Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Passive resistance – serbia – kosovo"

AbstractThis article analyzes women’s socio-political participation and activism within the nonviolent civil resistance movement in prewar Kosovo between 1989 and 1997, as well as the movement’s gender dynamics. This Albanian-led resistance movement emerged during the early 1990s with the principal goal of building a parallel state, seeking independence from Serbia, and offering means of survival for the population. This project required the participation of all Albanian citizens, and although the participation of women was massive, this has gone largely unrecognized. This article will explore the principal features of women’s participation and activism within this movement, what kind of gendered dynamics were developed, and the principal forms of resistance they encountered against their full and active participation through an analysis of women’s activism both within the Women’s Forum of the Democratic League of Kosovo and within independent women’s organizations.

The beginning of the initiative of acquainting and rapprochement of the two sides - the Serbs and the Albanians - began by the end of 2001 in Vienna, at the initiative of the United States Peace Institute (USPI). The distinctive feature of the meeting was a high degree of mistrust and distance among the participants. The participants were the representatives of political parties from Serbia and Kosovo. There were no representatives of the local Serbs. The cooperation continued through a series of meetings that were organized on the level of the civil society, because it was assumed that the civil society is more dynamic, unrestricted by the limitations of daily politics and that it is capable of bringing about a major breakthrough in the Serbian - Albanian relations.

Abstract The year 1989, when Serbia revoked Kosovo’s autonomy, was a break that changed also the course of women’s political engagements. Women had always to negotiate and strategise with different layers of power and against different forms of oppression—state and patriarchal oppression and cultural racism as well as class oppression. The author highlights the convergences and divergences of women’s political activism in the political dynamics of late socialism and then in the 1990s in Kosovo. She looks at gender, class and national dimensions of women’s political engagements with a focus on women who were part of the underground resistance movement commonly known as Ilegalja in the 1970s and 1980s as well as women intellectuals who held high state positions and were considered a part of the elite. After 1989, many engaged in the peacaful resistance movement of the 1990s.

The first part of the paper shows that Serbia (excluding Kosovo and Metohia), like other Former Yugoslav states, still has not entered 'the second demographic transition', even though the decline of the universality of marriage has been registered. Instead of behavioral shift towards postmodern, individualised types and forms of unions, the population of contemporary Serbia resorts to the strategy of passive adaptation to persisting structural barriers, which, in the aggregate, are manifested through: the postponement of marriage and ageing of fertility, practical absence of serial monogamies (high-ranking marriages), with the increase of enlarged family households, while on a demographic level, it causes familiar aggravating effects: long-lasting low fertility rates, negative population growth, depopulation and intensive ageing. Such demographic development has been occurring in a specific context of slow social transformation and globalisation (European and global integration). By making reference to the relevant socio-demographic literature and empirical research (national and international), the second part of the paper examines the hypothesis about relation between the 'decline' of traditional family and possible increase of fertility. We wonder whether the acceleration of the individualisation of marriage and family could be one of potential (unused) ways of rehabilitation of procreation in the forthcoming period, with determined generators of these processes, such as: modifications in the sense of gender equality/flexibility and decrease of the strict intergenerational cohesion, for the purpose of accepting different, pro-active and personally accountable pattern of life? This is the latest innovation in modern, interdisciplinary demography, which relevant authors created on the basis of the analysis of abundant empirical records. Finally, the purpose of this paper is not to disregard the significance of practical policies (population, social, housing, health care and others), which the author of this paper supports, but to point out some indirect means of their more efficient implementation. .

The main cause of demonstrations was Vojvodina leadership's persistent refusal to accept changes to the Constitution that would confirm the sovereignty of Serbia in its autonomous provinces. After Slobodan Milosevic rose to power, the Serbian authorities developed two different policies regarding autonomous provinces. In case of Vojvodina, the main emphasis was on using the lack of democratic capacity and legitimacy of the leadership in Vojvodina, while leadership of Kosovo was the subject of party pressure through the League of Communists of Yugoslavia. Leadership of Vojvodina, which has been decisively and confidently rejecting any thought in which Vojvodina could be politically subordinated to the Republic, was confused by the July and August demonstrations. In absence of finding an adequate response to the new situation, leadership remained passive, which ultimately led to complete paralysis of Vojvodina government. The confusion and passiveness of the main Vojvodina communists during the summer and autumn of 1988. indicates that demonstrations hit their weakest point - democratic capacity. It turned out that the stern attitude of Vojvodina Communists towards Serbia was not supported by the population of Vojvodina, and that the province government policy was not legitimate.. Second key factor in the Anti-bureaucratic revolution in Vojvodina was the influence of media, which was controlled by the Serbian leader Slobodan Milosevic. The anti-bureaucratic revolution in Vojvodina represents a historical phenomenon of a unique kind, which at the same time contains the elements of the Revolutions of 1989, in which Eastern European regimes were down due to the lack of their own legitimacy and under the burst of the popular rebellion, as well as elements of the "Cultural Revolution" in China, when the most powerful man of the party used and manipulated national dissatisfaction in order to remove political opponents and reduce the influence of competitive fractions in the party.

