Tesi sul tema "Opposition, 1862"

This examination of opposition tries to understand the political history of an Italian city-state in a new way. The aim of this study is to gain a better understanding of the nature of political conflict in Florence, and of the reasons for the instability of Florentine political life in the early sixteenth century. The concern is with plots, the violent overthrow of governments, and those condemned for speaking against the regime, rather than with simply critical opinion. These episodes of conflict between regimes and their opponents are the events from which the historian can learn most, both about the reasons for political conflict and its outcome, and about the strengths and weaknesses of both regimes and their opponents. Some of this opposition, such as the plot of February 1527, and those condemned for outspokenness against the regime throughout the period, is completely unknown to modern historians, and none has been examined in depth. This study examines opposition systematically for the first time, from a number of perspectives that have previously been neglected. It is based on extensive research in the Florentine archives, which permit us to give a full account, presented in the Appendices, of the political and social backgrounds of more than two hundred individuals involved in plots and other acts against the regime. There are two key aspects of opposition which concern Part One of this study: the role of foreign support in plots and the way in which conspiracy was affected by the advent of the Italian Wars in 1494; and how far conspiracy was characterized the desire to introduce an aristocratic government to Florence or to re-establish the past regime. Part Two examines contemporary definitions and conceptions of political offences; the punishment of political crime; common attitudes towards plots and the way in which conspirators sought to explain and justify their deeds.

The Johannine literature has been a cornerstone of Christian theology throughout the history of the church. However it is often argued that the church in the late second century and early third century was actually opposed to these writings because of questions concerning their authorship and role within “heterodox” theologies. Despite the axiomatic status that this so-called “Johannine Controversy” has achieved, there is surprisingly little evidence to suggest that the early church actively opposed the Johannine corpus. This thesis is a detailed study of the primary evidence recorded by the fourthcentury Church Father, Epiphanius of Salamis, which is the earliest record to explicitly note ecclesiastical opposition towards the Gospel and Apocalypse of John, taken together. In his Panarion, Epiphanius states that a group called the “Alogi” rejected the Gospel and Apocalypse of John, and attributed both to the heretic Cerinthus. He does not record any identifying features of this group’s provenance, theology or constituency; rather he only notes two objections that these Alogi had against the Gospel of John, and three against the Apocalypse. The identity of this group remained a mystery for centuries until consideration was given to the testimonies of two later Syrian writers who indicate that a certain “Gaius” made similar criticisms against the Gospel and Apocalypse of John in a debate with Hippolytus of Rome. As a result, the consensus view throughout modern scholarship is that an early churchman, Gaius of Rome, was the leader of this group that sought to eradicate the Johannine corpus from the church, and that Epiphanius as well as the later Syrian writers used a work of Hippolytus, now lost, as the primary source of their information. This thesis is a careful examination of the evidence that supports the theory that the early church actively opposed the Johannine literature. Thus, particular attention is given to the testimony of Epiphanius concerning the Alogi. It is demonstrated here that when priority is given to the early evidence, the Alogi is a fictional heretical sect, created by Epiphanius from various testimonies to account for what he believed to be antagonism primarily against the Gospel of John, and secondarily the Apocalypse. The later Syrian evidence is also examined in light of the early evidence, not the other way around, as is often the case. As a result, these sources are shown to be less reliable in their portrayal of the early reception of the Johannine literature than has previously been recognized. The first section of this thesis engages the question regarding the likelihood that Epiphanius derived his knowledge of this group from an earlier work of Hippolytus. The internal and external evidence about this group suggest that it is Epiphanius’ own creation. The second section explores the testimonies of earlier writers, namely Papias, Irenaeus, Origen, Eusebius and Dionysius of Alexandria, and the way in which Epiphanius used these sources in the construction of this heresy. The third and final section critically examines the reliability of the later Syrian evidence concerning Gaius and his supposed ties to the Alogi. I argue that these later sources are not as reliable as many scholars maintain, and that Gaius of Rome was not associated with the Alogi, nor was he a heretic.

The aim of this study is to demonstrate how the publication of books in Swedish about Native Americans for children and young people developed and changed between 1890 and 2008. Translations into Swedish of such books from 1860 onwards are commented on. The terms "Native American", "Indian" and "Indigenous" are discussed. Postcolonial theory forms the basis of an examination of the means by which the American Indian peoples were presented with regard to language, identity, and opposition to colonization. The first chapter comprises a summary of Native American history and literature. Chapter Two deals with books about Native Americans in Sweden during the period 1860‒1965, while Chapter Three continues the study of such books from 1966 to 1985. The fourth chapter is devoted entirely to the author Stig Ericson and his books for juveniles, and aims to present an in-depth analysis of Swedish books about Native Americans in the period when he was writing. Chapter Five deals with such books published in Sweden during 1986‒2008.  Widespread publication of traditional books about Native Americans, with confrontation between American Indians and Whites as their major theme, continued until the mid-1960s. Subsequently, there was a shift in narrative perspective in favour of the Native American view, while the books in general became more documentary and ideological in nature. White people were presented as villains; Native Americans became the victims of progress. Post-1985 only a few books of this type were published, and readers turned to other genres.

