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Articoli di riviste sul tema "Orationes (Cicero)"

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TSYGANOV, R. V. "THE CONCEPT OF “RELIGIO” IN CICERO’S “VERRESIAN”. THE EXPERIENCE OF ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION". Sociopolitical Sciences 13, n. 3 (30 giugno 2023): 97–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2223-0092-2023-13-3-97-102.

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This article is devoted to the analysis of the interpretation of the term “religio” used in the speeches known to us by Mark Thulius Cicero “Against Guy Verres” (“Verresiana”, “in verrem”, “Orationes Verrinae”). The works of Cicero are viewed in the context of the historical and political processes that took place in the Roman Republic in the 1st century BC. The lexemes derived from “religio”, their meanings and meanings used in the texts of “Speeches...” and their translations from Latin by V.A. Alekseev and F.F. Zelinsky are systematized. Analysis of the meanings of the word “religio” in Cicero’s “verresian” requires the use of materials from linguistics and a number of other scientific directions: philosophy, sociology, political science, religious studies, etc. “Religio”, their correspondences in the Russian language of the beginning and middle of the XX century were revealed, when the translations of V.A. Alekseev and F.F. Zelinsky were created.
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Bernard, Jacques-Emmanuel. "Du discours à l'épistolaire: les échos du Pro Plancio dans la lettre de Cicéron à Lentulus Spinther (Fam. I, 9)". Rhetorica 25, n. 3 (2007): 223–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2007.25.3.223.

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After the conference at Luca in 56 BC, where Caesar, Crassus, and Pompey renewed their Triumvirate, Cicero was forced to accept a compromise, which appears in the orations that he delivered to defend both the Triumvirs (De prouinciis consularibus) and his own enemies (defence of Vatinius and Gabinius). In a letter to Lentulus Spinther of December 54, Cicero justified his new political attitude toward the popular leaders. Designed as a plea, this letter, one of Cicero's longest, raises the question: “What similarity is there between a letter and a speech in court or at a public meeting?” (Fam.IX, 21, 1). Relying on the intertextuality of the letter to Lentulus with the oration Pro Plancio, delivered four months previously, this paper considers how Cicero adapts appropriateness and decorum to his addressee and displays a rhetoric that is half way between judicial eloquence and epistolary discourse.
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Sumenkovic, Ana Lj. "Uloga Jupitera u argumentativnom sistemu Ciceronovih beseda". Vesnik pravne istorije 2, n. 2 (31 dicembre 2021): 9–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.51204/hlh_21201a.

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Roman comprehension of the divine right entailed the completion of earlier, binding treaties between humans and deities. Cicero himself firmly believed in this ius divinum of the State. As the supreme deity, Jupiter was unsurpassed in Rome. Even triumphs were tightly connected to Jupiter’s cult. When Cicero began his career, with his orations against Q. Caecilius and, subsequently, against Verres, Roman society was still reeling from the aftershocks of Sulla’s regime. Cicero’s consulate in 63 BCE and his actions during Catiline’s rebellion mark another rise in Cicero’s citing of Jupiter. During the aftershocks of Caesar’s death, Cicero turns to religion and Rome’s supreme deity to lend him authority and influence over the members of the Senate, We strongly believe there is more to be gleaned from this, often neglected, aspect of Cicero’s orations, not only about Cicero’s attitude towards religion, but also about the Roman society and the place of religion within it.
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Enos, Richard Leo. "After Cicero Finished Speaking, Caesar Trembled! The Affect of Deprecatio in the Pro Ligario". Journal for the History of Rhetoric 27, n. 1 (marzo 2024): 70–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jhistrhetoric.27.1.0070.

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Abstract Marcus Tullius Cicero (106–43 BCE) is widely recognized as Rome’s preeminent orator, a reputation that was well-earned because of his cogent and convincing skill in argumentation. His talent is particularly evident in his legal rhetoric, and his extant forensic orations are often cited as illustrations of brilliant displays of casuistry. The Pro Ligario is, however, an exception, not because the case is poorly argued, but because the unique constraints and procedures of that case prompted Cicero to depart from his normal practice of well-reasoned argument and advance a special plea for mercy and clemency or deprecatio. It is the only surviving oration in this legal genre of Roman rhetoric. An analysis of the Pro Ligario reveals that Cicero avoids arguing the stasis or issue of the case altogether, choosing rather to advance emotional appeals targeting the ethos of Caesar, who judged the case, in order to secure a favorable verdict in this rare genre of special pleading. Cicero’s unique mode of persuasion reveals a new perspective on Roman rhetoric.
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Dawes, Tia. "STRATEGIES OF PERSUASION IN PHILIPPICS 10 AND 11". Classical Quarterly 64, n. 1 (16 aprile 2014): 241–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838813000682.