The security crisis, in a broader sense, which is noticeable on a national, regional and planetary level, is an incentive for science to highlight problems and generate proposals for establishing balance in society. The challenges facing the Republic of Serbia will not be eliminated by the passive attitude of the state in the face of the ramifications of socially dangerous phenomena. In this direction, one of the most destructive destructive phenomena is corruption. Qualified as a serious crime, corruption causes the breakdown of society, intolerance towards eradication, creating resistance to defining action plans for its neutralization. The strategic plan at the national level requires the formation of a steel working group in a silk suit, conspiratorial action in its detection, prevention and elimination as a phenomenon.

Sunflower plants show pronounced allelopathic traits and represent a suitable base for potential scientific research work. Understanding and exploiting precisely of that potential could greatly reduce the use of chemical products for plant protection that are intensively used in the production technology of this crop. Today, a big effort is made in sunflower breeding in order to produce the resistance to the economically most important pathogens, which are in most cases phytopathogenic fungi and parasitic weeds such as broomrape. Since sunflower is an increasingly popular crop within farmer fields in the Republic of Serbia, an overview of so far known, passive and active defense mechanisms, that are key for the crop resistance creating, is given. The study also describes in detail, the interactions among the most harmful fungal pathogens and sunflower plants, the expression of genes caused by their attack, and the production of metabolites that are crucial for the induced defense formation.

Francesco Filelfo (Tolentino 1398 ? Florence 1481) was one of the humanists to gain a thorough knowledge of Greek in Constantinople, where he lived in the 1420s. The young learned man was integrated into the Byzantine establishment. In particular, the heir and joint emperor John VIII Palaiologos appointed him as his personal secretary. On behalf of John, Filelfo attended the international congress in Buda in 1423; he met personally with the Holy Roman Emperor Sigismund, Despot of Serbia Stefan Lazarevic and other European leaders. He also went to Kovin on his return to Constantinople. In his Letters to Roman popes, kings and princes, the Italian humanist proposed to serve as an alter Nestor, a man who would give better advice on the war against the Turks. He is particularly interested in Serbian history. In this respect, he mentions the most important events relating to the Serbian resistance against the Ottoman Empire, such as the sacrifice of Lazar in the Battle of Kosovo polje (1389), the legendary defense of Belgrade in 1456, and the fall of the fortress of Smederevo in 1459. Filelfo?s Letters represent an extraordinary testimony on Western Balkan history.

Read back from the 1990s, the scenario of a Greater Serbian agenda based in Belgrade and using Yugoslavia as a means to that end continues to tempt Western scholarship. Serbian exceptionalism thereby doomed both Yugoslavias. This special issue of East Central Europe addresses connections between Belgrade, Serbia, and Yugoslavia promoting contradictions that belie this simple scenario. Focusing on the first Yugoslavia, these six articles by younger Belgrade historians critically examine a series of disjunctures between the capital city and the rest of Serbia as well as Yugoslavia that undercut the neglected pre-1914 promise of Belgrade’s Yugoslavism. First came the failure of the city’s political and intellectual elite the First World War was ending to persevere with that promise. Most could not separate themselves from a conservative rather than nationalist reliance on the Serbian-led ministries in Belgrade to deal with the problems of governing a new state that now included many non-Serbs. From Serbian political divisions and a growing parliamentary paralysis to the Belgrade ministries’ failure to support the Serb colonists in Kosovo, problems mounted. They opened the way for King Aleksandar’s dictatorship in 1929, with initial Serbian support. But as the royal regime imposed an integral Yugoslavism on what had been the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes and punished disloyalty to the Crown in particular Serbs were punished as well as non-Serbs. Their locally organized associations were also placed under royal authority, whose ministries were however no more successful in uniform administration than their predecessors. At the same time, however, Belgrade’s growing connections to European popular culture skipped over the rest of the country, Serbia included, to establish a distinctive urban identity. After the Second World War, what was now a Western identity would grow and spread from Belgrade after the Tito-Stalin split, despite reservations and resistance from the Communist regime. This cultural connection now promoted the wider Yugoslav integration that was missing in the interwar period. It still failed, as amply demonstrated in Western and Serbian scholarship, to overcome the political contradictions that burdened both Yugoslavias.