Thesis (Ph. D)--University of Rochester, 2008.
Includes abstract and vita. Includes bibliographical references. Digitized version available online via the Sibley Music Library, Eastman School of Music http://hdl.handle.net/1802/7669

This thesis aims to problematise the hegemonic set of relations that has been aligned to gender and sex within the framework of binary thought when reading Woolf’s narrative of gender. Woolf’s elusive and intense style, the plasticity and ambivalence of her language and her complex, polyhedric characters make of Virginia Woolf’s literature a literature of her own; a radical literature that is able to draw new undefined landscapes, unsettled territories, dislocating and challenging routes mapped out through her experimental method, her crossing of generic boundaries, and her fluid and limitless characterisations. This project focuses on Woolf’s male characters as a reaction to the constraints that gender studies have generally imposed upon her writings. Two main objections have been considered; on the one hand, much of the critical effort related to gender and Woolf’s writing has focused on femininity, by ignoring her radical male characters. On the other hand, despite vast female-centred studies and the small amount of studies focused on masculinities there is a number of scholars who have dealt with rigid and fluid male characters (studies that assimilate Woolf’s work on masculinities to the discourse of patriarchy, war, imperialism and fascism; psychoanalytic perspectives on gender; studies that focus on homosexuality; and studies that focus on androgyny). However, most of these approaches to masculinities in Woolf have inscribed gender/sex in rigid binary taxonomies. My reading of Deleuze’s and Guattari’s collaborative body of work (their fluid conception of individuation and their concept of difference-in-itself) together with my reading of Men’s studies (Connell, Kimmel, Segal) and Difference Feminism (Irigaray, Jardine, Braidotti, Grosz, Olkowski, Colebrook) constitute the theoretical framework for this thesis in order to explore Woolf’s masculinities beyond gender/sex binary oppositions. This thesis has aimed to contribute to the field of Woolf Studies with an analysis of both Woolf’s criticism of rigid discourses of masculinity and by proving Woolf’s radical concept of gender and her proposal of alternative gender behaviours. My two case studies have been Septimus Warren Smith and Orlando. I have proved these two novelistic characters to be polymorphous and multilayered figurations of gender and paradigmatic examples of the Deleuzo-Guattarian process of becoming-woman (Septimus as the empty BwO and Orlando as the full BwO). Finally, this thesis evaluates the impact that Woolf’s visionary narrative of gender has had on more contemporary narratives. In order to analyse a more contemporary response to Woolf’s narrative I chose to work with two cinematic texts. This project focuses on Marleen Gorris’s Mrs Dalloway (1997) and Sally Potter’s Orlando (1992) as new texts that extend, reread, implement and reappropriate Woolf’s work to respond to different social demands in relation to gender. It analyses the extent to which the gender narrative of these two cinematic texts fail or succeed in projecting radical figurations of masculinities beyond man/ woman, male/female, heterosexual/homosexual taxonomies. This thesis approaches literature conceptually, from a philosophical perspective. An interdisciplinary methodology has been used. The whole nature of the project is interdisciplinary in its focus on both different media, novels and film adaptations, and in the crossing of literature, film studies, philosophy, and cultural studies. The main focus throughout is Virginia Woolf’s novelistic narrative of gender and two late twentieth century approaches to Woolf’s gender narrative carried out by two film adaptations of Woolf. The analysis of Gorris’s and Potter’s adaptations has been purely narratological. Formalist devices of the cinematic media have been used in narrative terms. That is to say, I have analysed the transformation, adaptation, amplification, or re-evaluation that these two more contemporary cinematic narratives have carried out from Woolf’s complex narrative of gender at two specific contexts with given social demands.
Aquesta tesi analitza la narrativa de gènere que Virginia Woolf articula a partir de les seves novel•les i la compara amb la narrativa de gènere de dues adaptacions cinematogràfiques més contemporànies (Potter, 1992; Gorris, 1997), centrant-se en l’anàlisi dels personatges masculins. Aquest projecte explora la crítica que Woolf adreça a la representativitat rígida de la masculinitat, així com la seva proposta de construccions de gènere alternatives. Per tal d’atendre aquestes alternatives, la tesi defineix un marc teòric que combina la filosofia sobre el procés d’individuació de Gilles Deleuze i Félix Guattari, el feminisme de la diferència (Grosz, Olkowski, Colebrook) i la teoria i crítica de les masculinitats (Connell, Kimmel, Segal). La tesi postula la radicalitat de la visió de gènere de Woolf, en tant que demostra el seu trencament amb el pensament binari. Septimus Warren Smith i Orlando, els dos estudis de cas, representen exemples paradigmàtics d’una concepció de gènere polimòrfica, fluida, múltiple, i polisexual. És així com la tesi avalua l’impacte de la visionària narrativa de gènere de Woolf sobre narratives més contemporànies. Les adaptacions cinematogràfiques Mrs Dalloway (Gorris, 1997) i Orlando (Potter, 1992) són analitzades com a textos que extenen, rellegeixen, implementen i reapropien els textos de Virginia Woolf per tal de respondre a les demandes socials específiques del seu temps.

A substantial amount of prior research has focused on the relation between Central Bank Independence (CBI) and inflation control. However, this research is mainly theoretical or conducted using cross-country statistical regressions and correlations in the developed world. Little attention has been given to understanding this relation in emerging nations or the influence of interest groups on CBI and inflation in a specific context. This thesis addresses both gaps by conducting an in-depth observation and analysis of this relation in a single country (Lebanon) and the influence of the banking sector on both CBI and inflation during a period of high inflation. This empirical evidence in the case of Lebanon shows that Central Bank Independence from the government – even though abundant and complete – was not enough to control inflation. The influence of the banking sector on both CBI and inflation was more important. This work makes a contribution to knowledge through highlighting the importance of national contexts when evaluating the CBI-inflation relation. Furthermore, this research extends our understanding of the literature and its gaps, and presents a new way to conduct in-depth studies in the field. Finally, it provides practical insights that are of importance to central bankers, especially in emerging nations.

A civil Uprising on 17 June 1953 in the German Democratic Republic created a dilemma for a number of writers there. On one hand, they were deeply committed to the principles of socialism, upon which their state was based and which they saw as being put in grave danger by events such as those they experienced on 17 June. On the other hand, they were fiercely critical of the practice of socialism as pursued by the governing party, whose Stalinist methods of governance they believed to be in large part responsible for the civil unrest. My thesis explores the nature of this dilemma in the case of four writers, Bertolt Brecht, Heiner Müller, Stefan Heym and Erich Loest, and their efforts to resolve it within a repressive state, whose regime vigorously suppressed all signs of criticism or dissent. These writers created major works of fiction, a cycle of poems, a drama and two novels, in which the Uprising of 17 June is the central theme. In addition, each has provided a substantial body of non-fictional texts, largely journalistic and autobiographical, in which the Uprising is extensively contextualised. In bringing together and interrelating the fictional and non-fictional work of each author into my analysis, I have been able to demonstrate that all four held and publicly expressed views that set them in opposition to the regime in the GDR.

