Articoli di riviste sul tema "Palestine Territorial questions"
Segui questo link per vedere altri tipi di pubblicazioni sul tema: Palestine Territorial questions.
Cita una fonte nei formati APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard e in molti altri stili
Vedi i top-40 articoli di riviste per l'attività di ricerca sul tema "Palestine Territorial questions".
Accanto a ogni fonte nell'elenco di riferimenti c'è un pulsante "Aggiungi alla bibliografia". Premilo e genereremo automaticamente la citazione bibliografica dell'opera scelta nello stile citazionale di cui hai bisogno: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver ecc.
Puoi anche scaricare il testo completo della pubblicazione scientifica nel formato .pdf e leggere online l'abstract (il sommario) dell'opera se è presente nei metadati.
Vedi gli articoli di riviste di molte aree scientifiche e compila una bibliografia corretta.
1
Pfingst, Annie. "Militarised violence in the service of state-imposed emergencies over Palestine and Kenya". Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 6, n. 3 (18 febbraio 2015): 6–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v6i3.4108.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
States of Emergency are declared against the disorder-ing of state sovereign power by acts of resistance, rebellion and revolt and are characterised by the technologies of control, containment and punishment. Through spatial, archival and visual encounters with emergency landscapes and the geographies of resistance, the essay considers the historic and contemporary operations, provisions, regulations and practices authorised under state-imposed emergencies. It does so in order firstly, to bring attention to the practices authorised through state-imposed emergencies and the currency and saliency of their ongoing effects, and secondly to re-frame the militarised violence of settlement/occupation as an integral part of state-imposed emergencies in which all that is necessary will be done to protect the sovereign state from the resistance of the colonised/occupied and to effect a return to ‘order’. Through encounters with the archival record, and the architectures, remnants and territorial arrangements found in post-colonial Kenya and across the multiple geographies of Palestine, the essay draws out seven clusters of state imposed emergency practices and effects. The work grapples with a number of questions: what is it that a declared state of emergency performs for the state? Does a state of emergency enable particular forms of militarised violence? Are there common practices to be found across different modes of state-imposed emergencies? What is the genealogy to the states of emergency across Palestine and Kenya? Does our excavation of the practices of state-imposed emergency shed light on the ways we apprehend state violence in colonial, post-colonial and neo-colonial geographies?
2
Waters, Timothy William. "The Blessing of Departure: Acceptable and Unacceptable State Support for Demographic Transformation: The Lieberman Plan to Exchange Populated Territories in Cisjordan". Law & Ethics of Human Rights 2, n. 1 (1 gennaio 2008): 1–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1938-2545.1021.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
What limits ought there be on a states ability to create a homogeneous society, to increase or perpetuate non-diversity, or to create hierarchies within existing diversity? This article examines those questions with reference to the Lieberman Planwhich proposes to transfer populated territories from Israel to the Palestine in exchange for Jewish settlements on the West Bank as an abstract exercise in demographic transformation by the state. First the article considers if the Lieberman plan would work: Would it create the alterations it proposes, and would those changes achieve a stable, peaceful, perhaps even just settlement? It finds that though there is debate about the range of effect, there is little doubt that transfer would alter the states demography. It then turns to the international standards that might govern the transfer of territory and the denaturalization of citizens, to see how they would characterize such a plan. It finds that comparisons to ethnic cleansing are inapposite, and that norms protecting citizenship are considerably more complex than they first appeareven allowing ethnically targeted denaturalization in some cases.The article then analyzes the loyalty provisions of the Lieberman Plan, and notes that, contrary to the usual normative assumption that citizenship is tied to the state, the foundations of citizenship are actually a habitual or formative link to a given territory, which in turn creates a right to citizenship not in any particular state, but in the one that incidentally is sovereign over that territory. This interaction of citizenship and territory, when considered together with norms requiring equal protection for all citizens, suggests that the polity has an interest in defining its own territorial scope, and thereby its membership. The legal regime is ambiguous, and therefore deliberations about this question are in the realm of politics. The article demonstrates how transfers assimilation to existing norms suggests a novel interpretation of selfdetermination with far-reaching consequences for both sides of the conflict.Finally, the article notes that international law, though it polices excesses, is largely silent on the principal determinant of demography: the fact of state control over territory.
3
Knoops, Geert-Jan Alexander, e Ine van Giessen. "The Investigative Scope of Article 8(2)(b)(viii) of the Rome Statute before the icc within the Palestine Situation". International Criminal Law Review 18, n. 1 (15 febbraio 2018): 178–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718123-01706002.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article aims to analyse the pitfalls and prospects of the preliminary examinations Prosecutor’s Office of the International Criminal Court (otp) into the situation in Palestine. The otp opened the preliminary examination into the situation in Palestine on 16 January 2015 covering the timeframe as of 13 June 2014, the start of Israel’s military operation – ‘Protective Edge’ – into Gaza. The request of Palestine to investigate aims also at alleged crimes committed on ‘occupied territories’ by Israel. One of the most pertinent questions will be the basis upon which the otp is to determine this qualification of occupied territories. The authors introduce legal rights to the territories, through a teleological interpretation of Art. 21(1)(b). Rome Statute, within the prosecutorial test of Art. 53(1) Rome Statute, i.e. the existence of ‘a reasonable basis to proceed’ to initiate an investigation.
4
Anziska, Seth. "Neither Two States nor One: The Palestine Question in the Age of Trump". Journal of Palestine Studies 46, n. 3 (2017): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2017.46.3.57.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In the opening weeks of his administration, President Donald Trump overturned a longstanding U.S. commitment to territorial partition and a two-state model for resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu seized the opportunity to demand “overriding security control over the entire area west of the Jordan River” while exploring regional approaches that bypass the Palestinians. At the same time, a host of Israeli politicians are reviving older models such as limited autonomy without political sovereignty and partial territorial annexation, or advocating for other forms of separation with Israel’s continued control. The resulting middle ground—neither two states nor one—poses a great risk to Palestinian self-determination. By situating recent developments in a broader historical context going back to the autonomy plan of Israeli prime minister Menachem Begin, this essay provides an overview of a shifting political discourse and examines the consequences for the fate of the Palestinians today.
5
Bandini, Caterina. "« La terre ne nous appartient pas, nous lui appartenons. » Usages militants de la théologie et recompositions identitaires en Israël-Palestine". Critique internationale N° 101, n. 4 (1 dicembre 2023): 9–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/crii.101.0009.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Dans un conflit colonial comme celui qui sévit en Israël-Palestine, la question du rapport à la terre se pose en termes politiques, économiques et religieux, aussi bien aux occupant·es qu’aux occupé·es. À partir du constat du caractère éminemment territorial du conflit, j’interroge les évolutions du rapport à la terre – et à sa sainteté – dans le militantisme religieux pour la « paix ». Mon étude s’inscrit dans une réflexion sur les usages militants du religieux en général, et de la théologie en particulier, en situation de conflictualité coloniale. Afin de mieux saisir la place du militantisme religieux dans le contexte israélo-palestinien, je reviens sur l’histoire des mobilisations pour la « paix » dans la région. Je mets ensuite en évidence les spécificités de l’espace étudié, le caractère religieux de ces mobilisations obligeant les militant·es à se positionner par rapport à l’héritage symbolique durable associé à la « Terre sainte » dans les traditions religieuses juives et chrétiennes. Enfin, j’analyse les changements symboliques qui s’opèrent dans les manières de penser le lien avec la terre pour les Palestinien·nes chrétien·nes, d’une part, pour les juif·ves israélien·nes, d’autre part.
6
Gerber, Haim. "“Palestine” and Other Territorial Concepts in the 17th Century". International Journal of Middle East Studies 30, n. 4 (novembre 1998): 563–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800052569.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
It is a well-known anachronism of historians to treat areas within the Ottoman Empire (Egypt, Syria) as if they had a meaningful existence of their own in the prenationalist period. There is no question that before the appearance of nationalism in the later part of the 19th century the major political community was Islam, whose actual political manifestation was the Ottoman state. It is assumed that as a consequence, no other form of collective identity could exist at the time. The received wisdom on this issue may be expressed by one study of Arab nationalism which claimed:“None of the [Arab] new states was commensurate with a political community. Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, Transjordan, Palestine—these names derived from geography or classical history.” Yet it is possible that the debate over these issues is not yet over. One is entitled, for example, to doubt whether we know enough in social psychology to determine that the human mind is so simple that it cannot accommodate multi-faceted phenomena such as double identity, both in terms of regional Egyptian nationalism, for example, and all-inclusive Arab identity. Dichotomization makes for sharper and more impressive arguments, but sometimes it can be pushed too far and thus rendered misleading. In line with this last consideration, the argument of this paper is that though the all-inclusive identity of Middle Eastern Muslims under the Ottomans was Islamic and Ottoman first, territorial identities existed beneath them and that these territorial communities are commensurate with the modern Middle Eastern states.
