Articoli di riviste sul tema "Paris-Soir (Paris, France : 1923)"

The article aims to discern the contents and specifics of the French estimates in regard of the Czechoslovakian role in the interactions between the Third Republic and the Soviet Russia/USSR in 1920–1924. Chiefly, the author analyses the French answers on the question about the significance and potential function of Czechoslovakia in the interstate triangle. Rather recently published French diplomatic documents are used as sources, as well as the evidence taken from the Diplomatic archives of the French Ministry of Europe and foreign affairs, and the from funds of the Historical services of the French Ministry of Armed forces. The author concludes that Paris contemplated two main roles of Prague in the triangle USSR – Czechoslovakian Republic – France. First, Czechoslovakia could be an important element of the «sanitary cordon» directed against Germany and the Soviets; second, she could perform the function of a potential bridge in the case of Franco-Soviet normalisation. Such roles of Czechoslovakia were not antagonistic, and Paris tried to combine them in the French foreign policy and strategy. The variety of international, regional and interior circumstances defined what role was emphasised by the leadership of the Third Republic. In 1919–1921, 1923, when the Soviet-French contradictions were sharp and Paris underlined the «Soviet menace», the right governments of France tended to think about Czechoslovakia more as an important element of the «sanitary cordon», though understanding that the latter wasn’t really solid. On the contrary, in 1922 and from end of 1923, while the interest of France in normalising the relations with the Soviets grew stronger, the role of Czechoslovakia as a potential bridge to USSR attracted more attention of the Paris (these aspirations remained unfulfilled). Though the French estimates were volatile and depended on person, the images of the russophilia of the Czechoslovakian society, and the thesis that antagonism Czechoslovakia and USSR couldn’t escalated to war, persisted.

À la fin 1923, plus de 100 000 Polonais étaient arrivés en France . Ce sont les aux agriculteurs de Galiceet les mineurs polonais de Westphalie et de la Rhénanie. Les Polonais considéraient leur séjour en France comme temporaire. Il est naturel que, attachés à la religion catholique enrichie de rites indigènes, ils demandent la pastorale des prêtres polonais. Le plus grand problème pour mener une pastorale polonaise en France c’était l’attitude du clergé français, qui s’est méfié des coutumes religieuses polonaises. Pour le primat de Pologne, la meilleure façon de familiariser les évêques français avec les spécificités de la pastorale polonaise était de les inviter à visiter la Pologne. Cette visite a eu lieu du 14 au 28 juin 1924. À Paris (archives historiques du diocèse de Paris) est conservé le dossier concernant la visite des évêques français en Pologne en 1924. La lecture des documents permet de connaitre les réactions des invités français pendant et après le voyage en Pologne.

At the beginning of the 1920s an active émigré community of 324 Karaims (275 Karaims from Crimea and 49 Karaims from Constantinople) had established itself in France. In 1923 they formed an organisation called the Karaims’ Association in Paris (Association des Karaïmes à Paris), headed by Salomon Krym and Boris Saratch. From its initial foundation until 1938, its goal was to promote mutual assistance, foster community ties and support the Karaim religion. However, in 1938, in response to increasing racial persecution and antisemitism in Europe, the Association assumed a new outlook and devoted greater time and effort to trying to help and protect Karaims in distress, mainly those based in Germany and Czechoslovakia.

Anthony Alofsin, The Struggle for Modernism. Architecture, Landscape Architecture, and City Planning at Harvard (New York and London: W.W. Norton & Company, 2002), 311 pp., $60.00 (hb), ISBN 0–393–730484.Hélène Jannière, Politiques éditoriales et architecture ‘moderne’. L'émergence de nouvelles revues en France et en Italie (1923–1939) (Paris: Éditions Arguments, 2002), 377 pp., €24.50 (pb), ISBN 2–909109–26–7.Paolo Nicoloso, Gli architetti di Mussolini. Scuole e sindacato, architetti e massoni, professori e politici negli anni del regime (Milan: FrancoAngeli, 1999), 239 pp., €19.63 (pb), ISBN 88–464–1305–9.

L’article retrace les débuts de la carrière d’Aurélien Sauvageot, « l’homme de France qui connaît le mieux hommes et choses de Hongrie ». Elève d’Antoine Meillet, figure-clé des relations culturelles franco-hongroises de l’entre-deux-guerres, premier titulaire, en 1931, de la Chaire des langues finno-ougriennes à l’Ecole des langues orientales à Paris, Sauvageot fait son entrée sur la scène scientifique, littéraire et politique française et hongroise à la sortie de la première guerre mondiale dans laquelle la Hongrie et la France étaient dans les camps opposés. L’arrivée de Sauvageot à Budapest (en 1923) et ses débuts dans le milieu de la linguistique finno-ougrienne permettaient de croire, pour la science et la politique françaises, que ce jeune linguiste bientôt hungarophone serait capable de servir la propagande intellectuelle, c’est-à-dire « la cause » française en Hongrie. Dans le sens inverse, aux yeux des autorités hongroises, on espérait qu’il pût disséminer la propagande intellectuelle hongroise en France. Or les objectifs communs (le rapprochement intellectuel) ne pouvaient compenser les contradictoires entre les deux pays, ces dernière se sont constamment imposées sur le chemin d’Aurélien Sauvageot.

Duff Cooper fell in love with France during his first visit to Paris in 1900 and he remained faithful to her for the rest of his life. The fact that Paris in 1900 was deeply Anglophobic, because of the Boer war, had no effect upon Cooper's feelings for the city. His affection for France was no fair-weather plant. It was deepened by the experience of nine months in the trenches in the Great War and was, thereafter, proof against all discouragements. As a young Foreign Office clerk in 1923 he did not join in the fashionable disparagement of France inspired by the French occupation of the Ruhr. As Minister of War from 1935 to 1937 he fought for the creation of a British army which would be large enough to play a continental role and later, as First Lord of the Admiralty, he was a leading advocate of Anglo-French co-operation. After his resignation in protest against the Munich agreement, Cooper spent his time fostering the idea of an Anglo-French alliance as the corner-stone of a European combination against Hitler's Germany. His love for France even survived the fall of France in June 1940 and, at a time when many francophiles were repenting of their former faith. Cooper renewed his pledges of devotion. Speaking on the wireless as Minister of Information on the eve of the Franco-German armistice, he declared his faith that France would rise again: ‘This is not the first time that a great nation has been defeated and has recovered from defeat. They have fought with heroism against superior numbers and superior weapons; their losses have been terrible.’ At the Ministry of Information Cooper was one of the earliest patrons of General de Gaulle and his Free French Movement. Given such a long history of Francophilia what could have been more natural than that he should have been appointed as Britain's first post-war ambassador to France. It was not, however, quite so simple as that.