In this dissertation I explore the role that religious discourses (especially the Hebrew Bible), ethnic nationalist movements, and shifting configurations of gender played in the works of German-Jewish and Irish Catholic writers during the early twentieth century. I focus on the works of Gertrud Kolmar and James Joyce because they take up oppositional and critical positions vis-a-vis not only the dominant forces of their oppression, but also towards the movements and groups which fostered their oppositional consciences. Thus, while Kolmar found a defense against German anti-Semitism in Jewish tradition, she also struggled against the misogynistic discourses within Judaism. And while Joyce was adamant in his rebellion against the British Empire and the English language, he was equally committed to challenging the parochialism, anti-Semitism, and suffocating Catholicism of the Ireland from which he fled at age 22. The works of both authors are important today because they elucidate the inextricably bound nature of ethnic, religious and gender identities, and offer insights into our continuing struggle to deal with these issues and their modern origins in the early twentieth century.

Samuel Rutherford (c.1600-1661) is one of the most influential figures in post-Reformation Scotland. Among his contemporaries, he is unsurpassed in terms of literary output, standing within the church, and ardent advocacy of Calvinist and Presbyterian doctrine. He is best remembered today for his political thought, as memorialized in Lex, Rex, and for his nearly mystical piety. But his theology has been almost completely overlooked. Of the modest attention Rutherford’s theology has received, a large percentage has either incorrectly appraised it as hyper-Calvinist or misunderstood it at one point or another. This thesis hopes to fill both lacunae, first by simply presenting Rutherford’s theology and, second, by seeking to correct previous misinformation in regard to it. The terminus a quo for the study is the doctrine of revelation; the terminus ad quem is assurance of salvation. Even though Rutherford has no proper systematic theology text, he does have one treatise that is perhaps closer than any other to such a text – the Examen Arminianismi. No work yet to date interacts with the contents of the Examen in any significant way. The current study will give special attention to this treatise. Because it is a work of polemical theology, aimed chiefly against the Arminians, the Examen provides us with a glimpse into the condition of Calvinism in seventeenth-century Scotland, which is especially evident in the context of Calvinism’s reaction to Arminian theology. While many may argue that the seventeenth century was the apex of Calvinism’s golden age in Scotland, this thesis will tell a somewhat different story, a story of desperation and intrigue and of Calvinism at the precipice of defeat.

Losses associated with turbulent flows dissipate a significant amount of generated energy. Such losses originate from the drag force, which is often described as the sum of the pressure drag and the friction drag. This thesis sets out to explore the hypothesis that passive wall motions driven by fluid mechanical forces are able to reduce the friction drag in fully developed turbulent boundary layers. Firstly, the streamwise and spanwise opposition controls proposed by Choi et al. (1994, Journal of Fluid Mechanics) are revisited to identify beneficial wall motions. Near-wall streamwise or spanwise velocity fluctuations are measured along a detection plane parallel to the wall (sensing). For streamwise control, the wall velocities are set to be equivalent to the measured streamwise velocity fluctuations, whereas for spanwise control, the wall velocities are set to have the same magnitude but opposite direction as the measured spanwise velocity fluctuations (actuation). Direct numerical simulations of canonical turbulent channel flows are carried out at low (Reτ ≈ 180) and intermediate (Reτ ≈ 1000) Reynolds numbers to quantify the effect of the distance between the wall and the detection plane. The investigation reveals the primary differences between the mechanisms underlying the two active in-plane controls. The modified flow features and turbulence statistics show that the streamwise control amplifies the most energetic streamwise velocity fluctuations and damps the near-wall vorticity fluctuations. In comparison, the spanwise control induces near-wall vorticity in order to counteract the quasi-streamwise vortices of the near-wall cycle and suppress turbulence production. Although, the working principles of the active controls are fundamentally different, both achieve drag reduction by mitigating momentum transfer between the velocity components. Secondly, two theoretical passive compliant wall models are proposed, the aim being to sustain beneficial wall motions identified by active flow control simulations. In the proposed models, streamwise or spanwise in-plane wall motions are governed by an array of independent one-degree-of-freedom damped harmonic oscillators. Unidirectional wall motions are driven by local streamwise or spanwise wall shear stresses. A weak coupling scheme is implemented to investigate the interaction between the compliant surface models and the turbulent flow in the channel by means of direct numerical simulations. A linear analytical solution of the coupled differential equation system is derived for laminar pulsatile channel flows allowing verification and validation of the numerical model. The obtained analytical solution is utilised to map the parameter space of the passive controls and estimate the effect of the wall motions. It is shown that depending on the control parameters, the proposed compliant walls decrease or increase the vorticity fluctuations at the wall similarly to the active controls. This is confirmed by direct numerical simulations. On the one hand, when the control parameters are chosen appropriately, the passive streamwise control damps the near-wall vorticity fluctuations and sustains the same drag reduction mechanism as the active streamwise control. This leads to modest, 3.7% and 2.3% drag reductions at low and intermediate Reynolds numbers. On the other hand, the spanwise passive control is not capable of increasing the near-wall vorticity fluctuations as dictated by the active spanwise control. For this reason, passive spanwise wall motions can increase the friction drag by more than 50%. The results emphasise the necessity of anisotropy for a practical compliant wall design. The present work demonstrates for the first time that passive wall motions can decrease friction drag in fully turbulent wall-bounded flows. The thesis sheds light on the working principle of an active streamwise control, and proposes a passive streamwise control exploiting the same drag reduction mechanism. An analytical model is developed to give a ready prediction of the statistical behaviour of passive in-plane wall motions. Whereas streamwise passive wall motions are found beneficial when the control parameters are chosen appropriately, solely spanwise passive wall motions lead to a drag penalty.