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Cicero's level of success within the senate fluctuated throughout the period of his Philippic orations. These fluctuations reflect the very divisive nature of the conflict with Marcus Antonius, and the ever-changing circumstances that Cicero confronted. The orations themselves record Cicero's improvisational responses to these developments and allow us to study Cicero's range of persuasive techniques over a period of eight months, from September 44, when Cicero delivered his first Philippic, through to April 43, when he delivered his last. There has been a growing body of scholarship dealing with the Philippics, but there remains work to be done on the ad hoc nature of senatorial debate. Manuwald's recent study of praise and blame within the Philippics has provided a starting point, since she identifies strategic elements within the collection as a whole and how these elements functioned in terms of persuasion. She notes the short term use of praise and blame for the purpose of urging the senate to a particular course of action, but her avowed aims were not to isolate strategies within the speeches. And while Frisch provides full coverage of the historical context, he is less concerned with persuasive strategies within and between the speeches themselves. In this regard Philippics 10 and 11 provide an insight into the malleable and ad hoc nature of Roman oratory in the context of senatorial debate. We are able to follow Cicero's shifts in rhetorical strategies as he attempts to meet the exigencies of each situation. Philippics 10 and 11 have ostensibly similar rhetorical aims: to persuade the senate to appoint Marcus Brutus and Caius Cassius to powerful military commands in the eastern provinces, and yet the rhetorical strategies that Cicero employs differ in various ways. My aim is to examine what factors influenced his choice of strategy in the delivery of the two speeches.
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Tarwacka, Anna. "TERMIN „PIRAT” W PISMACH CYCERONA – INWEKTYWA CZY COŚ WIĘCEJ?" Zeszyty Prawnicze 10, n. 1 (23 dicembre 2016): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2010.10.1.05.

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The Term ‘Pirate’ in Cicero’s Works – Invective or More?Summary Being a remarkably acute politician, Cicero was aware of the fact that in order to discredit his opponents he had to appeal to his audience’s deepest fears. That is why he called his enemies pirates – the Romans were affraid of maritime bandits who constituted a significant threat at the Mediterranean. In his early speeches, such as Pro Roscio, Cicero used the term ‘pirate’ as an invective. In the Verrine orations piracy was one of the basic topics: Verres himself was called pirate but he was also accused of tollerating piracy and taking bribes from pirate leaders. Cicero’s most bitter enemy Clodius was called pirate in order to show that his tribunate was illegal. It was the first time when piracy was used not only as an invective but as a part of legal reasoning. It was based on Cicero’s theory that pirates were common enemies of all mankind fully expressed in the treaty De officiis. Campaingning for the last time in his life against Antonius Cicero called him an archpirate thus giving Octavian a possibility to impunely break all the agreements with him, because only oaths given to war enemies were binding whereas those given to pirates were not sanctioned by the law of war.
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BRAGOVA, Arina. "Cicero on Odium". STUDIA ANTIQUA ET ARCHAEOLOGICA 26, n. 2 (2020): 213–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.47743/saa-2020-26-2-6.

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The article analyses Cicero’s use of the concept of odium. The author has concluded that Cicero uses odium in different writings for more than 200 times, most often in his orations. The concept has a rather wide palette of meanings: from hate to enmity and anger. The notion of odium has such epithets as personal or public, open or secret, fair or unfair, big or small, sudden or long-term. Odium acts as a homogeneous member of a sentence with words denoting positive or negative emotions, or moral categories, and they are often connected by conjunctions, prepositions, particles (et / et … et, atque, aut / aut … aut, cum, sine, -que, vel, neque / neque … neque) or with a comma. Cicero employs the concept of odium together with invidia, ira, iracundia, which often form synonymous series. Cicero speaks of hatred (odium) when discussing crimes (scelera) and wars (bella). Odium is often combined with words denoting vices (libido, crudelitas, etc.) and negative emotions (cupiditas, metus, etc.). Odium as a negative emotion is opposed to positive moral categories (dignitas, misericordia, benevolentia, virtus, etc.) and positive emotions (spes, fides, etc.), especially in orations in order to persuade listeners. In his writings on rhetoric Cicero includes odium in the list of emotions that a speaker should exercise; with odium he also indicates the ability of the orator to change emotions of the audience depending on the situation, turning hatred into friendship or vice versa.
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Dugan, John. "How to Make (and Break) a Cicero: Epideixis, Textuality, and Self-fashioning in the Pro Archia and In Pisonem". Classical Antiquity 20, n. 1 (1 aprile 2001): 35–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2001.20.1.35.