Há uma série de debates, produções acadêmicas e militante sobre movimentos, coletivos e correntes autonomistas e suas práticas na cena política. Os movimentos autonomistas ou autônomos despertam a curiosidade de cientistas sociais diante o seu espontaneísmo e formas horizontais de organização. Os pesquisadores que buscaram compreender os fenômenos das jornadas de junho de 2013 reconheceram as heranças do autonomismo nas organizações coletivas que movimentaram as ruas das capitais brasileiras naquele ano. As raízes desses movimentos constituem-se a partir de experiências passadas e ressignificadas no tempo, sejam elas, como a Comuna de Paris em 1871, os Sovietes na Revolução Russa em 1917, os conselhos operários na Alemanha (1918-1923), Maio de 1968 na França e o Outono Quente italiano em 1969. Da mesma forma, suas diferentes correntes que passam desde os comunistas de conselho de Otto Rühle, Hermann Gorter, Paul Mattick, Anton Pannekoek, os Situacionistas de Guy Debort, a crítica às formas estatal-burocráticas de Socialismo ou Barbárie e a experiência do operaísmo italiano, refletem quanto tão complexas são, seja em sua produção teórica, ou em suas formas organizacionais expressas em movimentos sociais e coletivos. Para uma compreensão do tema convidamos Sébastien Schifres, doutor em Ciências Políticas pela Universidade Paris 8 - Vincennes de 2008 a 2014, especialista em movimentos revolucionários, autor dos livros Mouvement autonome en Italie et en France (1973-1984) e Movimiento Autónomo en France (1976-1984) e assessor histórico do documentário Lutter... Ici et Maintenant! (Philippe Roizès, 2013).

La marquise Arconati Visconti, née Marie Peyrat (1840-1923), par de multiples dons et legs à différents musées et établissements d’enseignement supérieur, a contribué à l’enrichissement des collections publiques et au développement de l’enseignement de l’histoire et de l’histoire de l’art, tant à Paris qu’en province, notamment à Lyon, Toulouse et Angers. Profondément républicaine, dreyfusarde et anticléricale, elle a entretenu avec un certain nombre de protestants des relations amicales qui ont pu orienter ses libéralités dans le domaine des lettres, comme dans celui des arts. Gabriel Monod (1844-1912), Auguste Molinier (1851-1904) et son frère Émile Molinier (1857-1906), comme Alfred Morel-Fatio (1850-1924), normalien et chartistes, directeurs d’études à l’École pratique des hautes études, professeurs à l’École des chartes et à l’École du Louvre, titulaires de chaires au Collège de France, appartiennent au monde de l’érudition. Raoul Duseigneur (1844-1916), collectionneur et antiquaire, en souvenir duquel la marquise multiplie les donations après son décès en 1916, « l’ami fidèle », a sans doute été le compagnon de la marquise, partageant en particulier ses goûts pour les collections d’objets d’art.

Le premier XIXe si?cle met la Serbie en contact plus intense avec la France, berceau des valeurs d?mocratiques et du patrimoine culturel europ?en aux yeux des Serbes subissant l?occupation turque depuis des si?cles. C?est ? partir de cette p?riode que commencent ? se d?velopper les liens culturels, politiques et ?ducatifs plus ?troits entre deux pays, particuli?rement renforc?s pendant la Grande Guerre, o? la France aide les jeunes serbes en leur ouvrant la porte de ses ?coles et universit?s. La Convention sign?e en 1920 en vue de la mise en place de la coop?ration intellectuelle et ?ducative (surtout universitaire) des deux pays pr?voyait ?galement la position privil?gi?e de la langue fran?aise au sein du syst?me ?ducatif serbe : en effet, dans les ann?es 30 du XXe si?cle, celleci sera la mati?re la plus enseign?e apr?s la langue serbe et les math?matiques, et le Minist?re des affaires ?trang?res fran?aises enverra r?guli?rement des livres fran?ais, ainsi que des dipl?mes et m?dailles pour les meilleurs ?l?ves. En raison de la croissance de l?influence politique italienne et surtout allemande dans les Balkans, un Congr?s des clubs fran?ais de Yougoslavie, tenu en 1935, marque le d?but des d?marches coordonn?es visant ? renforcer la pr?sence fran?aise dans tous les domaines de la vie sociale yougoslave. Les responsables du D?partement d??ducation aupr?s de l?Ambassade yougoslave ? Paris (Aleksandar Arnautovic puis Milan Markovic) informaient r?guli?rement Belgrade des activit?s dans la capitale fran?aise et ailleurs. Les boursiers du Gouvernement fran?ais (qui accordait la moiti? de la somme totale du budget aux ?tudiants yougoslaves, dont le nombre variait entre 60 et 100 par an dans la p?riode 1936-1940), du retour dans leur pays, r?pandront l?esprit de la culture fran?aise, ainsi que les connaissances acquises dans tous les domaines. Parmi les personnalit?s importantes qui excelleront dans leur m?tier se trouvent : Dr Vukan Cupic, professeur ? l?Universit? de Belgrade et directeur de l?Institut belgradois pour la m?re et l?enfant (boursier du fonds d?Alexandre de Yougoslavie de la mairie de Marseille 1938-1940), le chimiste Pavle Savic qui collaborait avec Ir?ne Curie, Dr Borisav Arsic qui a soutenu la th?se La Vie ?conomique de la Serbie du Sud au XIX si?cle (Paris, France-Balkans, 1936), Dr Branislav Vojnovic, directeur du Th??tre national, Dr Milos Savkovic qui ?tudiait l?influence de la litt?rature fran?aise sur le roman serbe etc. Les jeunes yougoslaves choisissent surtout la litt?rature, les arts et les sciences humaines. D?autre c?t?, le gouvernement yougoslave finan?ait chaque ann?e cinq ?tudiants fran?ais faisant la recherche au sein des universit?s yougoslaves. De nombreuses conf?rences sont dispens?es par les professeurs yougoslaves et fran?ais ; les ?coles franco-serbes, l?Institut fran?ais, les clubs et les associations de l?amiti? donnent les cours de fran?ais ; l?Association des ?tudiants en langue et litt?rature fran?aises organise les soir?es fran?aises et va r?guli?rement en excursions en France ; le Minist?re d??ducation finance les formations estivales des professeurs de fran?ais. Du c?t? fran?ais, l?Institut slave, la Chaire de serbo-croate ? l??cole de langues vivantes orientales avec des professeurs ?minents tels Andr? Vaillant et Andr? Mazon, le Lectorat serbe ? Paris, Strasbourg, Lyon etc. contribuaient aux ?tudes yougoslaves. La langue serbo-croate a ?t? inscrite sur la liste des langues vivantes que les ?l?ves pouvaient passer au baccalaur?at en 1936. Pourtant, cet ?panouissement sera de nouveau menac? par une p?n?tration politique et ?conomique des forces de l?Axe de plus en plus forte ? la veille de la Deuxi?me guerre mondiale : c?est ainsi que l?allemand devient la langue ?trang?re obligatoire au detriment du fran?ais en 1940, les entreprises fran?aises ferment leurs portes, tandis que de nombreuses activit?s culturelles et d?marches ?ducatives cherchent ? pr?server l??tat privil?gi? dont la France jouissait en Serbie depuis la Grande Guerre.