This thesis examines the political trajectory of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) during the period from the 1982 eviction of the Palestinian factions from their headquarters in Beirut, to the 2006-07 division between Hamas and Fatah in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT). During this period, the PFLP experienced a process of decline that resulted in its marginalisation within the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) and the wider Palestinian national movement. This study addresses the issue of the PFLP’s decline by focusing on its own political agency to determine the role of policy and decision making, ideology and political narrative in the marginalisation process. This work therefore, on the one hand, aims at putting the PFLP’s decline into historical perspective, identifying it as a process rather than simply the effect of outstanding events as it is often argued. On the other, its goal is to ascribe to ‘subjective factors’, namely aspects directly linked to the PFLP’s agency, the adequate weight in determining its decline. This appears particularly significant as the weakening of the Palestinian left has been frequently explained as a by-product of global and local external or ‘objective’ developments such as the downfall of the Soviet Union or the emergence of political Islam. By providing a comprehensive and processual analysis of the PFLP’s decline, this study not only aims at complementing the literature on the Palestinian national movement, which still lacks a focused approach on the main Palestinian leftist force. It also aims at shedding light on a major cause, and its historical origins, of the current Palestinian political impasse, namely the absence of an alternative between Hamas and the PNA’s governing entities, both crippled by a legitimacy crisis and unable to progress Palestinian interests. By virtue of its close survey of the PFLP’s conduct, a further goal of this thesis is to address the historical role of the PLO and its de-facto heir, the PNA. What is evidenced is the double, and contradictory, role of the essential but also constraining framework that the PLO and later the PNA represented for the PFLP’s policies. The focus on the PFLP’s political agency allows the identification of a pattern in its policy which affected negatively its standing within the Palestinian national movement. Throughout the period addressed, policy fluctuation marked the PFLP’s action, undermining the effectiveness of its political line and jeopardising its political weight. The present study highlights how such a policy fluctuation pattern originated from major dilemmas and contradictions that the PFLP had to consider while producing its policies. The main dilemma, informing all other sources of tensions affecting the PFLP, has been defined as an ‘opposition-integration’ dilemma. In other words, the PFLP, while opposing the PLO leadership’s policies, first and foremost its quest for a diplomatic settlement with Israel under US patronage, needed to maintain its integration within the PLO regime, which represented an essential economic and political framework. This produced inconsistent, ‘fluctuant’ policies that prevented the PFLP from maintaining its political weight and stopping its marginalisation process. This opposition-integration dilemma was combined with other sources of tensions marking the PFLP such as: relations with other PLO opposition factions, relations with Arab partners, its contacts with Palestinian Islamists, the confrontation with the PNA after the 1993 Oslo accords or the internal divide between the exiled leadership and the cadres located in the OPT. The PFLP’s official publications, mainly retrieved from its mouthpiece, Al-Hadaf magazine, embodied the main source upon which this study relies. Beside this corpus of documents, other primary sources, such as documents issued by relevant actors, have been scrutinised, while all information has been read against the background of the wider academic literature currently available on the Palestinian national movement. This research also drew information from interviews with former and current PFLP members as well as with experts of the Palestinian national movement.

Urbanisation désordonnée, manque d’équipements urbains, prééminence de la promotion privée dans la production de logements, domination de la propriété d’occupation, telles sont les caractéristiques du développement urbain et immobilier sous le régime franquiste, qui ont perduré jusqu’à aujourd’hui pour certaines d’entre elles. Cette ville « sans qualité » constitue un objet de préoccupation sociale majeur et une voie de contestation du régime dans les dernières années de la dictature franquiste. Le mode de production de la ville qui se met en place durant l’époque franquiste, et la question urbaine sur lequel il débouche, constituent l’objet de cette thèse. Cette recherche repose sur l’analyse conjointe des politiques nationales d’urbanisme et du logement, et du groupe professionnel des architectes. Ce choix a été guidé par un double constat. L’interventionnisme du régime franquiste s’est en effet aussi concrétisé dans les domaines du logement et de l’urbanisme : un ensemble d’organismes centraux, de dispositions et de dispositifs officiels ont ainsi encadré et déterminé le mode de production urbaine. Les architectes, par la position particulièrement privilégiée qu’ils occupent dans le secteur de la construction en Espagne, jouent un rôle clé dans l’élaboration et la mise en œuvre de ces politiques. Des membres du groupe professionnel sont par ailleurs les fers de la critique urbaine à la fin de la dictature. Ce dispositif de recherche permet d’étudier la constitution de l’espace urbain et immobilier en catégorie de l’action publique et les effets de ce processus sur les champs professionnel et scientifique sur l’ensemble de la période franquiste. Il offre les bases d’une histoire sociale des politiques urbaines qui éclaire à la fois l’histoire du régime franquiste, l’histoire des sciences sociales de la ville, ainsi que la sociologie de l’action publique et des groupes professionnels
Francoism and urban production. Housing and urban policies, professionals and urban sciences in Spain from the 1930's to the 1970's.An urban model oriented towards growth, lack of public facilities and infrastructure, high proportion of owner-tenancy, shortage of public housing, or the relevance of real state in the national economy are some of the characteristics of Spain’s urban development during Franco’s dictatorship. It became a main social concern and way to criticize Franco’s regime at the end of the dictatorship. The aim of this PhD thesis is to study the mode of production of Spanish cities during the dictatorship and the social urban movement at the end of the regime. This research is based on the double analysis of national urban planning and housing policies and of the role of one of their principal actors: the architects. During the Franco’s era, State’s intervention was indeed reflected on housing and town-planning through a set of central institutions or bodies, of legal provisions and official measures. Theses decisions determined the mode of urban development. Owing to their privileged position in the building sector in Spain, architects play a key role in the definition and implementation of these policies. Moreover, some architects were years later the leaders of urban criticism and urban social movement. This set-up brings into light the development, if not the constitution, of the urban space as a category of public action during the Franco years, as well as its effects on the professional and scientific fields. This PhD thesis intends to constitute a social history of urban policies during the Franco’s era (1939-1975). Through this approach, it contributes to a better knowledge of the history of this period, of the history of urban social sciences and public action and of the sociology of professions