7
Zerner, Charles. "Landscapes in Translation: Traveling the Occupied Palestinian Territories and Israel with Raja Shehadeh and David Grossman // Paisajes en traducción: Viajando por los territorios ocupados palestinos e Israel con Raja Shehadeh y David Grossman". Ecozon@: European Journal of Literature, Culture and Environment 5, n. 1 (1 aprile 2014): 33–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.37536/ecozona.2014.5.1.585.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This paper investigates the translation of raw terrain and territory—rocks, streams, canyons, packs of wild dog and clusters of cyclamen—into two parallel, contrapuntal, and mutually referential forms of textualized landscapes: Israeli nature, landscape, and travel in Grossman's To the End of the Land and Palestinian landscape as figured in Raja Shehadeh’s renderings in Palestinian Walks: Forays into a Vanishing Landscape. By examining Shehadeh's and Grossman’s translations of the same topoi—olive groves, paths in woods, wildlife, wildflowers, wild dogs and their behaviors, streams, footpaths, memorials, walls, and checkpoints—this paper investigates how topographical facts on the map and on the ground— geomorphological, biological, and cultural features of terrain—are differentially translated, transformed and moved into distinctive national natures—the multiple ways in which natural landscapes and national identities are conflated. The paper argues that the cultural and psychological scars of Israeli and Palestinian historical relations over land, boundaries, and political control are saturate landscape descriptions and narratives of “walking the land.” A second question animates this analysis: How are Shehadeh’s and Grossman’s personal histories of “the situation” carried over and translated into these landscapes and travel narratives? Slavoj Zizek asserts “already inscribed into the perceived object itself, in the guise of its [the subject’s] 'blind spot,' …is the point from which the object itself returns the gaze. Sure the picture is in my eye, but I am also in the picture.” Might Zizek’s claim assist us in understanding how the poetics and politics of the Israel and the occupied Palestinian territories are translated into topography and moved, from one place to another, as we see and walk these lands in tropes painted by Grossman’s and Shehadeh’s hands? Resumen Este ensayo investiga la traducción del terreno y el territorio crudos—las rocas, los arroyos, los cañones, las hordas de perros salvajes y los ramilletes de ciclamen—a dos formas paralelas, contrapuntuales y mutuamente referenciales de paisajes textualizados: la naturaleza, el paisaje, y el viajar israelitas en Al Final de la Tierra de Grossman, y el paisaje palestino tal y como está figurado en las representaciones de Raja Shehadeh en Excursiones Palestinas: una incursión en un paisaje en vías de desaparecer. Al examinar las traducciones de Shehadeh y Grossman de los mismos topoi—los bosquecillos de oliva, los senderos en los bosques, la fauna, las flores silvestres, los perros salvajes y sus comportamientos, los arroyos, los senderos, los memoriales, las paredes y los lugares de inspección—este ensayo investiga cómo los hechos topográficos en el mapa y sobre la tierra—los aspectos geomorfológicos, biológicos y culturales del terreno—son traducidos diferencialmente, tranformados y movidos a las naturalezas nacionales distintivas y a los paisajes móviles. El ensayo argumenta que las cicatrices culturales y psicológicas de las relaciones históricas israelitas y palestinas sobre la tierra, las fronteras y el control político están saturadas en las descripciones de los paisajes y las narrativas de “caminando la tierra.” Una segunda cuestión motiva este análisis: ¿Cómo las historias personales de Shehadeh y Grossman de “la situatión” están transportadas y traducidas a estos paisajes y narrativas de viaje? Slavoj Zizek afirma que “ya inscrita dentro del objeto mismo disfrazado en el punto ciego’ del [sujeto]...es el punto del cual el objeto mismo devuele la mirada. Es cierto que la imagen está en mi ojo, pero yo tambíen estoy en la imagen.” ¿Puede que la afirmación de Zizek nos ayude a entender cómo la poética y las políticas de Israel y los territorios ocupados palestinos son traducidas a la topografia y movidos de un lugar a otro mientras vemos y caminamos por estas tierras en tropos pintados por las manos de Grossman y Shehadeh?
8
Malkin, Stanislav. "“A Second Ireland”: Palestine in the Eyes of the British Military (1936—1939)". ISTORIYA 13, n. 9 (119) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840022920-1.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article analyses the gaps and ties between the doctrine and theory, in contrast with the practice, of countering subversive movements in the British Empire within the frame of the example of the Arab rebellion of 1936—1939. Contradictions between security services on this question, objectivated by the experience of the Irish war of independence of 1919—1921 took for granted as referenced, led to the articulation and promotion of different models of counterinsurgency instead of the unified “British way” of resolving that problem. In the light of this the research contains an analysis of the “guerrilla warfare concept” evolution within the military thought in the second half of the 1930s, reflecting different thoughts on interrelated problems of the “revolutionary movements” and “sub-war” on the overseas territories, including Palestine. Particular attention is paid for military and political incentives and constrains of the counterinsurgency doctrine, reflected bureaucratic logic which stood behind the implementation of the guerrilla warfare concept at the levels of doctrine and theory in the context of the systemic crisis of empire and the growth of external pressure over the questions of the imperial defense and self-determination for the colonies.
9
Lentin, Ronit. "Palestinian Lives Matter: Racialising Israeli Settler-Colonialism". Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies 19, n. 2 (novembre 2020): 133–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hlps.2020.0238.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Against the background of recent developments in Israel's racial rule over the Palestinians, the Black Lives Matter protests, and in view of Israel's declared intention to annex occupied Palestinian territories, this article theorises Israel's permanent war against the Palestinians as first, state of exception, second, racial state, and third, settler-colony. The paper critiques the focus on ethnicity as an analytical frame by Israeli scholars and posits race as a key concept in analising Zionist settler-colonialism. It proposes that rather than being a solution to European antisemitism, Zionism adopted discourses of race approximating those expressed by antisemitic regimes. As the Black Lives Matter movement proliferates, the article concludes by proposing that Palestine and the question of Palestine are becoming a truly global issue.
10
Alroey, Gur. "Mesopotamia – ‘The Promised Land’: The Jewish Territorial Organization Project in theBilād Al-Rāfidaynand the Question of Palestine, 1899–1917". Middle Eastern Studies 50, n. 6 (6 ottobre 2014): 911–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2014.933418.
Testo completo
11
Whealey, Alice. "Muslim Motives for Conquering the Byzantine Empire 634–720: The Evidence from Eastern Christian Sources". Russian History 40, n. 1 (2013): 9–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763316-04001002.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article examines the motives of the earliest Muslim attacks on the Byzantine Empire in the seventh and eighth centuries by examining the earliest Christian (Byzantine) and Muslim sources that describe these attacks. The article assesses the strengths of these accounts and culls from them the possible religious motivations behind the first Muslim attacks on the Byzantine Empire. One question particularly addressed is the goal of the Muslim attacks: to bring down the Byzantine Empire entirely, or merely to wrest from it Palestine and the surrounding territories that were of significance to the Muslim invaders. In either case, Whealey argues that the motives were religious in nature.
12
El Zein, Rayya. "Developing a Palestinian Resistance Economy through Agricultural Labor". Journal of Palestine Studies 46, n. 3 (2017): 7–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2017.46.3.7.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In 2013, four Palestinians incorporated Amoro Agriculture, Palestine’s only mushroom farm. In the absence of an alternative to Israeli mushrooms on the Palestinian market, Amoro’s products were welcomed as an engaged example of the boycott of Israeli goods and were hailed as an iteration of a Palestinian resistance economy based in the agricultural sector. Using the testimony of the farmers and their experience of what proved to be a short-lived agritech venture, this article explores questions of agricultural development in the occupied Palestinian territories generally, and the development of a “resistance economy” based in agriculture specifically. It argues for recentralizing the question of the development of agricultural labor in the occupied West Bank and for abandoning the depoliticizing romanticism that surrounds the land and the farmer in the discourses of Palestinian struggle. It further contends that growth in the agricultural sector needs to be addressed in a holistic fashion, which includes a recalibration of the relationship of capital and the quasi-state bureaucracy of the Palestinian Authority to labor.
