middle classes and their culture, against urbanism as a whole and, sometimes, even against the Congress, the representative of organized nationalism. Distinct from both the everyday forms of resistance and open rebellion, Premchand visualizes a comprehensive peasant paradigm in opposition to colonialism, and urban middle-class perspectives.
37
Krivonozhenko, Alexander F., Ekaterina V. Zakharova e Yulia V. Litvin. "Grinding Mills in the Life of the Russian Peasantry of the Post-Reform Period". Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 66, n. 3 (2021): 699–717. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2021.302.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Grinding mills were a routine attribute of the economic life of the peasantry, being an indispensable stage in the process of making bread. Yet these structures are hardly ever specifically researched by historians and anthropologists. This paper examines the socio-economic role of mills in the life of peasants of the early 20th century in Karelia. The study is based on the analysis of archival statistical data from the agricultural census of 1916 as well as on ethnographical and toponymical materials, which allows for a comprehensive examination of the object. The study has identified the number of mills in Karelia at the beginning of the 20th century. It also analyses the conditions that contributed to the effectiveness of functioning of these peasant farm buildings. It has been found that the mill craft in Karelia was the second (after blacksmithing) small-scale peasant production in terms of its economic benefit. At the same time, this type of economic activity was not the main source of income in those farms where they existed. The miller remained primarily a peasant farmer, but the level of prosperity of his economy was higher than that of other peasants. The sources used for the research have also enabled to trace the negative effects of crises in agriculture in Karelia during World War I on the flour milling business. A special attention in the paper is devoted to the mythological worldview of peasants. The analysis of the corpus of Karelian- and Russian-language toponymic data has confirmed the important role of grinding mills in the setup of the region’s peasant economy.
38
Sharpe, J. A. "Plebeian Marriage in Stuart England: some Evidence from Popular Literature". Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 36 (dicembre 1986): 69–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679060.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
THERE is a considerable body of opinion which holds that marriage in early modern England, and especially marriage among the lower orders, was uncaring, affectionless, and entered into for economic rather than emotional reasons. This view was, for example, axiomatic to those writing from a feminist perspective in the 1970s. Thus Sheila Rowbotham felt that in the pre-industrial world The peasant judged his woman by her capacity to labour and to breed more hands for toil…among the peasantry women were essential in the family economy. The peasant's wife bore children which meant more hands to toil and she laboured herself. She was like cattle, a means of production.
39
Fedoseev, Roman V., Eduard D. Bogatyrev e Natalya A. Kisteneva. "Activities of the Peasant Land Bank in Penza province of Russia (1883-1915)". Revista de la Universidad del Zulia 12, n. 34 (2 settembre 2021): 483–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.46925//rdluz.34.27.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The reform of 1861 not only freed the peasants from serfdom, but also led to radical economic changes in the agrarian sphere. The peasantry was involved in civil and legal relations associated with the purchase and sale of land. In order to assist land-poor peasants in the purchase of land, a specialized credit institution was created, which issued loans on favorable terms against the security of the acquired land plots. The purpose of this study is to identify the features of the activity of the Peasant Land Bank in the territory of the Penza province of Russia. Based on the materials of the Penza province, the main indicators of the activity of the Peasant Land Bank are analyzed, the dynamics of credit operations, the influence of its activities on the growth of land prices are considered, regional features of the processes under study are indicated. As a result of the study, it was concluded that the creation and operation of the Peasant Land Bank was an element of the government's agricultural policy aimed at creating peasant land tenure by providing loans to buy land from private owners.
40
Maskevich, Anna I. "The rural community in Belarus after the abolition of serfdom". Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, n. 1 (16 febbraio 2021): 15–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2021-1-15-25.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article explores the creation and the functioning of rural societies in Belarus after the abolition of serfdom. Considerable focus is given to the definition of differences between the terms «rural society» and «peasant community». Territorial differences in the activities of rural societies in Belarus are noted and their formal and informal structure is highlighted. The object of the study is the peasantry of Belarus in the second half of the 19th – early 20th century. The subject of the study is the regularities and features of creation and existence of rural communities in Belarus in the post-reform period. The choice of the object and subject of the study is determined by the importance of peasantry in the population structure and the principal role of peasantry in the processes of social transformation and modernisation in Belarus in the 1860–90s. The goals of the study are to determine the roles and functions of rural society in Belarus after the abolition of serfdom by identifying the differences between the terms «society» and «community»; to investigate the official structure of rural society in Belarus; and to depict the informal influence of society and public opinion on peasant life.