La problématique de ce mémoire a pour point d’ancrage la conception antipolitique de la culture en Allemagne présentée par le sociologue allemand Wolf Lepenies. L’appel à la culture au-delà de la politique en RDA aurait bien survécu chez les intellectuels « officiels » est-allemands, d’où la survivance d’une tradition humaniste ancrée dans l’idéalisme allemand du 18ième siècle. Ce mémoire défend à titre d’hypothèses que le primat de la culture sur la politique en RDA n’était pas aussi omniprésent que ne le croit Lepenies, d’une part, et qu’il y a eu d’autre part instrumentalisation de la culture par le parti au pouvoir (SED), qui donna lieu à une idéologisation de l’héritage humaniste des classiques allemands et à une moralisation de la politique. En prenant en compte les intellectuels « inofficiels » est-allemands que Lepenies laisse dans l’ombre et à partir de la confrontation des idéaux-types de l’humanisme politique des Lumières, représenté par les groupes d’opposition qui œuvrèrent de concert avec les Églises protestantes, et de l’humanisme réel, compris comme un prolongement de l’idéologie matérialiste du marxisme qui inspira les politiques du SED et qui concorda avec une ritualisation du travail en RDA, ce mémoire explore l’antithèse de la démocratie et du totalitarisme à la lumière de deux types opposés d’Aufklärung : l’Aufklärung du citoyen et l’Aufklärung de l’homme.
The focus of this study is based on the antipolitical conception of culture in Germany presented by the German sociologist Wolf Lepenies. The appeal to culture beyond politics would have well survived amongst “official” East-German intellectuals, hence the survival of a humanist tradition anchored in the German idealism of the 18th century. This study argues by means of hypotheses that the supremacy of culture over politics in the GDR is not as omnipresent as Lepenies believes it is, on the one hand, and that there is on the other hand an instrumentalization of culture by the party in power (SED), which gave way to an ideologization of the humanist heritage of the German classics and to a moralisation of politics. By considering “inofficial” East- German intellectuals left aside by Lepenies and starting from the confrontation of the ideal-types of political humanism of the Enlightenment, represented by opposition groups which worked along with the protestant Churches, and real humanism, understood as an extension of the materialist ideology stemming from Marxism, which inspired SED politics and which corresponded with a ritualization of labour in the GDR, this study explores the antithesis between democracy and totalitarianism under the light of two types of Aufklärung : the Aufklärung of citizen and the Aufklärung of man.

Les élèves aux problèmes de comportements externalisés comme l'opposition éprouvent généralement de la difficulté à s’engager dans leurs apprentissages (Janosz, 2000). Or, un faible engagement scolaire peut générer des problèmes d’ordre académique et mener au décrochage. Toutefois, certains facteurs environnementaux tels que la relation maître-élève semblent influer sur l’investissement des élèves dans les activités scolaires. La présente étude vise à examiner le lien entre le degré d'opposition d'élèves du 2e cycle du primaire et leur engagement comportemental et affectif en français. Elle tente aussi de vérifier si la chaleur ou les conflits présents dans la relation maître-élève agissent comme facteurs de protection ou comme facteurs aggravants face à l’engagement scolaire des élèves oppositionnels. Finalement, cette étude s’intéresse à l’effet différentiel de la relation maître-élève sur l’engagement scolaire des garçons et des filles. Des régressions linéaires multiples hiérarchiques effectuées sur 385 élèves québécois ont permis d’atteindre ces objectifs. Les résultats obtenus révèlent que la chaleur n’agit pas à titre de facteur de protection en ce qui a trait à l’engagement comportemental des élèves oppositionnels, mais qu’elle est bénéfique pour l’engagement comportemental des filles. Les résultats confirment également l’effet aggravant des conflits sur l’engagement comportemental des élèves oppositionnels. Finalement, cette étude indique que les conflits élèves-enseignants sont nuisibles pour l’engagement affectif des garçons. Les implications de ces résultats pour la recherche et pour l’intervention en psychoéducation seront présentées.
Students who display externalized behavior problems such as opposition generally find it difficult to engage themselves in their learning (Janosz, 2000). Yet, a lack of engagement toward school can result in diverse academic problems and eventually lead to drop-out. However, certain school-related factors such as the student-teacher relationship might influence students’ investment in academic activities. The current study has three objectives. First, it attempts to examine the link between the degree of opposition of 3rd and 4th grade students’, and their behavioral and emotional engagement toward French activities. Then, it tries to verify whether the level of closeness or conflict in the student-teacher relationship acts as a protective or aggravating factor regarding the school engagement of oppositional students. Finally, the current study is interested in the differential effect of the student-teacher relationship on the school engagement of boys and girls. Hierarchical linear regressions were conducted on a sample of 385 students from Quebec in order to reach the study’s objectives. Findings reveal that closeness does not act as a protective factor for the behavioral engagement of oppositional students, but that it is beneficial for girls’ behavioral engagement. Results also confirm that conflict is an aggravating factor for the behavioral engagement of oppositional students. Finally, this study indicates that student-teacher conflict is harmful for boys’ emotional engagement. Implications of these findings for research and for intervention will be discussed.