Albanian Roman Catholics, fandas, were settled in the Prizren and the Peć Sanjaks and in the area around Đakovica. Over time, their number increased with newcomers from the north of today's Albania and with high birth rates. In the areas where they were inhabited, they acted in an organized manner and, together with the Muslim Albanians, attacked the Serb population. They committed daily atrocities against the Serbs, who were forced to abandon or undersell their properties; they sought salvation outside the borders of the Ottoman Empire. The actions of the fandas, organized into groups, were well designed and supported by the Roman Catholic priests and the Austro-Hungarian representatives, which also aimed to displace the Serb population from Metohija. Numerous examples were noted that point to the coordinated action of Austrian diplomats and Roman Catholic priests in the Kosovo vilayet. Their help and support additionally encouraged the fandas to continue with even more frequent and stronger attacks on the Serbs in the Peć and the Prizren Sanjaks. Ottoman authorities were often powerless to oppose and prevent Albanian Mohammedans and fandas from committing atrocities. The Serbs turned to the consul of the Kingdom of Serbia in Priština and the Russian consuls in Prizren and Mitrovica for help. Realizing that the fandas were persistent in their intention to displace the Serbian population, Consul Miroslav Spalajković proposed certain measures to the Government in Belgrade that could affect the improvement of the situation. His opinion was supported by the later consul, Milan Rakić. The consul's concern for the survival of the Serb population was justified and the reports to the Belgrade Foreign Ministry were replete with grim events describing numerous arson, killings, thefts, and large numbers of victims. The situation in the Kosovo vilayet had been further exacerbated by the resistance from the Albanians who opposed the reforms. The resistance and demand of Albanian Mohammedans were joined by Albanian Roman Catholics. However, some time later, after the incident in the mosque in the village Smonice in the Đakovica area, there was a conflict between the two sides, which spread to other parts. Until this conflict, the Albanian Mohammedans and fandas in Đakovica lived in relatively good relations. There were blood feuds among them, but they were resolved like all the others among the Albanians themselves. Among the conflicting parties, a new and important element appeared, the religious element. As an epilogue to the conflict and the fight between the two warring parties, there were many wounded and dead. Regardless of that, the oppression towards the Serbs had not decreased, so the Serbian consul in Priština came up with the idea to use the situation and request additional army forces be sent. The Mohammedan leaders resorted to the tried and tested method of tying besa, first in Peć, where they held a meeting and formed a committee for protection against evil deeds, which included four Serbs. After that, gatherings were held in other parts of the Kosovo vilayet, where, among other things, the issue of fandas was discussed. The Consulate General of the Kingdom of Serbia in Skoplje had information on the complete reconciliation of Mohammedans and Roman Catholics and the conclusion of a political agreement. A new situation in the Ottoman Empire soon followed-on July 24, 1908, the Constitution was proclaimed and the Young Turks took power. However, the Serbs of the Peć and the Prizren Sanjaks did not benefit from that, because crimes, murders, arsons, and the reactivation of the Roman Catholic Committee continued.

Examines the situation in Serbia in 1942-1944. After the defeat in the fall-winter 1941, the depleted Partisan forces in Serbia confined their actions to small-scale attacks and sabotage acts, while the Chetniks remained largely passive. It appeared, therefore, that small German contingents assisted by the Bulgarian and collaborationist forces would be able to keep the country in check. However, the Partisans gradually re-organized their depleted units into a large and effective force and ultimately emerged victorious. At the same time, the efforts to maintain a precarious balance between collaboration and resistance weakened the Chetniks and led to their ultimate defeat.

The developments in Kosovo that occurred after the death of Josip Broz Tito were one of the key factors in the disintegration of Yugoslavia. Albanians in Kosovo, after the change of its status, started a peaceful resistance under the leadership of Ibrahim Rugova. However, the focus of the international community on the Bosnian War in the first half of the 1990s caused the Kosovo issue to decline in importance. As a result, Kosovo was not mentioned in the Dayton Accords, which caused Albanians to change their methods, and they subsequently militarized under the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA/UÇK). Clashes between the Yugoslavian Army, Serbian soldiers, and KLA in 1998 and 1999 concluded with NATO’s intervention on March 24, 1999. While the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) took the lead in the region, Albanians in Kosovo started to establish their own institutions after 1999. The failure of international negotiations over Kosovo’s status led Kosovo to declare her independence unilaterally with the support of the United States on 17th February, 2008. Turkey, as a member of NATO, joined the intervention in 1999 and supported the Kosovan independence process in the 2000s, while the Russian Federation (RF) opposed the unilateral independence declaration because the negotiations on Kosovo’s status did not conclude with a deal between both sides. In spite of Greece’s being a member of NATO, Athens only reluctantly supported the intervention in 1999 and Greek public opinion was firmly against that decision. Greece has been a traditional ally of Serbia in the Balkans, leading to a difficult situation for Greece. The result of this can be seen in the decision of Greece to not recognise Kosovo. This work compares the policies of Turkey, RF, and Greece on the Kosovo issue between the years of 1999 and 2008 and attempts to explore the primary motivations of these actors’ policies regarding Kosovo’s independence.

This chapter discusses the work of younger memory activists in Belgrade, which I refer to as the second generation, and the ways this generation articulates their mnemonic claims and practices concerning Serbia’s recent difficult past. It also examines processes of continuity and change in memory activism in Serbia, from variations on the way activists express their mnemonic claims, to innovations in mnemonic practices unveiled alongside the continuation of already established commemorative rituals. Memory activism addressing the war in Kosovo is also explored in this chapter, as well as additional memory work related to the mass graves in Batajnica. The chapter ends by capturing acts of resistance to the glorification of war crimes and war criminals, and memory activism as protest.