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This essay explores an aspect of Cicero's use of cultural writing for political ends: his employment of the epideictic rhetorical mode in two of his speeches, Pro Archia and In Pisonem. The epideictic is a ludic rhetorical domain that embraces paradoxes: it encompasses both praise and blame, is both markedly Greek and proximate to the Romans' laudatio funebris, and is associated both with textual fixity and viva voce improvisation. The epideictic mode is thus an ideal vehicle for Cicero's self-fashioning and, moreover, constitutes a framework which reveals that Cicero's encomiastic defense of Archias' Roman citizenship and his invective against his aristocratic nemesis Piso are polar and complementary opposites. The self-consciously literary quality of epideictic allows Cicero to transform the Pro Archia from a legal defense to a general meditation on literary culture in which Cicero blurs himself with his client to defend his own status within Rome's elite while fixing his version of his consulate in ornate prose. The Pro Archia simultaneously becomes a simulacrum of the poem which Cicero hopes Archias will write and Cicero's own pre-mortem funeral oration. Yet the Pro Archia's suppressed legal arguments pregure the eventual failure of his immediate self-fashioning aims. The In Pisonem's invective inverts the Pro Archia's self-fashioning strategies in order to debunk Piso's image and to recuperate Cicero's own prestige at the expense of Piso's. The In Pisonem has the same long-range cultural ambitions as the Pro Archia, but without the previous speech's hopes for tangible short-term success. Faced with his inability to cause Piso real political damage, Cicero crafts an ornately polished caricature of Piso designed to achieve canonical longevity. Cicero's reception by the orators of Seneca's Suasoriae and Controversiae gives evidence of the successes, and limitations, of these long-term cultural goals.
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DILLON, JOHN NOËL. "THE DELEGATION OF THE XVIRI TO ENNA CA. 133 BC AND THE MURDER OF TIBERIUS GRACCHUS". Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 56, n. 2 (1 dicembre 2013): 89–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2013.00060.x.

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Abstract In the Verrine orations, Cicero mentions an unusual delegation of public Roman priests, members of the xviri sacris faciundis, to the Sicilian city of Enna shortly after the death of Tiberius Gracchus. Most historians have traditionally followed Cicero's lead in associating these two events, assuming that the religious mission was orchestrated by the Roman Senate in order to influence the Roman plebs in the aftermath of Gracchus' spectacular murder. An alternative interpretation makes the Sicilians the intended audience. A closer look at the evidence for the delegation, however, and consideration of Roman conceptions of religious territory make both connections unlikely. I argue instead that the delegation of priests was motivated above all by territorial religious concerns raised by recent catastrophes in the Roman province.
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Vasaly, Ann. "Cicero, Domestic Politics, and the First Action of the Verrines". Classical Antiquity 28, n. 1 (1 aprile 2009): 101–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2009.28.1.101.

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In the First Action of the Verrines Cicero highlights the issue of judicial corruption, which appears to be leading to the passage of legislation ending the senatorial monopoly on composition of the juries in the quaestio de repetundis. The work might theoretically, therefore, furnish an important study of how Cicero publicly positioned himself on a key political issue at a crucial point in his career. Historians, however, often dismiss the political impact of the work, arguing that jury reform was essentially a fait accompli before the trial began. Rhetoricians likewise tend to understate its political importance, both because of its status as a substitute for a longer and fully elaborated oration and because of a pronounced tendency in recent scholarship to subordinate political comment in the judicial speeches to the immediate practical goals of legal advocacy. Cicero's prosecution of Verres, however, involved an unprecedented move in the orator's career. Through the trial he injected himself forcefully, and for the first time, into a contemporary political debate and thereby created for himself a new space from which to operate within the political landscape.
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Tesi sul tema "Orationes (Cicero)"

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Πρεζαλή, Παναγιώτα. "Βασικά θέματα που προκύπτουν μέσα από τους τέσσερις Κατιλινιακούς λόγους του Κικέρωνα". Thesis, 2011. http://nemertes.lis.upatras.gr/jspui/handle/10889/4498.