13
Sultana, Summer, Sabir Ijaz e Mubasshar Hassan Jafri. "UNIVERSAL HUMAN RIGHTS DECLARATION: RIGHT TO RETURN OF PALESTINIAN REFUGEES". Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 58, n. 2 (31 dicembre 2019): 71–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.46568/jssh.v58i2.7.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
For over last 70 years, the concept of "return" attained primary focus for the national narrative of Palestinian struggle against devastating conditions, categorized as (i) eviction from ancestral homeland, (ii) diffusion in all aspects and (iii) reconstitution of national unity. However, the very idea create fears among Israelis regarding their authority of whole Zionist enterprise, as well as demographic stability of Arab-Jewish ventures, with regards to the return of large number of Palestinians to their own places or any other part in Palestine. Discrimination in opposition to Palestinians is no longer perpetrated fully by Israeli state, but common to its society, as well. Our article is an answer to the complicated question: Can refugees along with other displaced victims ever claim their right in entering Israel and Palestine, since this State includes Gaza and West Bank territories? Various articles have made an attempt to clarify the matter through some internal laws and have also interpreted the rights mentioned in ‘International Covenants on Civil and Political Rights’, particularly while clarifying the idea evolved from the typical term: 'his own country’. The article focuses on the viable first point, specifically on the claim as a right of the Diasporas return to the formerly called ‘Palestine’. Various resources are utilised for the purpose of the research. This includes books, scholarly researched articles and newspapers etc. The study is analytical in nature and based on qualitative research method. Most of the literature used for the article is Secondary. The conclusion drawn in precise manner is that the intentions are blended in repeated violations of human rights, along with ethnic and religious refining and various innumerable deficiencies, and try to become regularly involved in sensitive issues. This turned out to be disheartening for the people living there as no efforts are made for a truthful resolution.
14
Budaychiev, Arsen L. "ON THE HANDLES OF CERAMIC VESSELS OF THE EARLY BRONZE PRIMORSKY DAGESTAN (QUESTIONS OF TYPOLOGY AND CHRONOLOGY)". History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Caucasus 17, n. 1 (28 marzo 2021): 89–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.32653/ch17189-114.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The main purpose of this article is a typological and chronological study of the handles of ceramic vessels originating from fairly well-studied sites of the Early Bronze Age of the Primorsky Lowland of Dagestan, including both settlements (Velikent II, Gemetyube I, II, Kabaz-Kutan I, II, Torpakh-kala), and and burial grounds (Velikent I (catacomb No. 8), II (catacomb No. 1), III (catacomb No. 1), Karabudakhkent II, Kayakent VI). The first handles in the North-Eastern Caucasus appeared on ceramic ware back in the Eneolithic era. During the early Bronze Age, handles became a characteristic part of ceramic dishes (bowls, containers, cups, vases) on the considered sites of Primorsky Dagestan. Functionally, they have a utilitarian, decorative, artistic and religious purpose. The handles are of four types, which are characteristic of certain forms of dishes: type 1 - horizontal tubular, type 2 - ribbon, type 3 - pseudo-handles, type 4 - hemispherical. The article provides a description of each type of pens, provides analogues on the sites of the Early Bronze Age both in the Northeast Caucasus and the adjacent regions of the Caucasus, including the territories of modern Iran, Turkey and Palestine and Israel, which were part of the distribution area of the Kuro-Arak cultural and historical community ( including Khirbet-Kerak culture). The work identifies the most common and early, dating back to the Chalcolithic period, types of pens, discusses the issue of their chronology. This article is the first special work devoted to a typological and chronological analysis of ceramic vessel handles.
15
The Palestine Yearbook of Internati, Editors. "4. Commission on Human Rights Res. 2002/8 - Question of the Violation of Human Rights in the Occupied Arab Territories, including Palestine". Palestine Yearbook of International Law Online 13, n. 1 (2004): 453–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221161405x00134.
Testo completo
16
The Palestine Yearbook of Internati, Editors. "7. Commission on Human Rights Res. 2003/6 - Question of the Violation of Human Rights in the Occupied Arab Territories, including Palestine". Palestine Yearbook of International Law Online 13, n. 1 (2004): 463–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221161405x00161.
Testo completo
17
John Tshikosi, Ratau, e Livhuwani Priscilla Sekhula. "Ethno-National Colonialism in South Africa". International Journal of Social Science Research and Review 4, n. 3 (1 ottobre 2021): 37–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.47814/ijssrr.v4i3.96.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The purpose of this dissertation is to answer the question: why do ostensibly similar ethno-national conflicts within a system of settler-colonial domination see such wide variation in their outcomes? How they emerge from conflict through power sharing and social integration versus the endurance of separation and systems of domination and control? The study identifies causal paths that resulted in the decline of domination systems of this type. Ethno-national conflicts that feature certain similarities develop in different trajectories due to certain conditions that culminate in transforming the structures of these conflicts towards integration (the establishment of a single political entity) or separation (independence in separate entities). The goal of the dissertation is to examine the Palestinian-Israeli conflict through a comparative lens in order to specify the conditions that led to the persistence of the two-state solution and to examine the prevalence or lack of necessary and sufficient conditions for the emergence of a one civic-democratic state. Building on the comparative approach I argue that ethno-national territorial underpinnings of the conflict and the “regimes of territorial legitimation” of the dominant group are the most crucial explanatory factor in determining the trajectory and outcome of the conflict. “Regimes of territorial legitimation” are the practices, procedures, systems of meaning, and institutional designs that found the relationship between a nation, people or ethno-national group and geography/territory. The dissertation features a qualitative structured and focused comparison of the conflicts in South Africa, and Palestine. Method of difference is applied for a case-oriented interpretive inquiry that focuses on the complexity of each of the two cases and aims at capturing the historical diversity of these similar cases.
18
A. Shehab, Ahmed A., e Nurazmallail Marni. "المركز القانوني للأراضي الفلسطينية المحتلة". al-Irsyad: Journal of Islamic and Contemporary Issues 3, n. 1 (30 giugno 2018): 35–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.53840/alirsyad.v3i1.10.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The legal status of The Occupied Palestinian Territories is a very complicated issue. Therefore, defining the legal status is considered as an introduction which helps determine the legal liability, the legal and political obligations as well as the consequences of such obligations. This study answers some sub-questions besides the following main question: What is the legal status of The Palestinian Territories? This study adopts a mixed-method design: the first is the historical approach which helps to highlight the roots of historical Palestinian Question and follow the political developments in Palestinian territories. The second approach is the descriptive analytical approach which is helpful in analyzing the Legislation and International Conventions and the UN reports. The study aims at defining and clarifying the legal status of the Palestinian territories, and the legal and political obligations and consequences during three periods of time: time prior to Oslo Convention, post establishing Palestinian Authority and the time after Palestine became a non-member observer of the United Nations. The main findings of the study can be summarized as follows: First, the different legal description of the Palestinian territories does not affect the legal status and the direct responsibility of Israeli occupation on the occupied territories, considering it as occupied territories. Second, there is no legal value or effect to Israel's refusal to implement the provisions of Geneva Conventions because Israel is a member of these conventions and it is obliged to apply them. Third, violating conventions is a reason for the international responsibility against Israel. This is apart from the fragility of the Israeli position on applicability of the Fourth Geneva Convention on the occupied Palestinian territories in accordance to the legal charters that are established by the international law. This is also the opinion of international community in accordance to the resolutions of United Nations and various international organizations.