41
Šljukić, Srđan, e Marica Šljukić. "Everyday forms of resistance of the traditional Serbian peasantry". Politeia 11, n. 22 (2021): 11–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/politeia0-34273.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Weber's definition of power includes the existence of a social relationship, but also a possibility of resistance and, consequently, a conflict with it. The resistance to the enforcement of the will on the part of the side with power takes various forms: violent and non-violent, individual, and collective. In sociology, peasantry is seen as a social class without power, that is, the one that always stands opposite powerful social forces, which exert their will over it. In this paper, the authors pay attention to everyday forms of resistance used by peasantry and analyzed by J. Scott, an American researcher. Historically speaking, the Serbian peasantry used everyday forms of resistance as well, especially during the periods of foreign domination. Everyday forms of resistance can also be observed in some other powerless social entities. The consciousness of social actors usually does not go beyond the understanding of open forms of (violent) resistance. Besides these open forms of resistance (macro politics), however, there has always been the micro politics of resistance, that is, the everyday forms of resistance, especially practiced by traditional peasantry. In this paper, we focus on the hidden transcript (Scott) of the traditional Serbian peasantry, using the funny folk tales as a sociological material. Resistance can be understood as the other side of power, always present in relations of power, even though in various forms. Traditional peasantry, being a social class without power, often uses everyday forms of resistance and, at the same time, forms a special kind of its own ideology, a hidden transcript. Among other things, a hidden transcript includes folk songs, folk tales, etc. From funny folk tales of the traditional Serbian peasantry we can understand how the peasantry saw their relation with the oppressors (the Turks and others). In these tales it was especially important to show that peasants are cleverer than the oppressors, since the violent means were in the hands of the Turks. Once the situation had changed, the open resistance took place of everyday forms, and the power relation changed as well. The wider meaning and explanatory use of the concept of everyday forms of resistance can be seen in the fact that they can be used for understanding and explanation of behavior of any powerless group.
42
Gagieva, Anna K. "Land and economic function of the peasants’ community of the Komi region in the XVIII century". Finno-Ugric World 14, n. 4 (29 dicembre 2022): 445–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.15507/2076-2577.014.2022.04.445-452.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Introduction. The article studies of the history of the community and its functions, with land-economic being one of the main ones. For a number of centuries, it determined the life and world order of every peasant family, village and parish, and ultimately created a solid foundation for the development of the state, where the peasantry was the main producer of agricultural products, and agriculture was the basis of the economy. The relevance of the topic is also enhanced by the lack of research on the history of the peasant community of the Komi Region in the XVIII century. The purpose of the article is to consider the land-economic function of the peasant community of the Komi region in the era of late feudalism. To achieve it, the following items were considered: the role and place of the peasant “world” in solving land disputes and conflicts both inside the parish and outside it were studied. Materials and Methods. The research methodology is based on a systematic approach, with other relevant methods such as system-structural, historical, formal-legal and others to be employed. They formed the basis for the analysis of published and unpublished documents. Results and Discussion. The study of published and unpublished documents shown that on the territory of the Komi Territory (Yarensky and Ust-Sysolsky counties), there were the black-collar and later state peasantry. At the time under study the role of the community as a land-economic organization became more complicated, which was due to a number of government measures. They led to an increase in peasant land shortage and poverty. Land redistribution, which the authorities considered as a solution, did not become widespread. Conclusion. In the XVIII century, during the settlement of land-economic relations, the community of peasants of the Komi region acquired a number of specific features. Firstly, along with the mundane land use, the individual actively developed. Secondly, by the end of the study period, the peasants’ community itself became an active participant in land operations. It rented out, entered into contracts with individuals, breeders, merchants, for the use of certain sections of the “mundane” land fund.
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Heydemann, Steven. "HANNA BATATU, Syria's Peasantry, the Descendants of Its Lesser Rural Notables, and Their Politics (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1999). Pp. 431. $39.95 cloth." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, n. 3 (agosto 2000): 422–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800002592.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Hanna Batatu's long-awaited study of Syria's peasantry is an extraordinary accomplishment. An exhaustive historical survey of Syria's rural society and the social formation of its current leadership, the book is encyclopedic in its scope and mastery of detail. It is also strikingly ambitious in its effort to link contemporary Syrian politics and the leadership of President Hafiz al-Asad to the transformations that reshaped rural Syria in the 19th and 20th centuries. Syria's Peasantry brings to an English-speaking audience a depth of knowledge that was previously available mostly through the Arabic-language publications of Syrian scholars such as ⊂Abdallah Hana. However, although Batatu's achievement is considerable, Syria's Peasantry is nevertheless flawed, and its ambition is not always realized. It is driven by a vision of peasant society, of Asad, and of Syrian politics that many readers will find unsatisfying, if not problematic.