L’objectif de ce mémoire est de créer un dialogue entre Dracula de Bram Stoker et deux romans de la série Twilight, Twilight et Breaking Dawn, de Stephenie Meyer. À l’aide de concepts présent dans ces deux ouvrages, il est possible d’analyser ce que la figure du vampire représente pour notre conception de l’être humain. Dans le premier chapitre je soutiens l’idée que la transition que vie un être humain pour devenir un vampire est une métaphore de l’amélioration du soi. À travers cette transition, un individu peut accepter son côté le plus sombre dans l’objectif de le contrôler et non de simplement le dissimuler. Dans le second chapitre, j’examine les différents rôles que porte le sang dans la littérature portant sur les vampires. Bien que le rôle sang joue un rôle dans la représentation de la vie et de la mort, il en vient à représenter des concepts plus en lien avec la société comme l’appartenance à une race ou à un groupe en particulier. Dans le troisième chapitre, j’examine de quelle façon la peur de l’étranger, l’autre que l’on ne connait pas, disparait graduellement au fur et à mesure que le vampirisme devient une image d’amélioration et non de corruption ou de dégradation. Tandis que les deux premiers chapitres sont axés sur la nature même du vampire, le troisième utilise cette nature pour comprendre où est la place du vampire dans une société humaine et ce que cette place signifie.
The objective of this thesis is to create a dialog between Bram Stoker’s Dracula and two novels from Stephenie Meyer’s Twilight series, Twilight and Breaking Dawn. With the help of concepts present in these novels, it is possible to analyze what the figure of the vampire represents in our conception of a human being. In the first chapter I support the idea that the transition that a human undergoes in other to become a vampire is a metaphor of the improvement of the self. Through this transition, an individual is able to accept its darker side in the objective of controlling it instead of simply hiding it. In the second chapter, I examine the different roles held by blood in vampire literature. Even though blood holds the role of being a physical representation of both life and death, it comes to represent concepts that are related to society like being part of a race or of a given group. In the third chapter, I observe how the fear of the stranger, the other that is unknown, gradually disappears as vampirism becomes an image of improvement instead of being one of corruption or deterioration. While the first two chapters are focused on the nature of the vampire, the third will use that nature to understand where the vampire stands in regard to a human society and what its place amongst it signifies.

Ce mémoire propose de décrire et comprendre les pratiques communicationnelles menant à la prise de décision consensuelle d’une collaboration interorganisationnelle (CI) spécifique, la Table québécoise de la sécurité routière (TQSR). Nous adoptons la perspective de la communication constitutive des organisations (CCO) développée par « l’École de Montréal » pour appréhender les dimensions constitutives de ces pratiques de communication et de ce mode privilégié de décision en CI. Après un aperçu de la littérature disponible en matière de CI et concernant la notion de consensus, nous proposons de nous concentrer sur les pratiques communicationnelles du consensus en adoptant la perspective du consensus par absence d’opposition d’Urfalino (2014). L’analyse de conversation et les principes d’une approche rhétorique sont ensuite mobilisés pour rendre compte des pratiques de communication qui permettent l’accomplissement du consensus lors d’une séance plénière du troisième cycle de travail de la TQSR, spécifiquement consacrée à la rédaction de son rapport final. Nous verrons que 1) les pratiques communicationnelles mobilisées facilitent l’arrêt de la décision et que 2) celles-ci sont constitutives du consensus qui favorise l’unité du collectif de collaboration.
This thesis aims at describing and understanding the communication practices that sustain the consensual decision-making of an interorganizational collaboration (CI) collective, the “Table québécoise de la sécurité routière” (TQSR). We adopt a communication constitutive of organization (CCO) approach, as developed by the “Montréal School,” to understand the constitutive dimensions of these practices. After an overview of the available literature on CI and consensus decision-making, we propose to adopt the perspective of “consensus by non-opposition” developed by Urfalino (2014) to focus on the communicative practices that sustain this decision-making process. Conversation analysis and principles of a rhetorical approach are combined to analyze a plenary session from the TQSR third cycle of work, specifically aimed at drafting the collective’s final report. This analysis allows us to identify and discuss 1) the communication practices used to facilitate the consensus decision-making process and 2) the constitutive effects of consensus as it upholds the collective of collaboration’s unity.

Ce mémoire tente d’identifier la nature du lien entre les stratégies d’organisation syndicale et le résultat des campagnes de syndicalisation. À l’aide d’une étude du cas des campagnes d’organisation menées par les Travailleurs et travailleuses unis de l’alimentation et du commerce (TUAC) chez Wal-Mart au Québec, nous avons examiné l’impact que peuvent avoir différentes variables sur le succès d’une campagne. La littérature sur le renouveau syndical nous a permis d’identifier trois types de campagnes, soit la campagne traditionnelle, la campagne intégrale et la campagne de mouvement social, et nous a amenés à postuler que le type de campagne privilégié aura un effet sur l’impact de la campagne. Nos résultats nous permettent d’arriver à trois conclusions. Premièrement, nous notons deux tactiques relevant de la campagne traditionnelle ayant eu un impact positif sur le résultat des campagnes : l’utilisation de la technique du blitz et le recrutement de poteaux solides. Deuxièmement, le degré d’opposition patronale à la syndicalisation semble avoir un impact sur le degré de succès d’une campagne. Troisièmement, l’analyse des résultats nous permet de constater l’impact significatif du cadre juridique. L’un des éléments les plus importants est l’accréditation par décompte des adhésions comparativement à l’accréditation suite à un vote.
This research tries to identify the type of link between union organizing strategies and the result of the campaigns. Using the case of the United Food and Commerce Workers (UFCW) campaigns in Wal-Mart stores in Quebec, we examined the impact of different variables on the success of a campaign. A review of the literature on union renewal led us to identify three types of campaigns, the traditional campaign, the comprehensive campaign and the social movement campaign, and to postulate that the type of campaign has an effect on the impact of the campaign. Our results enable us to arrive to three conclusions. Firstly, we note that two tactics from the traditional campaign had a positive impact on the result of the campaigns: the use of the blitz technique and the significant involvement of employees in the campaigns. Secondly, the employer’s degree of opposition to unions seems to have an impact on the degree of success of a campaign. Thirdly, the analysis of the results demonstrates the impact of the legal framework. One of the most important elements is the card-check accreditation compared to the accreditation following a vote.