<p>This article describes the life and medical activities of Jadwiga Olszewska (1855–1932) in Serbia from 1895–1899, Austro- Hungarian (AH)-occupied and annexed Bosnia and Herzegovina (BH) from 1899–1918, and the newly founded Kingdom of Yugoslavia, from 1919–1932. In summer 1899, Olszewska replaced Teodora Krajewska as an AH official female physician in Tuzla. Born in Congress Poland, Olszewska had enrolled in 1873 in the medical courses for women in St. Petersburg but had left Russia in 1880 to study medicine in France. She had lived as a student and single parent in Paris since 1883, and she was awarded her Doctorate in Medicine from the University of Paris in 1894. She could not practice medicine in Russian-occupied Poland because of her French diploma, and she could not practice in most Western countries due to her gender. Therefore, she decided to move to Serbia, where she worked as an assistant physician in the district hospitals of Loznica (1895–1897?) and Požarevac (1897–1899). Driven by the need for a higher income to fund her son’s education, she engaged her network of Polish compatriots and procured the position of an AH official female physician of Tuzla in 1899, where she performed her duties in an exemplary manner. After the breakdown of the Austro-Hungarian Empire (AHE) in 1918, Olszewska remained in Tuzla and retired as a Yugoslav official physician in 1923. When she died in Tuzla in 1932, local colleagues had to arrange for a proper fu- neral because Olszewska did not leave any savings due to her insufficient pension. Olszewska’s grave never received a tombstone, and it is untraceable today.</p><p><strong> Conclusion</strong>. Jadwiga Olszewska (1855–1932) was a woman pioneer of medicine from Poland, who practiced her profession first as an assistant physician in Serbia (1895–1899) and then as an AH and Yugoslavian official female doctor in Tuzla, BH (1899–1923).</p>

Article aims to analyze the impact of the Ruhr crisis 1923 on the history of the international relations in Europe after the WWI. This crisis, which began by the occupation of the Ruhr region by the French and Belgian troops and ended by the approval of the new reparation plan (Dawes plan) in 1924, played the crucial role in the transformation of the international order (so-called Versailles order), envisaged by the Paris peace conference of 1919–1920. Author scrutinizes such aspects, as the links between the Ruhr crisis and the specifics of the WWI ending, he discerns the crisis' consequences in the Western and Eastern Europe, the role of the Anglo-American mediation in the regulation of the Franco-German conflict, according to the British and US interests. The essay concludes that the Ruhr crisis made critical impact on the consolidation of the Versailles order. The events unfolded in 1923, created the conditions for the "international turn" of 1924–1925, including the formation of the Anglo-Franco-German "European concert" instead of the Entente disintegrated during the crisis. Author demonstrates the direct link between the events of 1923 and the further stabilization of Europe negotiated during the London (1924) and Locarno conferences (1925), though this link sometimes remains "under shadow" in the major studies of the international relations in Europe after WWI. Besides this, the novelty of the article is explained by the rarely used documents from the British and French archives analyzed by the author.

De 1924 à 1935, les relations entre la France, la Roumanie et la Pologne vis-à-vis de l’Union soviétique sont marquées par la volonté française d’asseoir son influence en Europe centre-orientale. Paris entend maintenir une unité de front entre ses deux alliés dans le but de forger une force dissuasive face à l’Est et d’éviter toute implication directe dans la région. L’unité polono-roumaine doit également permettre de tenir Berlin et Moscou éloignées l’une de l’autre. De 1924 au protocole Litvinov de 1929, Paris mène un jeu complexe consistant à soutenir ses alliés en évitant toute tension avec leur voisine soviétique. Avec l’implication progressive de l’Union soviétique dans les questions de sécurité en Europe, la cohésion franco-polono-roumaine perd de sa vigueur. Concentrée sur le problème de la Bessarabie, Bucarest est un obstacle au rapprochement franco-soviétique et polono-soviétique. A partir de 1933, au moment où la Roumanie s’inscrit dans l’axe reliant Paris à Moscou, la Pologne refuse la politique de sécurité française et entend mener une politique d’équilibre bilatéral entre l’Allemagne et l’URSS. À la fin de 1935, le manque de cohérence entre les trois alliés ne peut que profiter à une Allemagne nazie désormais prête aux coups de force.

Alexandre Yakovlev was a famous Russian painter, graphic and theatre artist, a graduate from the Imperial Academy of Arts and a member of the “World of Art”. In 1917 by the order of the Academy (material collection to decorate interiors of the Kazanian railway station) Yakovlev went to Beijing, then he traveled a lot throughout China, Mongolia and Japan. He explored Chinese and Japanese theaters, as a result he made many ethnographic sketches, portraits and photographs. He arranged the exhibition of his drawings in Shanghai (in 1919). Finding out about the revolution in Russia he emigrated to France. Since 1919 he lived in Paris. He showed multiple works of Far Eastern cycle at personal exhibitions in Paris (Barbazanges Gallery, 1920 and 1921; together with V. Shuhaev), London (Grafton Gallery, 1920) and Chicago (Art Institute, 1922). In 1922 the pub-lisher Lucien Vogel published an album Drawings and paintings of the Far East, which included 50 reproductions of Yakovlev’s Far-East cycle (the book was designed by Shuhaev). At the same time the artist produced an album on the Chinese theater with accompanying text by a Chinese author Zhu Kim-Kim. In 1931–1932 Yakovlev took part in the “Yellow Cruise” arranged by the “Citroen” company. From this expedition he brought some new series of drawings. At the end of the cruise he presented his artworks in Paris and at foreign exhibitions. This background of the artist’s life is subject to be studied better in Russia.

RESUMENEl objetivo de este artículo es reflexionar sobre los mecanismos de financiación y de control de las instituciones religiosas por los laicos en las primeras décadas de la conquista y colonización de Hispanoamérica. Investigar sobre la inversión laica en lo sagrado supone en un primer lugar aclarar la historiografía sobre laicos, religión y dinero en las sociedades de Antiguo Régimen y su trasposición en América, planteando una mirada desde el punto de vista de las motivaciones múltiples de los actores seglares. A través del ejemplo de restituciones, donaciones y legados en losAndes, se explora el papel de los laicos españoles, y también de las poblaciones indígenas, en el establecimiento de la densa red de instituciones católicas que se construye entonces. La propuesta postula el protagonismo de actores laicos en la construcción de un espacio cristiano en los Andes peruanos en el siglo XVI y principios del XVII, donde la inversión económica permite contribuir a la transición de una sociedad de guerra y conquista a una sociedad corporativa pacificada.PALABRAS CLAVE: Hispanoamérica-Andes, religión, economía, encomienda, siglos XVI y XVII.ABSTRACTThis article aims to reflect on the mechanisms of financing and control of religious institutions by the laity in the first decades of the conquest and colonization of Spanish America. Investigating lay investment in the sacred sphere means first of all to clarifying historiography on laity, religion and money within Ancien Régime societies and their transposition to America, taking into account the multiple motivations of secular actors. The example of restitutions, donations and legacies inthe Andes enables us to explore the role of the Spanish laity and indigenous populations in the establishment of the dense network of Catholic institutions that was established during this period. The proposal postulates the role of lay actors in the construction of a Christian space in the Peruvian Andes in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, when economic investment contributed to the transition from a society of war and conquest to a pacified, corporate society.KEY WORDS: Hispanic America-Andes, religion, economics, encomienda, 16th and 17th centuries. BIBLIOGRAFIAAbercrombie, T., “Tributes to Bad Conscience: Charity, Restitution, and Inheritance in Cacique and Encomendero Testaments of 16th-Century Charcas”, en Kellogg, S. y Restall, M. 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Este texto apresenta a atuação dos artistas brasileiros na França, adivulgação de suas obras e a recepção que obtiveram da crítica parisiense, através dos números da Revue de l’Amérique latine. Publicada em Paris, de 1922 a 1932, essa revista tinha o patrocínio do “Groupement des Universités et Grandes Écoles de France” e foi o testemunho de uma intensa atividade franco-latino-americana.