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Κατά τη διάρκεια της υπατείας του το έτος 63 π.Χ., ο Κικέρων κατάφερε να αποκαλύψει τη συνωμοσία του Κατιλίνα και να σώσει τη Ρώμη από τον κίνδυνο που αυτή ενείχε. Γι’ αυτό ανακηρύχθηκε και “Pater Patriae” («Πατέρας της Πατρίδας»). Τότε ακριβώς, εκφώνησε και τους τέσσερις περίφημους λόγους του «Κατά Κατιλίνα», από τους οποίους οι δύο εκφωνήθηκαν μπροστά στη Σύγκλητο (ο 1ος και ο 4ος Κατιλινιακός Λόγος) και οι άλλοι δύο μπροστά στο δήμο (ο 2ος και ο 3ος Κατιλινιακός Λόγος).
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Libri sul tema "Orationes (Cicero)"

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Cicero, Marcus Tullius. Catilinarian speeches. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007.

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Rochlitz, Sabine. Das Bild Caesars in Ciceros "Orationes Caesarianae": Untersuchungen zur "clementia" und "sapientia Caesaris". Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang, 1993.

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Cicero, Marcus Tullius. M. Tulli Ciceronis Orationes in P. Vatinium testem, pro M. Caelio. Stutgardiae [i.e. Stuttgart]: Teubner, 1995.

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Nótári, Tamás. Tényálláskezelés és szónoki taktika Cicero védőbeszédeiben. Szeged: Lectum Kiadó, 2010.

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Cicero, Marcus Tullius. Completely parsed Cicero: The first oration of Cicero against Catiline. A cura di Osburn LeaAnn A e Maclardy Archibald A. Wauconda, Ill: Bolchazy-Carducci Publishers, 2004.

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F, Powell J. G., e Paterson Jeremy, a cura di. Cicero the advocate. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004.

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Cicero, Marcus Tullius. Cicero's first Catilinarian oration. Wauconda, IL: Bolchazy-Carducci Publishers, 1997.

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Haines, Keene Charles, a cura di. The orations of Cicero against Catiline: With introduction, notes exercises, and vocabulary. Toronto: Morang, 1987.

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Nicholson, John. Cicero's return from exile: The orations Post reditum. New York: P. Lang, 1992.

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Classen, Carl Joachim. Recht, Rhetorik, Politik: Untersuchungen zu Ciceros rhetorischer Strategie. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1985.

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Capitoli di libri sul tema "Orationes (Cicero)"

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"Two Editors, Three Printers: M.T. Cicero, Orationes Printed in Venice, 1471–1480". In Texts in Transit, 228–53. BRILL, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004279001_011.

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Goyet, Francis. "Cicéron, Orationes". In La collection Ad usum Delphini. Volume II, 343–58. UGA Éditions, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/books.ugaeditions.3000.

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"Cicero's Caesarian Orations". In Brill's Companion to Cicero, 219–71. BRILL, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789047400936_009.

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"The Lost and Fragmentary Orations". In Brill's Companion to Cicero, 305–30. BRILL, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789047400936_011.

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Spence, Sarah. "The Straits of Messina". In The Return of Proserpina, 10–30. Princeton University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691227177.003.0002.

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This chapter discusses the importance of Sicily to the beginnings of the Roman Empire. The Roman Empire can be defined in terms of the relationship between its center and its edges, a relationship first created by the identification of Sicily as provincia. This abstract formula for empire is clearly laid out in Cicero's lengthy attack on Verres, governor of Sicily from 73 to 71 BC, in the Verrines. Because of Cicero's identification of Sicily as the first province, the island comes to offer a space for discussions of empire throughout Roman literature. However, Sicily's importance to empire extends beyond Cicero. What Quintilian makes clear is that the physical relationship of Sicily to the mainland, its former unity, also plays a part in its importance. Yet Cicero's argument in the Verrine orations that includes the identification of Sicily as the origin of empire also frames the discussion with the tale of Proserpina's abduction.
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"STYLE AND CONTEXT IN THE ORATIONS". In Cicero's Style, 161–217. BRILL, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789047401971_007.

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Pedianus], Asconius [Quintus Asconius. "In Orationem in Toga Candida". In Clarendon Ancient History Series: Asconius: Commentaries on Speeches of Cicero, a cura di R. G. Lewis, 164–292. Oxford University Press, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00076321.

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"Marcus Tullius Cicero Translating Greek Orations into Latin". In Western Translation Theory from Herodotus to Nietzsche, 28–33. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315759975-9.

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Cicero. "Oration on the day before he went into exile". In Cicero: Post Reditum Speeches, a cura di Gesine Manuwald. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00280248.

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Vendel, Agnes. "Prepositional Phrase Hyperbaton in Cicero’s Orations". In Recent Trends and Findings in Latin Linguistics, 273–95. De Gruyter, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110722116-016.

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