يعد الوضع القانوني في الأراضي الفلسطينية المحتلة معقد ا ج د ا، لذلك فإن تعريف المركز القانوني يعتبر مدخلا لتحديد المسؤولية القانونية والالتزامات القانونية والسياسية، وما يبنى عليها من آثار. وتجيب الدراسة على مجموعة من الأسئلة الفرعية، وعلى السؤال الرئيسي: ما هوالمركز القانوني للأراضي الفلسطينية المحتلة؟، وقد اعتمد الباحث في دراسته على منهاج مختلط، منهجين: أولاهما هو المنهج التاريخي: ومن خلاله يمكن الرجوع إلى جذور القضية الفلسطينية التاريخية وتتبع التطورات السياسية في الأراضي الفلسطينية، وثانيهما هو المنهج الوصفي التحليلي: وذلك عبر تحليل التشريعات والمواثيق الدولية والتقارير الأممية ذات الصلة. وتهدف الدراسة إلى تعريف وايضاح المركز القانوني للأراضي الفلسطينية، و الآثار والالتزامات القانونية والسياسية، وفقا لتقسيم زماني على فترات ثلاث، وهي أولا : ما قبل اتفاقية أوسلو، ثاني ا : ما بعد قيام السلطة الفلسطينية، ثالث ا :ما بعد نيل فلسطين صفة مراقب غير عضو في الأمم المتحدة. ويمكن تلخيص أهم ما توصلت إليه الدراسة فيما يلي : أولا : أن اختلاف الوصف القانوني للأراضي الفلسطينية لا يؤثر في مركزها القانوني والمسؤولية المباشرة للاحتلال الإسرائيلي عن الأراضي الفلسطينية، واعتبارها أرا ض محتلة، ثاني ا : أنه لا قيمة أو أثر قانوني لموقف إسرائيل الرافض لتطبيق أحكام اتفاقيات جنيف لكون إسرائيل دولة طرف في هذه الاتفاقيات وبالتالي هي ملزمة بتطبيقها، ثالث ا : أن انتهاك الاتفاقية يعد سببا لقيام المسؤولية الدولية بحق إسرائيل، بالإضافة لهشاشة الموقف الإسرائيلي بشأن انطباق اتفاقية جنيف الرابعة على الأراضي الفلسطينية المحتلة، طبقا للأسانيد القانونية التي أرساها القانون الدولي، وهذا هو الرأي المعتمد من قبل المجتمع الدولي، بموجب القرارات الصادرة عن الأمم المتحدة والهيئات الدولية المختلفة
19
Sakran, Shadi. "Revisiting the ‘Recognition’ of the Palestinians’ Right to Self-Determination: Peoples as Territories". Groningen Journal of International Law 7, n. 2 (28 febbraio 2020): 236–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/grojil.7.2.236-251.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
‘[B]ehind every Palestinian there is a great general fact: that he once – and not so long ago– lived in a land of his own called Palestine, which is now no longer his homeland.’ The question of whether the Palestinian people, as a people, are entitled to exercise the right to external self-determination has been highly controversial over the years. Divided scholarly research, particularly regarding the attitude of the State of Israel which, at time of writing, has not yet explicitly recognized the Palestinian peoples’ right to emerge as an independent State, serves as evidence to this claim. In 2004, the ICJ in the Wall Advisory Opinion observed that the Palestinians’ right to self-determination is no longer in issue. This observation serves as the benchmark for this paper to revisit the identification of a people under international law. This paper critically examines whether constitutive and declaratory theories of recognition in statehood can assist in understanding the concept of a people in the law of self-determination. While concluding that neither theory of recognition is satisfactory, this paper argues that application of the right to self-determonation, within and beyond the colonial context, is inevitably linked to the territory peoples inhabit. Although the relationship between peoples and territories should come as no surprise, the key element in determining a people is not based on the people but on the status of the territory they inhabit.
20
Roberts, Adam. "Resistance to Military Occupation: An Enduring Problem in International Law". AJIL Unbound 111 (2017): 45–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aju.2017.22.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The fiftieth anniversary of Israel's occupation of certain Arab-inhabited territories following its victory in the June 1967 war is a good time to reflect on the question of how international law addresses resistance to military occupation. This issue—and its counterpart, the rights of an occupying power vis-à-vis resistance—has arisen repeatedly in connection with this occupation. It has been at the center of polemical debates involving Israel, neighboring states, and the Palestine Liberation Organization, in a wide range of international fora including the United Nations. It has also arisen in numerous other conflicts in the past half-century, including in Namibia before it achieved independence in 1990, and in Iraq following the 2003 U.S.-led intervention. The legal focus of this contribution is on the jus in bello. Certain jus ad bellum and human rights issues raised by occupation and resistance that inevitably intrude at certain points will be mentioned in passing.
21
Asmar, Imad T., Hani Naseef, Nimeh Al-Shami, Maram K. Jaghama, Abdallah D. Abukhalil, Areefa A. Karsh, Fuad A. AlFayyah e Ro'a M. Dagher. "Impact of COVID-19 Pandemic on the Psychological Status of Palestinian Adults in the West Bank, Palestine; A Cross-Sectional Study". Open Psychology Journal 14, n. 1 (5 ottobre 2021): 227–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2174/1874350102114010227.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Background: Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) rapid manifestation and spread have disrupted world norms and affected people's daily activities and life. Many ministries chose mass lockdown protocol as a way to control the virus spread. Though this protocol has shown to be effective in limiting the Virus transmission, it might have a negative impact on the population's psychological status, such as boredom, confusion, psychological stress, anxiety, depression, and physical effects. Objective: This study aimed to find the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the Palestinian adults' psychological status by assessing the participant's practices, reports of anxiety and depression during the pandemics Methods: An observational descriptive cross-sectional study was conducted among Palestinian adults in the West Bank, at the occupied Palestinian territories, between July and September 2020. The questionnaire was structured into two domains: the first domain includes nine questions about sociodemographic data. The second consisted of 33 (yes and no) questions evaluating the participant's psychological status. Results: 739 participants with a mean age of 31.76, filled the online questionnaire. Around one-third of respondents revealed having many signs of anxiety, and around 42% of respondents expressed having many signs of depression. Females were significantly more likely to have signs of depression, whereas front-line COVID-19 health care workers were significantly the least likely to have signs of depression and no signs of depression were found among participants with high incomes. Conclusion: COVID-19 pandemic has a negative effect on mental status; most participants have signs of anxiety and depression.
22
Ramati, Nery. "The Rulings of the Israeli Military Courts and International Law". Journal of Conflict and Security Law 25, n. 1 (14 agosto 2019): 149–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcsl/krz017.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract International humanitarian law (IHL) provides the occupying power extensive legal tools in order to allow it to control and govern the local occupied population, with the possibility of establishing a military law system being one of the most influential. The military law system gives the Military Commander of the occupied area an immense power as a potential legislator and judicial authority, but what happens when this legal system encounters the limitations placed by IHL in general and Occupation Law in particular? To examine this question, this article will present the case of the Israeli Military Court system in the Palestinian Occupied Territories and its use, abuse and misuse of international law norms. Based on the 5565 published rulings of the Military Court of Appeals, this research identifies all of the cases that refer to international law. This article suggests that the evolving approaches of the courts to international law are, in fact, a tool to justify and advance Israeli interests over the rights of the Palestinian defendants. Moreover, the article presents the potential impact these rulings have on the law in Palestine, the law in Israel and customary international law.
23
Chiodelli, Francesco. "Strategie demografiche e matrice spaziale. Demografia e governo del territorio nel conflitto israelo-palestinese su Gerusalemme". ARCHIVIO DI STUDI URBANI E REGIONALI, n. 95 (febbraio 2010): 27–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/asur2009-095003.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Il paper analizza la connessione tra le strategie demografiche israeliane per Gerusalemme e le politiche di governo del territorio nella cittŕ, relativamente alla questione specifica dell'abusivismo edilizio nella parte orientale della Cittŕ Santa. La tesi č che Gerusalemme č oggetto di una "guerra a bassa intensitŕ", i cui obiettivi demografico-territoriali, tipici di quella che puň essere definita un'"etnocrazia urbana" (Yiftachel e Yacobi, 2003), sono perseguiti mediante pratiche e politiche di planning. La prima parte del paper si concentra sulla lettura delle caratteristiche demografiche di Gerusalemme, mentre la seconda si occupa delle politiche urbane messe in campo dalla Municipalitŕ - nello specifico in relazione all'edilizia residenziale e al problema dell'abusivismo edilizio a Gerusalemme Est - mostrando come esse si articolino lungo una linea di discriminazione etnica nei confronti della popolazione arabo-palestinese. La natura del saggio č intenzionalmente prettamente descrittiva, demandando a brevi sezioni, introduttiva e conclusiva, la definizione del quadro teorico-interpretativo di riferimento.