Cette thèse de doctorat vise à répondre à une question qui a été largement négligée par la littérature sur les crises des régimes autoritaires : pourquoi les forces armées tolèrent-elles ou répriment-elles les mouvements d’opposition en faveur de changements du régime ? L’hypothèse principale stipule que l’attitude conciliante ou réfractaire des forces armées dépend de la nature des mesures adoptées par le régime autoritaire afin de s’assurer de leur loyauté et prévenir des coups d’État. Lorsque ces mesures de préventions des coups d’État contribuent à créer des divisons au sein de l’armée, les factions marginalisées sont enclines à tolérer les mouvements d’opposition, si ces derniers offrent une alternative crédible au régime, en raison de leur capacité à s’unir autour d’une plate-forme commune de revendications modérées, réalistes et acceptables pour les militaires. À l’inverse, lorsque les mesures de prévention des coups d’État favorisent la cohésion interne de l’armée et son attachement au régime, les militaires adoptent une attitude répressive à l’égard des forces contestataires. Ces hypothèses sont vérifiées à l’aide d’une analyse comparative des différentes mesures de prévention des coups d’État adoptées par les régimes autoritaires du Bénin et du Togo et de leurs impacts sur le succès, dans le premier cas, et l’échec, dans le second cas, des mouvements d’opposition dans les deux pays, au début des années 1990. Cette analyse est effectuée à l’aide de deux approches méthodologiques : le traçage de processus ainsi que la comparaison de deux études de cas.
This Ph.D. dissertation analyzes the factors that influence armed forces’ decisions to tolerate or suppress opposition movements demanding political reforms which could lead to regime change. This dissertation helps to fill a large gap in the literature as only a few scholars have attempted to explain military behaviour during regime crisis. It does so through an analysis of how anti-coup policies and opposition forces’ characteristics lead to the formation of marginalized military cliques and their potential support for regime change. It theorizes that the head of state’s survival strategy, specifically coup-proofing measures, influences military factions’ willingness to preserve the status quo. Reliance on loyalists leads to armed forces with a powerful core loyal to the incumbent regime and willing to use repression, while the strategy of counterbalancing leads to armed forces largely unattached to the maintenance of the regime. Under these circumstances, opposition forces can foster regime defection when they offer a viable alternative to the incumbent government, if the opposition can unify around a moderate platform that provides realist demands vis-à-vis regime forces. The main argument, on the influence of divergent coup-proofing policies on military actions, is assessed through a comparison of Benin and Togo. In each state, authoritarian regimes responded to the challenge of opposition mobilization by initiating negotiation processes. Divergences in coup-prevention techniques and credible commitment capacity of the opposition explain why the opposition campaign in the beginning of the 1990s was successful in Benin but failed in Togo. This research is based on two methods: process-tracing and the comparative method.

Cette thèse étudie la stabilité et l’instabilité politique des régimes hybrides. Elle pose la question suivante : dans quelles conditions l’autorité des élites au pouvoir est-elle reconnue ou contestée? Notre réponse s’articule en lien avec le caractère inclusif ou exclusif de la coalition dirigeante : c’est-à-dire, l’alliance stratégique des élites dirigeantes avec les groupes sociaux dominants. L’inclusion de ces derniers favorise le consentement et la stabilité; leur exclusion entraîne l’affrontement et l’instabilité politique. Sa composition dépend (i) du degré de violence organisée extra-légale et (ii) du degré de pénétration de l’État sur le territoire et dans l’économie. La première variable permet d’identifier quel groupe social au sein de l’État (militaires) ou du régime (partis d’opposition) est dominant et influence les formes de communication politique avec les élites dirigeantes. La deuxième variable permet d’identifier quel groupe social au sein de l’État (fonctionnaires) ou de la société (chefs locaux) est dominant et oriente les rapports entre les régions et le pouvoir central. L’apport de la recherche est d’approfondir notre compréhension des institutions politiques dans les régimes hybrides en mettant l’accent sur l’identité des groupes sociaux dominants dans un contexte donné. La thèse propose un modèle simple, flexible et original permettant d’appréhender des relations causales autrement contre-intuitives. En ce sens, la stabilité politique est également possible dans un pays où l’État est faible et/ou aux prises avec des mouvements de rébellion; et l’instabilité dans un contexte inverse. Tout dépend de la composition de la coalition dirigeante. Afin d’illustrer les liens logiques formulés et d’exposer les nuances de notre théorie, nous employons une analyse historique comparative de la coalition dirigeante en Malaisie (1957-2010), en Indonésie (1945-1998), au Sénégal (1960-2010) et au Paraguay (1945-2008). La principale conclusion est que les deux variables sont incontournables. L’une sans l’autre offre nécessairement une explication incomplète des alliances politiques qui forgent les conditions de stabilité et d'instabilité dans les régimes hybrides.
The thesis studies stability and instability in hybrid regimes. The research question is: under which conditions the authority of the elites in power is recognized or contested? Our answer rests on the inclusive or exclusive dimension of the ruling coalition: that is, the strategic alliance between the ruling elites and dominant social groups. Inclusion favors consent and stability whereas exclusion favors contention and instability. The composition of the ruling coalition depends on (i) the degree of extra-legal organized violence and (ii) the degree of state penetration over the territory and in the economy. The first variable identifies which social group in the state (military officers) or in the regime (opposition parties) is dominant and influences the forms of political communication with the ruling elites. The second variable identifies which social group in the state (bureaucrats) or in society (local leaders) is dominant and shapes the relation between regions and the center. The thesis contribution is to deepen our understanding of political institutions in hybrid regimes by focusing on the identity of dominant social groups according to a given context. It offers a simple, flexible and original model that allow us to grasp causal relations that would otherwise be counter-intuitive. Hence, political stability is also possible in a country where the state is weak and/or rebellion movements exist; and instability in the opposite context. It all comes down to the composition of the ruling coalition. In order to illustrate the line of reasoning and unfold the richness of our framework, a comparative historical analysis of the ruling coalition in Malaysia (1957-2010), Indonesia (1945-1998), Senegal (1960-2010) and Paraguay (1945-2008) is used. The main conclusion is that the two variables are key. One without the other necessarily amounts to an incomplete explanation of political alliances at stake when dealing with conditions of stability and instability in hybrid regimes.