À l’issue de la Première Guerre mondiale, la France espérait s’appuyer sur la Roumanie, pour contrôler les bouches du Danube, tenir à distance la Russie soviétique du cœur de l’Europe et contrôler le révisionnisme allemand. Une décennie plus tard, les relations franco-roumaines n’avaient débouché sur aucune réalité concrète. Impécuniosité notoire et rivalités entre les dirigeants roumains s’étaient conjuguées avec la refondation d’un État multinational, dans le contexte diplomatique mouvant des années 1920, pour rendre chimérique l’hégémonie française. La sécurité des frontières poussa Bucarest à rechercher une garantie formelle que Paris refusait de donner contre les irrédentismes des pays limitrophes. De son côté, la France, qui voyait dans la Roumanie une barrière contre l’URSS et une alliance de revers jusqu’en 1925, mise sur la sécurité collective après Locarno. Les concurrences britannique et italienne achevèrent de ruiner la tentative française d’établir une tutelle régionale.

The genus Capicua Navás, 1921, synonymised with Geyria Esben-Petersen, 1920 by Stange (2004), is reinstated and redescribed. The unique specimen of Capicua fulvicauda Navás, 1921 kept in the Muséum d’Histoire Naturelle, Paris is designated as lectotype. Two new species of antlions from West Africa are described and tentatively included in Capicua pending more material of the type species C. fulvicauda to verify this placement. Holotypes and paratypes are deposited in the collection of CIRAD/CBGP in Montpellier, France.

The Romanian diplomat of European stature, born on March 4, 1882 (died abroad, on March 17, 1941 in Cannes, France) on the coast of France, in a family of Oltenian owners; left without a father (former Deputy and Prefect) at just one year old, Nicolae Titulescu will study law in Paris, and when he returns to the country he will enter political life, in Take Ionescuʼs party (the Conservative-Democratic Party). He will be a Deputy, Minister of Finance (1917-1918), Minister of Foreign Affairs (1927-1928, 1932-1936), Romaniaʼs Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to London (1921-1927, 1928-1932), Romaniaʼs representative in the League of Nations and its President (twice: 1931 and in 1932). He was member of the Romanian Academy (elected in 1935). This paper presents some opinions (with more recent detailed bibliographic references) excerpted from the book – in 3 volumes, published (under the auspices of the European Titulescu Foundation) in 2012, Pro și Contra Titulescu, edited by George G. Potra – of some people politicians, diplomats, and journalists, Romanians and foreigners – contemporaries of him –, relative to the personality of the greatest diplomat of Romania, and one of the most famous of interwar Europe, whose birth marks, in 2022, 140 years.

De sa création en 1913 à sa fusion avec Vogue en 1936, le magazine américain Vanity Fair a pour vocation de parler de l’art contemporain européen et américain par de courts articles de vulgarisation, des photographies et des caricatures. Plusieurs domaines artistiques sont couverts : musique, danse, opéra, littérature, peinture, sculpture, arts graphiques, cinéma, photographie et mode. La France constitue tout à la fois le rêve, l’attraction et le modèle des Américains : elle reste omniprésente jusqu’au milieu des années 1920, puis cède la place aux artistes américains. Vanity Fair reflète plus particulièrement la vie culturelle à New York et à Paris, même si ses ambitions sont plus largement ouvertes sur l’Europe et les États-Unis. Dans la rubrique intitulée « Hall of Fame », il n’est pas rare de trouver un Français parmi les cinq ou six personnalités du mois. La France est présente davantage pour ses arts plastiques et sa littérature. Le domaine musical, plus réduit, illustre cependant plusieurs facettes : les Ballets russes de Diaghilev, les ballets de Serge Lifar, les ballets de Monte-Carlo, les nouvelles danses populaires (tango, matchiche), l’introduction du jazz, la chanson populaire, les lieux de divertissements. Quant à la musique savante, le Groupe des Six, Erik Satie et Jean Cocteau occupent une place de choix au début des années 1920, avec plusieurs de leurs articles publiés en français. Dans les pages de Vanity Fair, des critiques musicaux américains comme Virgil Thomson et Carl Van Vechten incitent les compositeurs à se débarrasser de l’influence européenne. John Alden Carpenter ouvre la voie avec The Birthday of the Infanta (1917) et Krazy Kat (1922), mais c’est Rhapsody in Blue de Gershwin (1924) qui donne le coup d’envoi à une musique américaine qui ne copie plus la musique européenne. À partir de là, la firme de piano Steinway livre une publicité différente dans chaque numéro qui illustre, par un peintre américain, une oeuvre musicale américaine.

Letters from Hieromonk Athanasius (Nechaev) to his confessor and elder, Hieroschemamonk Ephraim (Khrobostov) are presented in the publication. They were written from Paris to Valaam in Finland, where at that time the Valaam Monastery was located. Hieromonk Athanasius - the future archimandrite and spiritual mentor of monasticism abroad, the superior of the Three Hierarchs metochion in Paris (1933-1943), dean of the parishes of the Moscow Patriarchate in France, the first spiritual mentor of the future Metropolitan Anthony of Sourozh (Bloom). His addressee was the fraternal confessor at the Valaam Monastery, and before the revolution, the confessor of Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolayevich (the younger) and his family, Hieroschemamonk Ephraim (Khrobostov), - is the respected and authoritative member of the spiritual governing body of the monastery. In the Smolensk skete on Valaam, he daily served a liturgy in memory of the Russian soldiers who died at the front for the faith, the Tsar and the Fatherland. The letters were written during the period of study of Father Athanasius at the St. Sergius Theological Institute in Paris and during his service in the monastery-orphanage "Unexpected Joy" in Livry-Gargan near Paris. They deal with many problems of the church life of the Russian diaspora in France and the Russian emigration in general as a phenomenon. Father Athanasius described the causes of jurisdictional disputes in exile, problems at the Theological Institute, conflicts between hierarchs, and more. He was something of a correspondent who kept the Valaam monastery authorities up to date on events. Describing in detail the essence of the disagreements, at some point he apparently got tired of them and plunged headlong into pastoral work, warmly describing the life of the emigrant communities he served. During the cross-over of Metropolitan Evlogy to the Patriarchate of Constantinople, Father Athanasius could not reconcile himself to the break with the Russian Church, and believed that it was better to return to Valaam. However, these plans were not destined to come true.

The article analyses an important event in the Franco-American relations of the post-WWI period, namely, the visit to the USA paid by Marshal F. Foch in October – December 1921. This is the first research on this topic in Russian historiography. The author explores the American voyage of Foch through several interconnected problems: 1) what was the French elites’ image of the USA; 2) how did this image influence the Paris diplomacy; 3) what efforts did the French make to ameliorate the image of the Third Republic in the USA? The parallel preparation and the beginning of the Washington conference of 1921–1922 amplified the importance of the visit. The centenary of the conference stimulates interest in its under-researched aspects. Author concludes that Foch’s American voyage throws the light on the different areas of the relations between France and the USA. On the one hand, the cordial atmosphere of the visit and its resonance testified the vivacity of the memory about the Franco-US allied cooperation during the WWI and its positive impact on the French image. On the other hand, the warm reception of Foch in the USA did not serve to benefit the French diplomacy during the Washington conference.