24
Feinstein, Barry A. "The Legality of the use of Armed Force by Israel in Lebanon—June 1982". Israel Law Review 20, n. 2-3 (1985): 362–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700017684.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The Government of the United States cannot be expected to suffer the indefinite continuance of existing lawless conditions along its border, which expose its citizens to maltreatment at the hands of ruffianly elements of the Mexican population, which their Government seems unable to control. …No violation of the national sovereignty of Mexico was intended by this expedition [into Mexico by United States troops to hunt down bandits]. It was despatched upon the hot trail of the bandits in question with the sole object of punishing them …, and of preventing future activities of a similar nature upon our frontier…United States Secretary of State Lansing, 26 August 1919The entrance of Israeli forces into Lebanon in June 1982 (“Operation Peace for Galilee”) raises far-reaching legal issues that transcend this particular occurrence. One of the issues raised in this context is the legality of the use of armed force by a State to counter terrorists directing their attacks against its citizens from the territory of another State. Israel considered the action it took against the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in Lebanon to be legitimate self-defence, directed not against the territorial integrity of Lebanon, but rather against the armed PLO terrorists operating from it against Israel. Others viewed Israel's actions as aggression, and Israel as an invader violating Lebanon's sovereignty. This invasion, it was asserted, was contrary to international law.
25
DE WAART, PAUL J. I. M. "International Court of Justice Firmly Walled in the Law of Power in the Israeli–Palestinian Peace Process". Leiden Journal of International Law 18, n. 3 (ottobre 2005): 467–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156505002839.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The impartial and nearly unanimous advisory opinion by the International Court of Justice in the Wall case put the role of politics and diplomacy in the settlement of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict in its proper place, within the context of the rule of law. The significance of the opinion goes far beyond the illegality of the construction of the wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT). The Court wisely and courageously seized the opportunity of its first direct involvement in the conflict to speak in plain legal terms about the tricky political problems that have ruined the Israeli–Palestinian peace process. It ascertained the present responsibility of the United Nations to protect Palestine's statehood. It affirmed the applicability of the prohibition of acquisition of Palestinian territory by Israel and confirmed the illegality of the Israeli settlements in the OPT. Moreover, the existence of the Palestinian people as the rightful claimant to the OPT is no longer open to question. One may only regret that the UN was not able to ask the Court to throw light on the Palestinian question at a much earlier stage.
26
Adhikary, Britee, e Poushali Chatterjee. "Abuse of Human Rights in The Neoliberal World Order: The Case of Israel Palestine Conflict". Indian Journal of Social Science and Literature 1, n. 4 (30 giugno 2022): 22–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.54105/ijssl.d1022.061422.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The rights which are entitled to human beings, are crucial for their existence and are formulated with the intention of safeguarding their life, personal liberty and dignity are referred to as human rights. The traditional notion of human rights and security perceived them as antithetical and separate concepts whereas the current idea propagates the interlinkage between the two and highlights the need to preserve human rights in order to enforce security. Neoliberalism seeks to reduce the role of the state including to diminish its social and welfare responsibilities which affects the protection and implementation of human rights. Thus, a pertinent question is raised: What aspects of neoliberalism are abusive of human rights in the contemporary international structure? This paper takes up the case study of the Israel-Palestine conflict, which dates back to the nineteenth century and analyses it from the perspective of human rights conservation. Israel refuses to give the status of ‘rightful sovereigns’ to the Palestinians residing in the West Bank and Gaza and therefore, believes that they are not entitled to any protection bestowed by the international humanitarian laws. This research further takes into account the aspect of human rights in the U.S. policies concerning Israel. The U.S. has been projecting itself as the torchbearer of liberalism and individual rights in the contemporary neoliberal world order. Yet, it provides military and economic support to Israel and virtually remains silent in its wrongful claims over Palestinian territories. The contemporary world order has seen different countries adopting rightist policies, excluding regional identities and promoting the concept of a homogenized society. The abuse of human rights which these circumstances bring about become equally pertinent as the newest threat to individual security and consequently affects the international socio-political domain.
27
The Palestine Yearbook of Internati, Editors. "5. Commission on Human Rights (2003) - Written Submission by the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) on the Question on the Violation of Human Rights in the Occupied Arab Territories, including Palestine". Palestine Yearbook of International Law Online 13, n. 1 (2004): 458–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221161405x00143.
Testo completo
28
Glebov, Vyacheslav P. "New Finding of an Imported Helmet in a Sarmatian Burial on the Right Bank of the Kuban". Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, n. 6 (2022): 264. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080023575-9.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article is devoted to the publication of an iron segmented helmet found in mound 2 of the Beysuzhek 36 burial ground in the Kuban steppe region. Ciscaucasian Sarmatian burials with helmets belong to the culture of nomads of the 2nd – 1st centuries BC, identified with the Siraces of Strabo. It is obvious that the helmet from the Beysuzhek 36 burial ground is imported. It was made by a professional armourer and certainly does not belong to Greek, Celtic or Roman traditions of armour production. Middle Eastern helmets of the first millennium BC are represented by single finds. The lack of archaeological finds is partly compensated by images of similar helmets on the Bosporan tombstones, reliefs of Trajan’s column and Nile mosaic of Palestrina. The burial inventory is dated back to the late 2nd – 1st centuries BC. According to literary sources, the Sarmatians fought against the commanders of Mithridates VI Eupator, and later, as a part of the army of Mithridates, against the Romans in Asia Minor. The Sarmatians also made up a significant part of the army of the Bosporus of Cimmeria King Pharnaces II during his attempt to recapture the Pontic Kingdom. Thus, the appearance of the helmet in question in the North Caucasus region could be associated both with the participation of the Sarmatians in the Mithridatic wars, and with the events of 48–47 BC, when King Pharnaces II tried to take back the territories that had previously belonged to his father. During these wars, a Sarmatian soldier somehow received the rare Middle Eastern helmet.
29
Torbus, Tomasz. "Krössinsee (zachodniopomorski Złocieniec-Budowo) i inne narodowosocjalistyczne „zamki zakonne”. Budowa – funkcja – kostium stylowy". Porta Aurea, n. 17 (27 novembre 2018): 112–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.26881/porta.2018.17.05.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In 1934, construction began on training centers for the upper echelons of future NS leadership: the Vogelsang in the Eifel, Krössinsee (Polish Złocieniec-Budowo) in western Pomerania, and Sonthofen in Allgäu. Through the enormous efforts of the German Labor Front (DAF) the training centres, called Ordensburgen (literally: ‘castles of the orders’), were completed in 1936. In the meantime, much literature has been published on all of the NS Ordenburgen, yet an investigation of the genesis and analysis of their form is still lacking, which this essay partially attempts to address.
The intention was undoubtedly to build Ordensburgen on the southern, western and eastern fringes of the Reich distanced less than 60 kilometres from the border. Rosenberg, who had made a statement to this effect in a speech in 1934, coined the name ‘Ordensburg’ in connection with the Teutonic Order – the proud champion of ‘Germanness’. The name evoked other echoes from history: young men who were trained for warfare and administration and who lived a life closed of from outside influences. The name also recalled the medieval orders of knights who exercised their power as a military authority along the frontiers of Christianity from Spain to Palestine.
If we go beyond a formal interpretation of the Ordensburgen, what can be seen in all the three structures is the important symbolic function of towers (two rectangular brick towers were erected in Kroessinsee in 1939). In all of them so-called Tingplätze were built, a kind of open-air theatre for political rallies. Moreover, the architect Clemens Klotz embraced the modern age. In adhering to contemporary thought, he blended the cosiness of the Heimatstil with the monumentality and pathos of Neoclassicism. Other forms are also found, such as oval risalites derived from ‘Neues Bauen’ or the protruding window reveal, or the use of unworked stone blocks, something that was particularly characteristic of NS architecture. Yet despite the name ’Ordensburg’, formal references to medieval architecture are sparse. The most apparent examples are seen in the Sonthofen architecture of Herman Giesler in the proportions of the main tower or the vaulted ceilings of the tavern (the so-called Fuchsbau).