« Voix, vote et violence : Essais sur les dynamiques des régimes autoritaires électoraux » porte sur l'expression des voix généralement exclues sous des régimes autoritaires électoraux (« AE »), depuis les défis des processus institutionnalisés (en particulier les élections et la démocratie) jusqu’aux rationalisations des comportements extra-institutionnels (notamment la violence politique). Les essais sont présentés en deux parties. Les deux essais de la partie I ont trait aux cadres analytiques d’étude des comportements des partis au pouvoir et des oppositions dans les régimes semi-autoritaires. Les trois essais de la partie II examinent un sous-domaine spécifique de ces régimes : la participation politique des femmes. Chaque chapitre propose des découvertes comme résumé ci-dessous. Le chapitre 1 explore les défis méthodologiques dans l'étude des régimes semi-autoritaires (comme AE) en analysant de manière critique un cadre d’analyse important dans le domaine. Une réplication indépendante du modèle de classification de l'autoritarisme compétitif (« AC ») de Levistky et Way (2010) révèle des anomalies de codification dans la sélection des cas qui influent sur la théorie générale des régimes AC et qui ont des implications méthodologiques pour l'étude comparative des régimes hybrides en général. Le chapitre 2 examine le comportement des partis de l'opposition sous des régimes AE. Je fais l'hypothèse que les objectifs électoraux et les objectifs de régime des oppositions dans les EA (les « jeux parallèles ») s’alignent dans des conditions où il existe une certitude relative concernant les résultats, mais divergent lorsque l’incertitude des résultats de régime ou des élections est plus importante, ce qui entraine quatre types de comportement identifiables. Je teste mes hypothèses sur 55 élections dans 29 États d'Afrique sub-saharienne et je démontre que les quatre types de comportement dépendent du degré de répression de l'État et du niveau de capacité organisationnelle des oppositions. Le chapitre 3 révèle et définit la nature sexuée de la violence électorale (une caractéristique commune des régimes AE). Une base de données originale de plus de 2 000 incidents de violence électorale dans six pays, ainsi qu’un travail de terrain dans plus de cinquante pays révèlent l'existence d'importantes distinctions dans la manifestation de la violence électorale, ainsi que la présence d'un phénomène auparavant non reconnu, la violence électorale basée sur le genre (« VEBG »). Le chapitre présente les définitions, une taxonomie et la typologie des deux formes de violence. Le chapitre 4 se penche en profondeur sur le sujet, en examinant la relation complexe entre les technologies de l'information et de la communication (TIC) et la VEBG. Les notions de la violence électorale différenciée selon le genre ainsi que la VEBG sont étendues à la violence politique en général. Je démontre que les TIC facilitent les formes sexuées de la violence politique, mais qu’elles contribuent également à résister et atténuer ces violences, grâce à certaines qualités spécifiques aux TIC. Le dernier chapitre fournit la solution à une énigme de longue date dans l'exclusion politique dans les régimes AE (et autres) en démontrant la complémentarité des formes spécifiques de mesures temporaires spéciales (MTS) dans les systèmes électoraux fondés sur des circonscriptions uninominales (CU). Le chapitre présente une classification en cinq parties des options MTS dans les CU, y compris une interprétation originale des « seuils parallèles ». L'analyse des cinq types de MTS à travers des études de cas de pays illustre que les divergences dans l'adoption de quotas entre les systèmes électoraux sont le résultat d'un manque de connaissances plutôt que des traits intrinsèques des systèmes électoraux, comme supposé précédemment.
“Voices, Votes and Violence: Essays on Select Dynamics of Electoral Authoritarian Regimes” concerns the expression of commonly excluded voices under electoral authoritarian (EA) regimes, from the challenges of institutionalized processes (specifically, elections and voting) to rationalizations for extra-institutional behaviors (notably political violence). The essays are presented in two parts. The first two essays in Part I concern frameworks for studying incumbent and opposition behaviors in semi-authoritarian states. The three essays in Part II examine a specific sub-field of EA regime dynamics: political participation of women. Each chapter provides findings as summarized below. Chapter 1 explores methodological challenges in studying semi-authoritarian regimes (such as EA) by critically engaging with a leading framework of analysis in the field. An independent replication of Levistky and Way’s 2010 classification model of competitive authoritarianism (CA) reveals coding discrepancies in the authors’ case selection which impact the broader theory of CA regimes and have methodological implications for the comparative study of hybrid regimes in general. Chapter 2 examines opposition party behavior under EA regimes. I hypothesize that EA oppositions’ electoral and regime objectives (“dual games”) align under conditions where there is relative certainty of outcomes but diverge where either regime or electoral uncertainty is greater, resulting in four identifiable behavior types. Testing the theory on 55 elections in 29 sub-Saharan African states, I demonstrate that the four behavior types are functions of the degree of state repression and the level of organizational capacity of the opposition. Chapter 3 reveals and defines the gendered nature of electoral violence (a common feature of EA regimes). An original database of over 2000 incidents of election violence in six countries as well as fieldwork from over fifty countries reveal the existence of significant gender-differentiation in the manifestation of election violence as well as the presence of a previously unrecognized phenomenon, gender-based election violence (GBEV). The chapter introduces definitions, a taxonomy and typology of both forms of violence. Chapter 4 delves deeper into the topic by examining the complex relationship between information and communication technologies and gendered election violence. The notions of gender-differentiated and gender-motivated violence are extended to political violence in this chapter. Information and communication technologies are found to both facilitate gendered forms of political violence as well as empower resistance and violence mitigation. The final chapter provides the solution to a longstanding puzzle of political exclusion in EA (and other) regimes by demonstrating the complementarity of specific forms of temporary special measures (TSMs) in electoral systems based on single-member districts (SMDs). The chapter presents a five-part classification of TSM options in SMDs, including an original interpretation of “Alternate Thresholds”. Analyzing the five TSM types through country case studies, Chapter 5 illustrated that discrepancies in the adoption of quotas between electoral systems are the result a knowledge gap rather than intrinsic traits of electoral systems, as previously assumed.