The article is devoted to the analysis of the letters of A.M. Rodchenko, which were written by him in Paris during the preparation of the pavilion of the Soviet Union for the International Exhibition of Modern Decorative and Industrial Arts in 1925. The «new Soviet man&apos;s» perception of the culture of the Western world is being studied. Letters help to comprehend not only the European, but also the Soviet world of the period of the 1920s. December 5, 2021 will be the anniversary of the birth of Alexander Mikhailovich Rodchenko: 130 years! The round date, as well as the growing interest in everyday history, is due to the relevance of this article. The novelty is the interpretation of this source in the context of Alexander Rodchenko&apos;s views on Paris. Researchers turn to letters exclusively to study the Paris exhibition, bypassing Rodchenko&apos;s most interesting assessments and opinions regarding the alien and incomprehensible Western world. Rodchenko visited France for the first time and was extremely dissatisfied with it. He was uncomfortable, lonely, trying to distract himself from the alien world, he almost daily wrote letters to his wife Varvara Stepanova in Russia. The time frame of the Paris letters written by him dates from March 19 to June 14. Rodchenko stayed in France for about three months, having written 52 letters during this time. In 1927, they were partially published in the journal «Novy LEF». Their full publication took place only in 2014. I would like to note that the originals of the documents, apparently, are kept in the family&apos;s personal archive. For publication , they were provided by A. Lavrentiev, grandson of Rodchenko and Stepanova.

The library holds 87 phaleristic awards 1919–1939, from Austria, Great Britain, Canada, Czech Republic, France, Germany, Hungary, Poland, Serbia, Sweden, Ukraine, USA. Among these awards we can conditionally distinguish the following thematic groups: Ukrainian and Ukrainian related awards, foreign phaleristic, international professional congresses. In these groups it is possible to distinguish subgroups representing different individual aspects of social life in Ukraine and in other countries in 1919–1939. Ukrainian and Ukrainian related honors include: Ukrainian-language honors made in Ukraine; honors of the Ukrainian Diaspora; non-Ukrainian-language honors made on Ukrainian lands. Foreign phaleristics are represented by thematic subgroups: state distinctions (Serbian Order of Saint Sava, Polish medals, etc.); non-state public awards; phalleristics of public organizations (the Red Cross, associations of librarians, doctors, electricians, technicians and others); German and Polish phaleristics on the occasion of a plebiscite in Silesia in 1921; monuments of cultural and artistic events; business awards (ASEA, Leica, Germany) and more. Distinctions of international professional congresses concern mainly medical organizations: I General Congress of Slavic Physicians in Warsaw 1927; The 1st, 2nd and 3rd Congresses of the Union of Slavic Dermatologists (in Warsaw in 1929, in Belgorod in 1931 and in Prague in 1934); The Third International Pediatricians Congress, London, 1933; IX International Congress of Dermatologists in Budapest 1935. Available in the library’s collection a memorial award of the International Congress of the World Union of Electricity Producers and Distributors in Paris, 1928 (two variants of decoration with different mounting methods). Keywords: phaleristics, awards, international professional congresses.

The aim of the ill-fated 1922 Congress of Paris, an international conference organized by André Breton, was to diagnose the sources of the “modern spirit.” Although the congress had ambitious international goals, it was brought down by a remark with xenophobic connotations. Largely remembered today as the death knell of Paris Dada—the public fight between Tristan Tzara and Breton meant not only that the congress never took place but also that Paris Dada was dissolved—the congress's failure stemmed from the tensions involved in selfconsciously deining modernism. Arguing that ambivalence over the concept shaped the main participants' understanding of the congress, I read the congress as a concrete manifestation of the impulse to federate the arts in post-World War I France.

After the end of the Great War and the Great Union of Alba-Iulia, the Romanian authorities felt that Romania needed to play a more important role on the international stage. Underlying this will was the Romanians' intention to strengthen relations with France, the main winner of the great world war that had just ended and the epicentre of European diplomacy in the new international context. Thus, the Romanian government had sent to the banks of the Seine career diplomats of prestige and experience, such as Victor Antonescu and Constantin Diamandi, in order to properly resolve all the differences that existed between the two countries and to create, in the future, the path towards new ways of collaboration. The promotion of the Polish legation in Paris to the level of embassy in the autumn of 1924 aroused passions in Bucharest and convinced the Romanian government that this was the way forward. The signing of the Franco-Romanian Treaty on June 10, 1926 strengthened Romania's position internationally. This success was now to be complemented by a change in the status of the legation in Paris. This step was important for the Romanian authorities because it ensured that Romanian diplomacy would be given special attention and appreciation of the interests that the creditor state attached to its diplomatic relations. Obtaining a new diplomatic status would have corresponded to the will of the Romanian state to take over some of the importance that the former Austro-Hungarian Empire had enjoyed in the past and to assert itself as an important power in south-eastern Europe.

Le premier match de rugby sur la pelouse de Colombes est disputé en 1908 par le Racing Club de France. Les dirigeants du club profitent des Jeux de 1924 pour construire une vaste enceinte qu’ils utiliseront toutefois de manière irrégulière pour les matchs de leur équipe de rugby. Du fait de l’éloignement de Paris, ils préfèrent notamment le stade Jean Bouin et, aujourd’hui, pour les rencontres du Racing 92, la Paris Défense Arena. En revanche, Colombes est le stade de l’équipe de France de rugby qui y gagne son premier match du Tournoi des Cinq Nations. Entre 1924 et 1972, les Bleus y disputent même l’essentiel de leurs rencontres, y battent pour la première fois les All Blacks (1954), gagnent leur premier Tournoi (1959) et leur premier grand chelem (1968). Toutefois, si les retransmissions télévisées en font un cadre familier des amateurs de rugby, leurs matchs remplissent rarement tout à fait la vaste enceinte de Colombes.

Abstract Hermann Suchier, since the year 1876 Professor of Romance Philology at the University of Halle, was one of the most prominent scholars of his generation. Since he preserved all his correspondence, we are able to study his various international written relationships with his French colleagues, including Gaston Paris and Paul Meyer. However, a temporary disagreement between Suchier with Paris and Meyer did arise. This conflict was due to Suchier supporting the work of Wendelin Foerster, whose edition of Aiol et Mirabel was severely criticized by Paris and Meyer. Subsequently, Suchier once again changed support back to Paris and Meyer and then was invited to publish in their house journal, Romania, and additionally to contribute two editions in ancient French to the Société des Anciens Textes Français which had also be founded by Paris and Meyer. In this way Suchier became one of the most important intermediaries between German and French Philology in the years following the Franco-German war and the outbreak of World War I.