After 1945, the Ordensburgen became the military barracks of the victors: Vogelsang was British until 1950, then Belgian; Sonthofen was American until 1956 and then turned over to the German Bundeswehr; Krössinsee was used by the Soviet army from 1947 or 1948, and afterward became the Polish Budowo. Vogelsang was opened to the public in 2006. Today, we face ongoing questions about the preservation and new uses of the Ordensburg structures and facilities. The designation of the former NS training centres as memorial sites, in which the juncture between Ordensburgen and the NS crimes finds physical expression, will presumably be the sole way to ensure their continued existence. Between 1939 and 1940, approximately 260 Ordensjunkers (the name derived from ‘Junker’: a nobleman from the landed class) were sent from Krössinsee on military assignment to the area of Poznań (‘Warthegau’), from where up to a half a million Poles and Jews were expelled to the Government General. Further documentation shows the involvement of the Ordensjunkers in the Holocaust during 1941 in the occupied Soviet territories. In making the buildings of the Ordensburgen accessible to the public, while at the same time laying bare the reality behind the mystique, it seems necessary to proceed on a different path than that which has been taken up to now. ‘Domesticating’ the testimonies of a terror regime has been expressed in ways such as the oversized colourful pillows for visitor seating at the Wewelsburg Castle or the garish plastic forms in Vogelsang. Tus, in addition to taking stock of the buildings and making a case for their preservation, the serious question that must be asked is how to deal with this kind of legacy.
(translated by Sharon Nemeth)
30
Latifah, Ainiyatul, WuShuang WuShuang e Mohammad Izdiyan Muttaqin. "Analisis Antroposentrisme Genesis: 22 dan Teosentrisme Q.S Al-Saffat: 99–113 dalam Kehidupan Sosio-Politis Arab-Israel". Abrahamic Religions: Jurnal Studi Agama-Agama 3, n. 2 (30 settembre 2023): 197. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/arj.v3i2.19589.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The protracted Arab-Israeli conflict, characterized by socio-political dynamics, has endured for over fifty years, pitting the Palestinian and Israeli factions against each other. The issue in question possesses historical origins, since it can be traced back to the relationship between two brothers, Ishmael and Isaac, who share a common paternal lineage. The figure of the son of Abraham being sacrificed, as interpreted in Genesis 22 and QS. Al-Saffat 99-113, is a subject of debate among both Jews and Muslims. This article aims to explore the interpretation of Genesis 22 and QS. Al-Saffat 99-113 by employing anthropocentric and theocentric perspectives. The objective of this study is to examine the interpretations of Genesis: 22 as the Jewish Ideological Basis in relation to Jerusalem, and QS. Al-Saffat: 99-113 as the Islamic Theological Base in connection to the legacy of Abraham's milah, which has had an impact on the socio-political landscape leading to the Arab-Israeli conflict in the Middle East. The biblical and Qur'anic narratives recount the tale of Abraham's progeny, who were destined for sacrifice. The anthropocentric reading of these words serves as the historical foundation for the divide of the land of the covenant, which was inherited by Ishmael, the progenitor of the Arab people, and Isaac, the progenitor of the Israelites. This study exclusively relies on library sources, encompassing interpretative literature, Old Testament texts, books, journals, notes, and reports from prior research endeavors. Moreover, this study is classified as qualitative as it yields descriptive data. The findings of this study demonstrate that the religious interpretation of the Scriptures has exerted a significant impact on cultural and political movements within the Arab-Israeli region. This influence encompasses both the ramifications of territorial conflicts and the effects of peace treaties, such as the Abraham Accord.AbstrakKonflik sosio-politis Arab-Israel khususnya Palestina versus Israel telah terjadi lebih dari setengah abad. Perseteruan ini memiliki akar historis sejak dari dua saudara terasing yang memiliki ayah yang sama, Ismael dan Ishak. Keduanya diperdebatkan oleh Yahudi dan Muslim sebagai sosok anak Ibrahim yang hendak dikurbankan dalam penafsiran Genesis : 22 dan QS. Al-Saffat : 99-113. Artikel ini akan membahas tentang penafsiran Genesis : 22 dan QS. Al-Saffat : 99-113 tersebut melalui pendekatan antroposentrisme dan teosentrisme. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk menganalisis proyeksi penafsiran atas Genesis : 22 sebagai basis Ideologis Yahudi terhadap Jerussalem dan QS. Al-Saffat : 99-113 sebagai basis teologis Islam terhadap warisan millah Ibrahim yang berpengaruh dalam kehidupan sosio-politis hingga memunculkan konflik Arab-Israel di Timur Tengah. Unit analisa dalam penelitian ini adalah ayat-ayat Alkitab dan Al-Qur’an tentang kisah anak-anak Ibrahim yang hendak dikurbankan. Interpretasi antroposentris terhadap ayat-ayat tersebut menjadi akar historis pembagian tanah perjanjian yang diwariskan kepada Ismael —sebagai bapak bangsa Arab— dan Ishak—sebagai bapak bangsa Isreal—. Penelitian ini sepenuhnya merupakan penelitian pustaka yang menggunakan sumber kepustakaan baik berupa kitab tafsir, teks-teks Perjanjian Lama, buku, artikel, catatan, maupun laporan karya terdahulu. Di samping itu, penelitian ini bersifat kualitatif karena menghasilkan data deskriptif. Hasil pembahasan dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa interpretasi kitab suci sebagai basis ideologi agama berpengaruh pada gerakan budaya dan politik secara umum, khususnya di kawasan Arab-Israel, baik pengaruh berupa konflik perebutan wilayah maupun pengaruh berupa perjanjian perdamaian seperti Abraham Accord.
31
Kassoti, Eva. "The EU’s duty of non-recognition and the territorial scope of trade agreements covering unlawfully acquired territories". Europe and the World: A law review, 26 giugno 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.14324/111.444.ewlj.2019.15.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Recently, the international legality of the EU’s economic activity in unlawfully acquired territories has gained much salience. Claims are increasingly heard that the duty of non-recognition requires the inapplicability of trade agreements to unlawfully acquired territories. In this light, this article attempts a survey of the relevant EU practice by focusing on the case-studies of Palestine and Western Sahara. The main question examined here is whether the EU has acted in breach of its obligation of non-recognition by concluding agreements with third States that extend to unlawfully acquired territories. Overall, this article argues that there is a growing gap between EU identity rhetoric as a promoter of international law and its actual practice on the ground.
32
Gabriel, Robin. "Coloniality and Necropolitics in the Age of COVID-19: The Question of Palestine". Asian Journal of Law and Society, 18 agosto 2022, 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/als.2022.18.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract This article interrogates the necropolitical logics of the Israeli settler-state apparatus towards Palestinians in the Occupied Territories during the COVID-19 pandemic. It examines these logics and practices through the prism of coloniality, which conceptualizes manifestations of colonialism (whether material, epistemic, or ontological) as a diffuse set of practices, opening up the conversation to discuss the ways in which international organizations, other states, and the Palestinian Authority continue to inflict the colonial harm through the employment of particular policies. Centring coloniality as an analytic allows a more global perspective and widens the discussion to include the ways in which Palestinians practise decoloniality, building and imagining “otherwise” worlds. This article maps the ways in which the devastation of the pandemic is not a product of the pandemic itself, but larger legacies of material, epistemic, and ontological colonial intervention.
33
Imseis, Ardi. "State of Exception". Journal of International Criminal Justice, 27 dicembre 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jicj/mqaa049.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract In December 2019, the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court concluded her preliminary examination into the situation in Palestine, determining there is a reasonable basis to initiate an investigation into the situation. Instead of doing so, she first decided to seek a ruling from the Pre-Trial Chamber on the scope of the Court’s territorial jurisdiction, specifically aimed at confirming her view that the ‘territory’ over which the Court may exercise its jurisdiction comprises the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT). This article focuses on the amici curiae observations and other communications made by eight states parties in the proceedings — Australia, Austria, Brazil, Canada, Czech Republic, Germany, Hungary and Uganda. A critical examination of these observations and communications reveals that they did not answer the question posed by the OTP, but rather advanced a number of strained arguments aimed, inter alia, at impugning the very notion that the Court has any jurisdiction at all on the basis that Palestine is not a state. When juxtaposed against the ostensible commitment of these states parties to the object and purpose of the Statute, their observations and other communications reveal a conspicuous hypocrisy. If accepted by the Court, these observations and communications would operate to not only affirm the continued contingency of the state of Palestine on the international plane, but, even worse, to shield persons known to have committed or be committing crimes of the gravest concern to the international community with impunity.