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Kartashova, Maria V. "Mechanisms of Interaction Between Power, Society and Handicrafts in the Russian Empire at the End of the XIX – the Beginning of the XX century". Economic History 16, n. 2 (20 agosto 2020): 129–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.15507/2409-630x.049.016.202002.129-139.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Introduction. The article discusses the mechanisms of interaction between power, society and handicrafts in the Russian Empire in the late XIX – early XX centuries as part of the study of problems of Russian economic policy. The struggle between two ideological directions – conservative and liberal – was most clearly expressed in the attitude of government circles towards the peasantry. The author tries to trace two ways of interaction between the authorities and artisanal peasants. Materials and Methods. Based on archival and published sources, an analysis is made of the mechanism of interaction between power, society and handicrafts in the Russian Empire at the turn of the XIX–XX centuries. In the work, we used narrative, historical-typological, and historical-systematic methods of historical research. Results. The first way of interaction between the authorities and handicrafts included research activities, surveys, censuses. Committees and commissions played an important role in the mechanism of relations between power and handicraftsmen, which gathered at the initiative of the government in order to obtain information from the localities about the needs of peasant handicraftsmen. The highest public body in the system of relations between power and handicraftsmen was the congresses of workers in the handicraft industry, the decisions and decisions of which, after discussions, were submitted to the government for consideration and were also taken into account when developing government measures for the development of crafts. This whole mechanism was quite effective and made a significant contribution to the implementation of state assistance to artisans. Discussion and Conclusion. In recent years, research has been conducted on the problems of the interaction of power, society and the peasantry in various aspects on the materials of individual regions. The literature received coverage of the interaction of the state and various economic and political strata: the commercial and industrial bourgeoisie, zemstvos, and the peasantry. The topic under consideration is of great importance for identifying the effectiveness of the Stolypin reform and its compliance with the traditions of the economic life of the Russian village. Of the two ways of interaction between power structures and artisanal peasants: “from above” and “from below,” the most effective was the first path, initiated from power structures. State programs for the development of handicrafts, formed in the process of interaction with handicraftsmen, were aimed at supporting small and medium enterprises in the peasant environment.
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Verma, Vidhu, e Jaganath Pathy. "Tribal Peasantry". Social Scientist 13, n. 5 (maggio 1985): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3517236.
Testo completo
46
Hryniuk, Stella. "Polish Lords and Ukrainian Peasants: Conflict, Deference, and Accommodation in Eastern Galicia in the Late Nineteenth Century". Austrian History Yearbook 24 (gennaio 1993): 119–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800005282.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Some aspects of the relationship between the Polish aristocracy and the Ukrainian peasantry in Eastern Galicia in the last quarter of the nineteenth century have been treated by many scholars over the years. This relationship has been seen primarily as one of class and then national conflict, played out in the economic and political spheres of Galician life. The traditional picture has been one of discrimination against and exploitation of the peasants by the numerically small class of Polish magnates and gentry. The emphasis has been on forced peasant labor, on inequities in the size of landholdings, on the brutality of the landlords and oppression by their stewards, on beatings, on the illegal annexation of peasant lands, and on the expected and automatic obedience and subservience of the peasant to the manorial lord. All of these elements were certainly part of the relationship in pre-1848 Galicia, though even in this respect one may ask questions about the growing number of Ukrainian village schools, and so on.
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Viazinkin, Aleksei Y., e Kuzma A. Yakimov. "Peasant traditionalism during the era of the “revolutionary turning point”". Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, n. 5 (2022): 1296–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2022-27-5-1296-1303.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The analysis of the evolution of the peasant mentality in the historical period of the “revolutionary turning point” is carried out. The relevance of the study lies in the creation of a theoretical basis for a more detailed development of the problem of peasant traditionalism and the problem of the role of the “revolutionary turning point” generation in the crisis of the traditional peasant mentality in the first third of the 20th century. In the course of the study, analytical and historical-comparative methods were used. It is shown that the radicalization of the mood of the peasants during the years of the First Russian revolution was due to the problem of land scarcity and the spread of neo-populist ideas that worsened at the early 20th century. The war factor created the prerequisites for a new view of the peasants on the problem of the relationship between the monarchical power and the people, which contained grounds for a deep rupture of age-old traditional ties. The events of the 1917 revolution and the Civil War led to the breakdown of the traditional communal archetype in the peasant mentality, influencing the emergence of intergenerational conflicts and deepening the confrontation between the rural poor and the prosperous peasantry.