J. Walter Thompson (JWT), the leading American advertising agency until the 1970s, established a branch office in Paris in 1927. While many of JWT's worldwide branches became the leading agencies in their respective countries, notably Great Britain and Germany, JWT-Paris foundered from the late 1920s through the early 1960s. This article focuses on the reasons why: cultural clashes between the French and Americans, a regulated and protected French market, anti-Americanism among French businesses, and American condescension and insensitivity. It concludes with an analysis of and the reasons for JWT-Paris's achievement of limited success by the late 1960s.

Polish-Armenian Society in Lwów (1920-1922) Using Armenian and Polish sources, the author analyses the activities ofthe Polish-Armenian Society (Towarzystwo Polsko-Ormiańskie) founded in Lwów(Poland) on June 15, 1920. This organization focused on building relations betweenPoland and Armenia. Its leaders, Jan Grzegorzewski, Garabed Keuprulian and AugustTeodorowicz established cooperation with the Armenian National Delegationin Paris, chaired by Boghos Nubar Pasha, and with its branch in Berlin. They alsoundertook the difficult mission of lobbying for the Armenian case in Warsaw. In thefirst phase of its activity, the Society planned to relocate Polish Armenians (officialsand intelligentsia) to the territories of Western Armenia; due to the deteriorating internationalsituation, the idea was abandoned. Subsequently, efforts were focused onhelping Armenian refugees from Turkey in the Caucasus; on this matter, the Societymade an appeal to the Polish Minister of Foreign Affairs, Count Konstanty Skirmunt.The suspension of the Society’s activity was related to the deterioration of Armenia’ssituation on the international arena. With the abandonment of the Armenianquestion by France and Great Britain, the exchange of letters with activists in Parisalso stopped. The author compares the Society with its counterpart in London – theBritish Armenian Committee, emphasizing the organization of Polish Armenianswas truly exceptional because it was the first one of its kind, and also because itfocused not on the problems of the local diaspora, but on the issue of Armenia’s independence.

Silyane Larcher, L’Autre Citoyen: L’idéal républicain et les Antilles après l’esclavage (Paris: Armand Colin, 2014).Elizabeth Heath, Wine, Sugar, and the Making of Modern France: Global Economic Crisis and the Racialization of French Citizenship, 1870–1910 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014).Rebecca Scales, Radio and the Politics of Sound in Interwar France, 1921–1939 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016).Claire Zalc, Dénaturalisés: Les retraits de nationalité sous Vichy (Paris: Éditions du Seuil, 2016).Bertram M. Gordon, War Tourism: Second World War France from Defeat and Occupation to the Creation of Heritage (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2018).Shannon L. Fogg, Stealing Home: Looting, Restitution, and Reconstructing Jewish Lives in France, 1942–1947 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017).Sarah Fishman, From Vichy to the Sexual Revolution: Gender and Family Life in Postwar France (New York: Oxford University Press, 2017).Frederick Cooper, Citizenship between Empire and Nation: Remaking France and French Africa, 1945–1960 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2014).Jessica Lynne Pearson, The Colonial Politics of Global Health: France and the United Nations in Postwar Africa (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2018). Darcie Fontaine, Decolonizing Christianity: Religion and the End of Empire in France and Algeria (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2016).

À partir du matériau réuni dans le cadre ­­d’une enquête ethnographique au sein de concerts participatifs à la Philharmonie de Paris, nous proposons ­­d’analyser les dispositifs mis en œuvre pour favoriser la participation culturelle des publics dits éloignés : les populations en situation de précarité ­­socio-­­économique, de handicap ou en demande ­­d’asile. En analysant les trajectoires des personnes ayant entendu parler du projet mais ­­n’ayant pas souhaité participer ou ayant fait défection, nous tenterons ­­d’esquisser le portrait de la ­­non-­­participation culturelle en ­­Île-­­de-France.

Recteur de l’Institut catholique de Paris et membre de l’Académie française, Mgr Alfred Baudrillart effectua une mission officielle au Canada français en 1927 à l’occasion du Deuxième Congrès international de la Société du parler français. Publiés entre 1994 et 2003, les Carnets posthumes du recteur fournissent une source intéressante aux chercheurs en histoire intellectuelle. Ils permettent ici de mettre en lumière quelques réseaux intellectuels transatlantiques se manifestant à l’occasion de cette mission. Le recteur est en effet accueilli chaleureusement par les milieux officiels du Québec autant que par les milieux intellectuels. Les réseaux qui ont préparé cette visite lient l’Institut catholique de Paris, dont le rayonnement est alors important au Québec, l’Institut scientifique franco-canadien, le Comité France-Amérique, l’Action française de Montréal (par l’entremise de Jean Bruchési), ainsi que l’Académie française et la Société du parler français. Enthousiasmé par le Canada français, à la fois catholique et moderne, Mgr Baudrillart dévoile dans ses Carnets l’ambition de voir naître une Amérique française indépendante à long terme, dans l’esprit de l’enquête Notre avenir politique de l’Action française. Il nous invite également à renouveler notre approche d’un Québec révolu, davantage variante de modernité conservatrice qu’îlot isolé des grands courants modernes.

The aim of this article is study social and political activities by ingush Jamal Albogachiev (1894–1949). This is the first study of this person. This article is based on the archives from France and Germany. Albogachiev was educated in Europe, knew European languages, and became a member of the Foreign Delegation of the Mountain Republic (Versailles, 1919). He married a German woman from Berlin. In 1921–1928 he and his family lived in Germany. In France (1929–1942) Albogaciev lived alone. He collaborated with many public figures: Ali Mardan Topchibashi, brothers Vassan-Girey and Mohammed-Girey Dzhabagiyev. At the same time he worked as a dancer in russian cabarets in Paris. In 1942–1945 Jamal was in Germany, where he became a member of the North Caucasian National Committee. After returning to France, the police investigated the reasons for his stay in Germany. As a result, Jamal was forced to leave for Morocco in 1948, where he died next year. The study of the life of Jamal Albogachiev, his socio-political views and activities showed that his fate was dramatic. Having received an excellent European education and knowledge of European languages, having got to Europe, he could not realize his intellectual potential, couldn’t make a career in Europe. He had the views of the creation of an independent state in the North Caucasus. However, he didn’t become an active member of the most famous and largest emigre movements of the North Caucasus. Despite the fact that he was part of the political North Caucasian elite, he was most often used in secondary or third roles.

The article begins with Germany’s exclusion from the Olympic Games 1920 in Antwerp and 1924 in Paris. Whereas sports relations between Germany and France slowly returned to normal in bourgeois sports, French workers’ sportsmen already in 1922 visited the festival of the workers’ sport federation in Leipzig. After these preliminary remarks the article focuses on the National Socialist era. From 1933 to 1939 France was Germany’s most favoured sport partner. The German Reich used the Olympic Games of 1936 to present itself as a peace-loving country. However, as the occupation of the demilitarized Rhineland on March 7, 1936 shows – between the Winter Olympics in Garmisch-Partenkirchen (February 6–16) and the Summer Olympics in Berlin (August 1–16) – this was only camouflage. The article enlarges on the initially very positive, but in the end exceedingly critical French press coverage of the Olympic Games in Berlin. The harsh criticism of the “jeux défigurés” provoked the well-known reply by Coubertin, who expressed himself positively about the “Berlin Games illuminated by Hitlerist strength and discipline”. The German-French skiing leisure activities 1938, organized by the Hitlerjugend (HJ), were exploited by the propaganda as a symbol of common understanding. The gestures of understanding culminated in a joint cultural conference in Baden-Baden, where for the first time a bust of Coubertin was set up. In spite of the violation of the Munich Agreement and the occupation of Prague by German troops, several French sports associations came to athletic competitions to Germany in summer 1939. The article ends with the Reichssportführer’s futile attempts to continue sports relations with France during war time.