34
"Jordan: statement concerning disengagement from the west bank and Palestinian self-determination". International Legal Materials 27, n. 6 (novembre 1988): 1637–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020782900022208.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
On Sunday evening, July 31, 1988, King Hussein delivered the following address to his countrymen, in explanation of various measures to disengage from the West Bank, including the cancel¬lation of a $1.3 billion development program for the Israeli-occupied territories. In light of the Palestinian uprising, intifadah, that began in the occupied territories in December 1987 [ see I .L.M. page 1672], and the actions taken by the recent Arab summit meetings [see I.L.M. page 1646], the statement aligns Jordan with an evolving Arab consensus on Palestinian self-determination.On November 15, 1988, the Palestinian National Council adopted a political communique and declaration of independence for a Palestinian state [see I.L.M. page 1660]. These documents are before the U.N. General Assembly under agenda item 37, the Question of Palestine.
35
Aksoy, Mehmet Emin, e Pehlul Düzenli. "Osmanlı Sonrası Şer’î Aile Hukuku Uygulamaları: Filistin Örneği". TSBS Bildiriler Dergisi, n. 3 (15 agosto 2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.55709/tsbsbildirilerdergisi.312.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Palestine remained under the rule of the Ottoman Empire for nearly four centuries. During this period, the Ottoman legal system was in force in Palestine as well as in the lands under Ottoman rule. Another link of the enactment movement that started after the Tanzimat for various reasons was the Ottoman Legal Family Decree (OLFD). The decree, which came into force in 1917, was implemented in the field of Sharia family law in Palestine. As a result of the weakening of the Ottoman Empire in the region, the Palestinian lands were given to the administration of Britain in 1918 by the decision of the UN. Britain made radical reforms in the field of law in the region, but it did not amend the application of Sharia family law, and the OLFD, which was previously implemented in the region, was implemented. Britain, which kept silent on the problems between the Jews who constantly settled in the region and the dream of establishing a state and the people of the region, withdrew from the region in 1948. The Jews who had previously become stronger politically, administratively economically, declared on the same day that they had established the State of Israel in the region. The decision in question was met with a reaction by some surrounding Arab states. As a result of the war between the newly established State of Israel and the Arab states, the Palestinian territories were divided into three parts administratively. The area which was defined as the Occupation Zone, passed to Israeli control, Gaza region to Egyptian control, and West Bank region to Jordanian administration. The states that dominate Palestinian territories implemented their own law system in the territories where they administer. The Law Decree that was previously in force in the West Bank region, which is under the control of Jordan, and the laws that came into force after it were periodically abolished, and it had already been replaced only in the West Bank region by "Kanûnu'l-Ahvâli'ş-Şahsiyye" No. 61 of 1976. As far as it can be determined, the lack of study on the subject in our country has led us to investigate the subject. Again, this study is aimed to constitute a stepping stone to the research of other countries' Sharia family law practices. In the examination, it was concluded that “Kânûnu’l-Ahvâli’ş-Şahsiyye” is a binding law only for Muslims who are living in the West Bank, it was prepared with a telphic understanding as well as it is mainly Hanafi sect, the judges are given the opportunity to make new ijtihads provided that they stay within the Islamic legal system, some of the articles are different from the classical sectarian ijtihads, and some of the articles were prepared by considering the customs of the region. Among the results reached, the father is obligated to cover his children's education expenses until they receive their primary, secondary, high school, and university diplomas. The education expenses are counted as alimony, and education is given importance without discrimination between boys and girls. The law consists of 187 articles, and it has been accepted in principle that the preferred view should be taken as a basis in the Hanafi sect on matters not stated in the law. The study, it is aimed that is known the Shari family law and its application. The study, prepared within the framework of explaining and titling the articles of the law, was formed based on the sections of classical and modern fiqh works, court ijtihads, and the Official Gazette decisions issued on the subject. The mentioned study aimed to investigate the family law enforcement in one part of Palestine (West Bank), and it suggested conducting a comprehensive study on the Shari family law enforcement in the remaining two regions (Gazza and Occupation Zone). * This study was prepared based on the master’s thesis, titled “Shariah Family Law Practices in Post-Ottoman Palestine”, which has continued under the supervision of Assoc. Dr. Pehlul Duzenli (Yalova: Yalova University, Graduate Education Institute, master’s thesis, 2023)
36
Othman, Othman. "The Future of the Palestinian Question between Political Negotiations and Armed Resistance". An-Najah University Journal for Research - B (Humanities), ottobre 2007, 1113–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.35552/0247-021-004-007.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This study aimed at assessing the Palestinian-Israeli negotiations and the armed resistance of Al-Aqsa Uprising and their consequences on the Palestine Question. The researcher reached the following findings: The Oslo Agreement and the subsequent agreements do not supply a solid ground to achieve peace and security in the Middle East region based upon Israeli occupation from the Palestinian territories occupied in 1967, and achieving independence and freedom for the Palestinian people. The political negotiations as a sole strategic option under American patronage biased to Israel do not form an appropriate instrument to achieve the required peace, Israel has exploited the negotiations and calming down to reduce the ceiling of the Palestinian demands and getting more political concessions, and for the duplication of settlement to create political events on the land which is difficult to surpass. On the other hand, the study concludes that the continuation of uprising led to the retreat of the settlement and to the occurrence of an opposite migration, and to the compulsion of Sharon هدفت هذه الدراسة إلى تقييم تجربة المفاوضات الاسرائيلية الفلسطينية والمقاومة المسلحة في انتفاضة الأقصى، وتبعاتهما على القضية الفلسطينية، وتوصل الباحث إلى عدة نتائج أهمها: إن اتفاقية أوسلو والاتفاقات التي تلتها لا تشكل أرضية صلبة وسليمة لتحقيق الأمن والسلام في منطقة الشرق الأوسط القائم على أساس الانسحاب الإسرائيلي من الأراضي الفلسطينية المحتلة منذ العام 1967 وتحقيق الاستقلال والحرية للشعب الفلسطيني. كما أن المفاوضات السياسية كخيار استراتيجي وحيد تحت رعاية أمريكية منحازة إلى إسرائيل لا تشكل الأداة المناسبة لتحقيق السلام المنشود. لقد استغلت اسرائيل المفاوضات والتهدئة السياسية لتخفيض سقف المطالب الفلسطينية للحصول على مزيد من التنازلات ولمضاعفة الاستيطان لخلق وقائع سياسية على الارض يصعب تجاوزها. وفي المقابل توصلت الدراسة الى أن استمرار الانتفاضة أدى الى تراجع حدة الاستيطان والى حصول هجرة عكسية والى إجبار حكومة شارون على تقديم تنازلات سياسية الى السلطة الفلسطينية لم تكن قبل الانتفاضة على استعداد لمجرد التفكير بها مثل الانسحاب أحادي الجانب من قطاع غزة، واخلاء مستوطناته، وبعض المستوطنات العشوائية من الضفة الغربية، والاعتراف بدولة فلسطينية انسجاما مع "خارطة الطريق" على الرغم من شوائبها وتحفظاته عليها. كما وأدت المقاومة الفلسطينية الى تحريك القضية الفلسطينية على الساحة الدولية والى دفع المجتمع الدولي وخاصة الادارة الامريكية للتحرك سياسيا لإيجاد حل سياسي للقضية الفلسطينية في الوقت الذي فشلت فيه تجربة التهدئة والمفاوضات في تحقيق ذلك.