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MOON, DAVID. "PEASANT MIGRATION AND THE SETTLEMENT OF RUSSIA'S FRONTIERS, 1550–1897". Historical Journal 40, n. 4 (dicembre 1997): 859–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x97007504.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article surveys the expansion of Russian peasant settlement from 1550, when most of the 6·5 million peasants lived in the forest-heartland of Muscovy, to 1897, when around fifty million Russian peasants lived throughout large parts of the immense Russian empire. It seeks to explain how this massive expansion was achieved with reference to different facets of the ‘frontier’: the political frontier of the Russian state; the environmental frontier between forest and steppe; the lifeway frontier between settled peasant agriculture and pastoral nomadism; and the ‘hierarchical frontier’ between the Russian authorities and the mass of the peasantry. The article draws attention to the different ways in which peasant-migrants adapted to the variety of new environments they encountered, and stresses interaction across each facet of the frontier. Nevertheless, by 1897, the coincidence between the two main types of environment and the two principal lifeways of the population had been virtually eliminated in much of the Russian empire outside central Asia. This was a consequence of the expansion of Russia's political frontiers, mass peasant migration, the ploughing up of vast areas of pasture land, and the sedentarization of many nomadic peoples. The expansion of peasant settlement helps explain the durability of Russian peasant society throughout the period from the mid-sixteenth to the late-nineteenth centuries.
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Telvak, Viktoria, e Serhii Kornovenko. ""PEASANTRY IS OUR HOPE AND STRENGTH": THE AGRARIAN DISCOURSE OF PRE-REVOLUTIONARY JOURNALISM OF M. HRUSHEVSKY". Problems of humanities. History, n. 6/48 (27 aprile 2021): 180–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.24919/2312-2595.6/48.228478.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Summary. The purpose of the research is to comprehensively analyse the agrarian discourse of pre-revolutionary journalism of M. Hrushevsky. The methodological basis is an interdisciplinary approach with particular emphasis on the structural-functional systematic analysis of historiographical facts and the method of critical analysis of documentary material. The scientific novelty of the article lies in the attempt to comprehensively analyse M. Hrushevsky’s appeal to peasantry in his journalism of the late XIX – early XX centuries. Conclusions. The conducted historiographical analysis has shown that the pre-revolutionary journalism of M. Hrushevsky focused on peasants and the most important problems of their lives. In his various texts, the scholar reveals himself as an insightful observer of all aspects of peasant life on both sides of Zbruch. This comprehensive analysis provided Hrushevsky with arguments for numerous socio-cultural initiatives (Ukrainization of the public school, agrarian reform, the launch of projects aimed at the peasant audience, etc.) designed break the vicious circle of patriarchal traditions and feudal prohibitions and guide peasants towards modernization. At the same time, the trusting and serious tone of the historian in his appeals to his reader, his encouragement take destiny into their hands make Hrushevsky’s writing style so distinct. Due to such peasant-oriented rhetoric, M. Hrushevsky’s ideas had a significant impact on the Ukrainians of his time and largely became the basis for agricultural legislation during the War for independence.
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Dementev, Aleksandr Petrovich, e Vladimir Alexandrovich Drobchenko. "Siberian peasantry during the First world war and revolution: details of a social and political portrait". Bulletin of Nizhnevartovsk State University 58, n. 2 (23 giugno 2022): 94–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.36906/2311-4444/22-2/12.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article presents an analysis of the social and political processes that took place in a Siberian village during the years of World War I and the revolution of 1917. It is noted that migration from the central regions of the country had a great influence on formation of the rural population of the region at the turn of the 19th20th centuries, and the social structure of a Siberian village was more complex than in the center, in addition to traditional ones, there were such large social groups as old-timers and settlers, who differed not only in their property status, but also in their mentality. The absence of landownership and access to the Russian and world markets after the construction of the Siberian railway ensured the intensive development of agriculture. This was facilitated by the broad development of rural cooperatives. The World War I had a dual effect on Siberian peasantry. On the one hand, mass mobilization, having deprived villages of a million workers caused an acute labor shortage in the countryside, on the other hand, the rise in prices for agricultural products contributed to enrichment of villages and accelerated its social differentiation. The attitude of the peasantry to the key events of the Russian revolution is analyzed. The process of transformations in a Siberian village from March 1917 to May 1918 has been reconstructed. The struggle of political parties for the peasant masses is shown. The activities of rural self-government bodies (committee, zemstvo, council) and peasant unions are studied. It is concluded that the Siberian peasantry, after the overthrow of the autocracy, was drawn into political processes regardless of their desire, and more often in spite of it. In the mess of changing authorities, taking a wait-and-see position, it did not participate in the struggle of the opposing sides and, regardless of whoever was in power, evaded paying taxes and other obligatory contributions. Siberian villages remained aloof from social upheavals longer than the city. It not only relied on its own material resources, but in the conditions of the weakening of power verticals, it tried to find internal regulators of social relations, which included such archaic forms as rural gatherings and lynching. Material interest remained a priority for the peasants, against which moral norms could be subject to significant adjustments. Relations with the authorities and the outside world as a whole were built on these principles. The peasantry consistently defended the economic independence that they received after the overthrow of the autocracy from any external encroachment.