Avant la fondation de l’Institut de psychologie de Paris, il existait déjà au tournant du siècle un enseignement de la psychologie assuré dans la capitale par de grandes figures fondatrices de la psychologie française, notamment par Théodule Ribot et Pierre Janet. Mais aucune formation spécifique ni aucun diplôme de psychologie n’était délivré aux étudiants fréquentant l’enseignement supérieur français. Il faudra la détermination d’Henri Piéron et de quelques philosophes ouverts à la science nouvelle, notamment Henri Delacroix et Georges Dumas, pour que soit fondé en 1920 l’Institut de psychologie de Paris qui va devenir le lieu emblématique de diffusion de la psychologie scientifique en France, avant que ne soit créée la licence de psychologie en 1947. L’article présente dans ses grandes lignes l’histoire de la fondation de l’Institut de Psychologie de Paris et son développement jusque dans les années 1960.

Avant la fondation de l’Institut de psychologie de Paris, il existait déjà au tournant du siècle un enseignement de la psychologie assuré dans la capitale par de grandes figures fondatrices de la psychologie française, notamment par Théodule Ribot et Pierre Janet. Mais aucune formation spécifique ni aucun diplôme de psychologie n’était délivré aux étudiants fréquentant l’enseignement supérieur français. Il faudra la détermination d’Henri Piéron et de quelques philosophes ouverts à la science nouvelle, notamment Henri Delacroix et Georges Dumas, pour que soit fondé en 1920 l’Institut de psychologie de Paris qui va devenir le lieu emblématique de diffusion de la psychologie scientifique en France, avant que ne soit créée la licence de psychologie en 1947. L’article présente dans ses grandes lignes l’histoire de la fondation de l’Institut de Psychologie de Paris et son développement jusque dans les années 1960.

Abstract The article presents a biography of Andrzej Bobkowski (1913–1961), a Polish émigré writer associated with the Paris-based Instytut Literacki [Literary institute] and the monthly Kultura. Bobkowski belonged to the “1910 generation,” along with Czesław Miłosz, Zygmunt Haupt, and Witold Gombrowicz. He grew up in a family environment that was Protestant and Catholic, bourgeois and aristocratic, military and civilian, with high regard for intellect and physical strength. In 1936, he graduated from the Warsaw School of Economics and began working as a clerk in an office of an iron mill. In March 1939, he and his wife moved to Paris where they witnessed the outbreak of World War II. In Paris, Bobkowski started writing a diary that, redacted, would be published in 1957 in Paris under the title Szkice piórkiem. Francja 1940–1944 [Wartime notebooks: France 1940–1944]. During the war, Bobkowski was active in the Polish Office at the Atelier de Construction de Chatillon near Paris. After the war, he joined cultural initiatives of the Polish anti-communist emigration. Discouraged by the political situation in Europe, he left for Guatemala in 1948, but continued to publish in émigré journals.

Formée par Eugen Bleuler à la clinique du Burghözli en Suisse, Sophie Morgenstern s’installe à Paris en 1924 à la suite d’Eugénie Sokolnicka. Appelée par le pédiatre Georges Heuyer à ouvrir un laboratoire de psychanalyse pour enfants à la Salpêtrière, elle verra passer auprès d’elle au fil des années J. Lcan, F. Dolto, J. Aubry, S. Lebovici, et toute une génération. Dès le numéro 3 de la Revue française de psychanalyse , S. Morgenstern publie en 1927 le récit complet d’une cure d’enfant, sur laquelle nous revenons en détail. Mais, effet des rivalités qui traversent les débuts de la psychanalyse en France, le souvenir de S. Morgenstern est complètement effacé après la guerre, alors que beaucoup d’analystes recevant des enfants sont, souvent sans le savoir, les héritiers directs de sa pratique originale, qui prend appui sur les dessins des enfants.

En France, les politiques économiques et les politiques urbaines sont régies par deux logiques séparés, il a fallu attendre les années 1960, avec l’approbation de la loi de Malraux sur les aires protégées, l’intégration des projets du patrimoine L’urbanisme a été adopté d’un point de vue législatif. Cependant, depuis la première moitié du XXe siècle, des expériences ont été menées dans ce sens à Paris et dans ses environs. Déjà en 1910, la Commission du Vieux Paris avec les architectes ont participé aux discussions autour de la nouvelle discipline de la planification urbaine, il est ensuite cherché à mettre en oeuvre une politique de protection du patrimoine qui pourrait être intégrée dans les projets de développement dans la ville. Cette tentative a servi de modèle pour le projet de constitution du «Registre Archéologique et Artistique de Paris et du Département de la Seine», inventaire architectural et urbain développé entre 1916 et 1928 qui a servi de base à l’inventaire patrimonial du Grand Paris. Organisé avec la collaboration des architectes et de la Commission du Vieux Paris, il a permis la mobilisation de divers acteurs qui ont aidé à l’évolution et à la constitution des politiques urbaines, et à consolider les inventaires de la ville et la manière dont ces travaux ont été entrepris.

Abstract The first volume of the Proceedings of the Society for Horticultural Science, which includes the Preliminary Meeting, Boston, Mass., 9–10 Sept. 1903; the First Meeting, St. Louis, 28–29 Dec. 1903; and the Second Annual Meeting, Philadelphia, 27–28 Dec. 1904; contains a list of Members for 1903–4 and 1905. Miss Fanny R. Wilkinson with the address Hor't College, Swanley, Kent, England, is one of five foreign Members listed in 1905—the other four being Ed Andre, Paris, France; Dr. Maxwell T. Masters, London, England (both honorary members); W.T. Macoun, Canada; and Dr. L. Wittmach, Berlin, Germany.

Suphis fluviatilis Guignot, 1948 was described based on a single female specimen, and according to the author, the type was deposited in the Museum National d’Histoire Naturelle (Paris, France). However, the diagnostic features of the specimen deposited under this name and provided with the respective labels deviate considerably from those given by Guignot in his original description. It is shown that this specimen belongs to Suphis notaticollis Zimmermann, 1921, confirming previous observations by Luis Grosso in 1980. Thus, a neotype of S. fluviatilis is designated to avoid instability of the nomenclature by the impending synonymy of S. fluviatilis with S. notaticollis. Suphis fluviatilis is redescribed in detail, including illustrations of the main diagnostic characters. The species is compared with other Neotropical Suphis species, in particular with S. notaticollis. Additionally, the male genitalia of Suphis intermedius Régimbart, 1903 are described for the first time, and a first record from Paraguay is given.