37
HADŽİĆ, Faruk. "Sociology of religion, and sociopolitical intercultural peace in space and place of Jerusalem". Journal of Islamicjerusalem Studies, 30 giugno 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31456/beytulmakdis.1036835.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
By presenting the contemporary intercultural, interreligious, and peace dialogue in the space and place of Jerusalem and the more general Israel-Palestine conflict, attempting to remain outside the mainstream political framework, the paper examined sociopolitical-religious synergy and partially, critical human securitization. Interculturalism, multiculturalism, and such notions emerged in the 1970s, emphasizing different cultures' equivalence and dialogue. Besides cultural and territorial determinants of Arab-Israeli conflict, the status quo is conditioned by a religious rather than a secular approach to political organization. Both civilizations, peoples view the area they inhabit through religious rights, turning history into theology and different theology into sociopolitics. It presents a human conflict. While religion and nationalism based on power have often contributed to antagonism, violence, and wars, the objectives of the three monotheist religions addressing peace suggest a shift towards mutual compromise from hegemonic visions to practical expectancies. Jerusalem is the holy place where all confessions have the right of residence. Infiltration of faith into this political dispute, Islamism, and Judaism is a religious aspect disputed between Jews and Arabs. Conflicts are mainly due to territory, and religion gives it a higher purpose within narratives regarding supernatural rights. Despite the inter-religious tensions and passions involved in the contradictory faith elevation at this religious source, the internal and external peace is influenced by politics. The holy Jerusalem has been perpetual - the case. Many unadulterated Jews, Catholics, and Palestinians, who desire the city's lasting security, should be more willing to compromise. The future sociopolitical life must work around healthy economic development and human security. The revenge paradigm could negatively influence sustainable peace, maintaining violence and hybrid wars within social, psychological, historical, cultural, and stagnation reasons. There is a comparable paradigm in the Balkans- Bosnia to Israel-Palestinian question, where similar policies maintain and clerical, national, and ethnopolitical patterns materialize, i.e., critical peace stalemate persists.
38
Hassan Ahmed, Assistant Professor Dr Musleh. "The position of the international law of the separation wall". Journal of Juridical and Political Science 3, n. 2 (15 dicembre 2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.55716/jjps.2014.3.2.4.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The idea of construction the separation wall in the modern Palestinian land was not modern as claimed by the leaders of the Zionist entity, but that idea dug deep into the Zionist thought since its inception .. It is what was written by Theodor Herzl in his book "The Jewish State" who's counting stone contemporary Zionism has confirmed that the Jewish state in Palestine will be European part of the fence in front of Asia. After more than a hundred years, the body of Sharon's wall full embodiment of this vision. The importance of this study lies in shedding the light on the cause of the most serious cases on the rights of the Palestinian people to self-determination and to build an independent state since the wall charges a lot of Palestinian land and destroyed a lot of buildings and property and hindered the movement of people and disrupted the educational process in some Palestinian areas ... and this is the Zionist entity has violated international conventions which prohibit such actions as well as this study has developed a vision the future of what was issued by the International Court of Justice on the wall ... I study resolved to answer questions related to the competence of the international Court of Justice to consider this issue and the extent of the application of the law international humanitarian and human rights law in the occupied Palestinian territories, particularly with regard to the wall. In order to achieve the objectives of this study in an attempt to answer its questions have been her plan included three chapters and a conclusion and the main conclusions and recommendations reached situation In the first study deals with the historical roots of the wall and the real goals of Zionism from its construction and full specifications him and regions through which the land areas that looted the residence. The second chapter discusses the legal aspect of the construction of the wall and the position of international law and human rights law in addition to the role of the United Nations, particularly the Security Council and the General Assembly and the decisions made on the construction of the wall. The third chapter discusses the role of the International Court of Justice in the Wall case, based on the Opinion issued by the court on its construction in the Palestinian territories, and the political and legal importance of this opinion. The study concluded finale and a number of recommendations emphasized the need to strive for the issuance of decisions designed to take the necessary measures to ensure compliance with the Zionist entity, the decision of the International Court of Justice actions in order to stop him for his work and the pressure on the United States not to use the veto on this issue.
39
Sadeq, Abdel Majid, e Khaled Al-Sahili. "Elasticity of Intercity Buses in the West Bank". An-Najah University Journal for Research - A (Natural Sciences), maggio 2004, 157–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.35552/anujr.a.18.2.621.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In the Palestinian territories, as the country is developing, there is a need to study public transport characteristics. This study is concerned with transportation planning in Palestine. The objective of the study is to collect and analyze information about public transportation ridership behavior by using two different questionnaires for bus riders and shared-taxi riders. The study area was the Northern and Central Governorates of the West Bank. Five hundred and eighty six forms were distributed for intercity bus and shared-taxi riders, which accounted for 5 percent of riders. Questions were about riders' characteristics, trip itself, and changing mode preference for a change in bus fare or waiting time. Results showed that ridership demand elasticity towards the change in bus fare was -1.83 for bus riders and 1.34 for shared-taxi riders. Employees and students who make frequent trips were the most sensitive to mode change based on fare change, reducing waiting time, and availability of express bus services. It is recommended for future research to extend such efforts for the rest of the West Bank governorates and Gaza Strip. تعنى هذه الدراسة بتخطيط المواصلات في فلسطين، فهناك حاجة لدراسة خصائص المواصلات العامة في المناطق الفلسطينية، حيث إن المنطقة تتطور وتنمو. وتهدف هذه الدراسة إلى تجميع معلومات وتحليلها بوساطة استبانات تم توزيعها على ركاب الحافلات، وسيارات النقل المشترك بين المدن. ومنطقة الدراسة هي المحافظات الشمالية والوسطى في الضفة الغربية. تم توزيع 586 استبانة على ركاب النقل العام بين المدن، وهذا العدد يشكل ما يقارب 5% من مجموع ركاب النقل العام لمنطقة الدراسة. وتحتوي الاستبانات على أسئلة عن خصائص الركاب، والرحلة، ومدى قابلية الركاب لتغيير وسيلة النقل العام نتيجة لتغير أجرة الركوب، وزمن الانتظار. وأظهرت النتائج أن معدل المرونة في الطلب، نتيجة تغير أجرة الركوب، هي 1,83- لركاب الحافلات، و1,34 لركاب سيارات النقل المشترك. وتبين كذلك أن الموظفين والطلبة هم الأكثر تأثراً بتغير أجرة الركوب وزمن الانتظار، وذلك لكونهم يقومون برحلات شبه يومية، وهم أيضاً معن
40
Torres, Francisco. "La sociedad disidente: Israelíes contra la ocupación". Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterráneos, n. 13 (29 dicembre 2012). http://dx.doi.org/10.15366/reim2012.13.005.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Son numerosos los análisis acerca de la sociedad palestina que focalizan su atención en la dualidad Fatah-Hamas, mientras que se tiende a considerar a la sociedad israelí como un conjunto homogéneo, que se mueve al dictado de su gobierno. Pero la realidad es otra. Este trabajo se centra en las razones que permiten hablar en Israel de un movimiento de disidencia, de oposición contra las políticas de ocupación del gobierno y que lucha por la eliminación de las desigualdades entre judíos y árabes en Israel. Para ello se identifican dos problemas: la ausencia de una oposición política capaz de liderar ese proceso, y por otro, la gran brecha que existe entre las dos nacionalidades mayoritarias en el Estado. Como reacción a ambas cuestiones surge en los últimos diez años un movimiento social compuesto por organizaciones no gubernamentales (religiosas, activistas, de investigación y análisis social...), que ejerce de contrapeso puntual a las políticas de ocupación, y actúa como agente opositor, a veces incluso con ramificaciones internacionales. Aunque de dimensiones reducidas, este movimiento alcanza una notable repercusión en los medios de comunicación, y produce efectos multiplicadores en las sociedades occidentales, dado que cuestiona desde dentro la política de ocupación de territorios y sus métodos, cuando no se opone abiertamente a ella. Se trata de organizaciones no gubernamentales, colectivos de defensa de los derechos humanos, o grupos de activistas que, por sus planteamientos heterodoxos, adquieren a veces una relevancia notoria en los medios de comunicación, aunque su verdadera repercusión social interna es, de momento, limitada.AbstractThere are plenty of analysis about the Palestinian society, most of them focused in the duality Fatah-Hamas, while the Israeli society tends to be considered as an homogeneous group that follows his Government guidelines. But in fact, there are disent movements in Israel that fight against the occupation policies of the Government, as well as for the elimination of the inequalities between Jews and Arabs in this country. This work tries to explain why this happens. We identify two problems: the absence of a political opposition able to deal with this process, and the huge gap that exists between the two majority nationalities in the State. As a reaction to both issues, a social movement composed by non-governmental (religious ones, activists, research and social analysis...) organizations has arisen in the last ten years. It acts as a punctual counterweight in front of the occupation policies, as well as a political opponent, sometimes even with international ramifications. Although of reduced dimensions, this movement reaches a remarkable impact in the media and it has multiplier effects in Western societies, for it puts in question from the inside the occupation policy of the territories and its methods, and often it opposes directly. These are non-governmental organizations, collectives in defence of human rights and groups of activists that sometimes acquire an important relevancy in the media due to their heterodox approaches, but with poor social effects indide Israel at the moment.