BENSAÏD, DANIEL. Les trotskysmes. Deuxième éd. [Que sais-je?, 3629.] Presses Universitaires de France, Paris 2002. 128 pp. € 6.50.CHARPIER, FRÉDÉRIC. Histoire de l'extrême gauche trotskiste. De 1929 à nos jours. Editions 1, Paris 2002. 402 pp. € 22.00.MARIE, JEAN-JACQUES. Le trotskysme et les trotskystes. D'hier à aujourd'hui, l'ideologie et les objectifs des trotskystes à travers le monde. [Collection L'Histoire au present.] Armand Colin, Paris 2002. 224 pp. € 21.00.NICK, CHRISTOPHE. Les Trotskistes. Fayard, [Paris] 2003. 618 pp. € 23.00.The Trotskyist Fourth International went through many quarrels and splits after its foundation in 1938 – understandably, given the political and social isolation in which the movement generally functioned. Its enemies to its left and right crowded the Trotskyists into an uncomfortably narrow space. Trotskyists' intense internal discussions functioned as a sort of immune response, which could only be effective if theoretical and programmatic issues were clearly formulated. The more practical success eluded them, the more programmatic clarity served as compensation and monopolized their attention. In the name of various “isms” their passions sometimes took acute forms, while, under the surface, “ordinary” human shortcomings threw oil on the fire.

AbstractOn 26 October 1928 Paris was witness to a gala opera performance some sixty years in the making: the city’s first staging of Bedřich Smetana’s The Bartered Bride (1866). Organised under the auspices of the Czechoslovak embassy, joined with the tenth anniversary celebrations for the foundation of the First Czechoslovak Republic, and promoted as a marker of French-Czechoslovak cultural ties, the event constituted a triumph for Czech opera in one of the interwar period’s most important European cultural centres. The Paris premiere of The Bartered Bride allows for a detailed examination of two distinct but interconnected issues: the status of Smetana’s opera as political, ideological and national symbol for the nascent Czechoslovak state, and the diplomatic relationship between interwar France and Czechoslovakia.

ABSTRACT Based on a detailed analysis of Langevin's laboratory notebooks, this paper shows that his experimental work between 1896 and 1903 was not a sequence of disconnected research topics. The complex of instruments, formulas, and manual operations involved derived from a set of skills unique to Langevin. Significantly, Thomson, Rutherford, and Bloch had trouble reproducing the results Langevin obtained with the techniques he worked out in several laboratories and research schools in Paris and Cambridge. His experiences affected not only his apparatus and technique but also his research agenda, mode of argumentation, and professional strategies. These last included his importation of Cambridge ion physics into Paris, his fight for the acceptance of microphysics by his French colleagues, and his rise to a professorship at the Collèège de France.

The 1930 master plan for Rio de Janeiro, drawn up by the French architect-urbanist Alfred Agache, had an important impact on Rio and on the development of modern planning in Brazil. Reflecting the socioscientific methods of Edmond Demolins and the Musée Social in Paris as well as the sociological ideas of Gabriel Tarde and Emile Durkheim, the plan exemplifies the ambitions and techniques of the urbanism of the Société Française d'Urbanistes (SFU). Agache, a leading theorist, teacher, and practitioner of SFU urbanism, developed a sociological urbanisme parlant that evolved out of his Beaux-Arts training and his background in French sociology. Agache's ideas on the fine arts and urban planning were synthesized and refined in the courses on social art history and urbanism, the first of their kind in France, that he taught at the Collège Libre des Sciences Sociales in Paris. In defining theoretically and expressing artistically the Brazilian capital's urban program in terms of the fine art of applied sociology, Agache provided the Brazilians with a blueprint for socioeconomic and moral reform on the levels of both urban and national development. Situated chronologically between the international expositions of 1925 and 1937 in Paris, Agache's project reflects as well the larger purposes and methods of the two expos and, in so doing, clarifies the historical evolution of SFU urbanism.

The history of the Summer Olympic Games is too rich and deserves a lot of space and attention. Between the two Olympics in Paris (1924-2024), exactly 100 years have passed. A whole century. This city was the organizer of the Olympic Games in 1900, when France won the most medals. This work and the idea of extracting the names of medal winners from these areas from the multitude of data is a modest contribution to the preservation of the Olympic spirit. For all athletes, going to the Olympic Games is a dream come true. The intention is to encourage already established athletes to fulfill the norm and find themselves in the selection of Serbia in 2024 at the Olympics in Paris. And so that they never forget the message: Persistence, will and love for sports are the drivers of many sporting and life activities and feats. The history of Olympism, scholarly works and books, will celebrate the pride of each Olympic medal-winning nation.

The Romanian delegation - headed by Prime Minister Ion I.C. Brătianu - accompanied by other well-known Romanian figures who were not part of the delegation, but represented the Romanian elite who had emigrated to the French capital, attended the Paris Peace Conference and recognised that the political decisions concerning the future borders of the nations emerging from the former Austrian-Hungarian Empire were made by the Roman Catholic Church, the Freemasonry and the Jewish Youth Organisation. These were the institutions behind the political decisions made by the political leaders of France (Georges Clémenceau), Great Britain (Sir David Lloyd George), the United States of America (Woodrow Wilson), and Italy (Vittorio Emanuele Orlando). When, after a conflict with the then French Prime Minister, who was failing to observe the provisions of the August 1916 Treaty concluded between Romania and the Triple Entente, Ion I.C. Brătianu left Paris, Alexandru Vaida-Voevod became his successor as head of the Romanian delegation. The Transylvanian political leader and some of his close associates would also become members of the Ernest Renan Masonic lodge in Paris, on 4 August 1919. The decision was made by Alexandru Vaida-Voevod after extensive consultations with Ion I.C. Brătianu, who had returned to Bucharest by then, and Iuliu Maniu, the Chairman of the Ruling Council in Sibiu. The masonic involvement of the Romanian delegation at the Paris Peace Conference was proof of the diplomatic abilities of its members as well as of the perfect cooperation with the local political decisionmakers, with the purpose of adjusting to the then current international context to the benefit of the country’s national interests. After Romania and Hungary signed the Treaty of Trianon (4 July 1920) whose clauses were favourable to Romania, the Romanian freemasons would leave their Masonic lodges in the coming years.

After more than 50 years dedicated to scientific research and to the dissemination of knowledge, Dr Jacques Labeyrie recently passed away at the age of 91. Upon graduating from the Ecole Supérieure de Physique et Chimie Industrielle de la Ville de Paris (1940–43), he became the assistant to Frédéric Joliot-Curie at the Collège de France. With Joliot's recommendation, he was recruited in 1946 to the Commissariat à l'Energie Atomique (CEA), where he stayed until his retirement in 1985. He was named Head of the Section d'Electronique Physique (later known as the Service d'Electronique Physique) of the CEA in 1955, which he managed until 1982.

AbstractThis article asks the question: ‘Why have the French not developed ‘‘think tanks’’?’ by looking at the period when such institutions were being set up in The UK and the United States, during the preparation for the Paris Peace Conference and its aftermath. It is suggested that the reasons were a mixture of French bureaucratic and intellectual disposition but also in a growing revulsion in Paris at what was seen as duplicity and conspiracy by its Allies to ignore the legitimate concerns and needs of the French people. The central source material used is the papers of the ‘Commission Bourgeois’ whose deliberations are often rather air brushed out of academic literature on the period and work done within the French Foreign Ministry.