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Autore: Grafiati

Pubblicato: 27 luglio 2024

Ultima modifica: 29 luglio 2024

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1

Vassilantonopoulos, Stamatis L., e John N. Mourjopoulos. "The Acoustics of Roofed Ancient Odeia: The Case of Herodes Atticus Odeion". Acta Acustica united with Acustica 95, n. 2 (1 marzo 2009): 291–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3813/aaa.918151.

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2

Russell, Ben. "Manolis Korres. The Odeion Roof of Herodes Atticus and other Giant Spans." Journal of Greek Archaeology 2 (1 gennaio 2017): 445–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/jga.v2i.617.

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The Odeion of Herodes Atticus, built between AD 160 and 169, is a looming hulk of a structure. It could have housed, at a reasonable estimate, around 6000 spectators. Despite its size and relatively good state of preservation, the building remains something of an enigma. In particular, the thorny issue of whether it was roofed, open-air, or partially covered in some way has rumbled on for well over one hundred years. Any roof would have had to cover a space measuring c. 83m east-west and c. 56m north-south, which would make it the largest roof span known from antiquity. Undeterred by the staggering scale of the undertaking, Manolis Korres here presents his case for a roof. In this beautifully put together, stunningly illustrated volume, Korres combines careful study of the structural remains with detailed discussion of the practicalities of creating a roof of this scale. It would take a structural engineer to provide a full appraisal of many of the more technical aspects of Korres’ reconstruction and so, in what follows, I will focus primarily on his archaeological and architectural observations.

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3

Krause, Peter. "SCHLECHTE NEUE WELT". Opernwelt 64, n. 8 (2023): 48–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0030-3690-2023-8-048-1.

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4

Balaskas, Vasileios. "Axis Occupation and the Odeon of Herodes Atticus: Artistic Production under Fascism (1941–1942)". Journal of Modern Greek Studies 41, n. 1 (maggio 2023): 55–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mgs.2023.0002.

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5

Γεωργακάκη, Ε. "A young student translates ancient Greek drama: a passage of Euripides’ Phoenissai translated by Alexandros Rizos Rangavis (1824)". Kathedra, n. 18(1) (15 maggio 2024): 101–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.52607/26587157_2024_18_101.

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Το μελέτημα αναφέρεται στη μεταφραστική άσκηση που ανέθεσε στον φοιτούντα στο Ελληνικό Σχολείο της Οδησσού, Αλέξανδρο Ρίζο Ραγκαβή, ο δάσκαλός του Κωνσταντίνος Βαρδαλάχος, στο πλαίσιο μεταφραστικών δοκιμών στους αρχαίους κλασικούς. Ο Ραγκαβής επέλεξε ένα απόσπασμα από τις Φοίνισσες του Ευριπίδη, το οποίο χώρισε σε τρεις σκηνές και το μετέφρασε σε ομοιοκατάληκτο δεκαπεντασύλλαβο στίχο. Ένα μετάφρασμα, που φανερώνει τη φιλότιμη προσπάθεια του νεαρού Αλέξανδρου να αποδώσει τη δραματική ποίηση σε μέτρο, σε αντίθεση με την καθοδήγηση του δασκάλου του, Κ. Βαρδαλάχου, ο οποίος συντασσόταν με την απόδοση του αρχαίου ελληνικού δράματος σε πεζό λόγο, άποψη που ενστερνιζόταν, εκτός των άλλων λογίων, ο Νεόφυτος Δούκας. Λαμβάνοντας υπ’ όψη την εξελικτική πορεία των απόψεων του Αλέξανδρου Ρίζου Ραγκαβή σχετικά με τη μετάφραση του αρχαίου δράματος στα νέα ελληνικά, όπως αποτυπώνεται στο προοίμιο της μνημειώδους έκδοσης Μεταφράσεις Ελληνικών Δραμάτων (Αθήνα, 1860), αλλά και τις ίδιες τις μεταφράσεις του, ιδιαίτερα εκείνης της Αντιγόνης του Σοφοκλή που χρησιμοποιήθηκε για την παράσταση του δράματος στο Ωδείο Ηρώδου του Αττικού το 1867, ετούτη η πρώτη του μεταφραστική απόπειρα φανερώνει την εμπνευσμένη διάθεση του νεαρού μεταφραστή να εμφυσήσει ζωή και ρυθμό στο αρχαίο κείμενο. The study refers to the translation exercise assigned to the student at the Greek School of Odessa, Alexandros Rizos Rangavis, by his teacher, Konstantinos Vardalachos, in the context of translation tests on the ancient classics. Rangavis chose a passage from Euripides’ Phoenissai (The Phoenician Women), which he divided into three scenes and translated into rhyming fifteen-syllable verse. A translation, which reveals the effort of the young Alexander to render dramatic poetry in verse, in contrast to the guidance of his teacher, K. Vardalachos, who supported the idea of translating ancient Greek drama in prose. Taking into account the evolution of the views of Alexandros Rizos Rangavis regarding the translation of ancient drama into modern Greek, as reflected in the preface of the monumental edition Translations of Hellenic Dramas (Athens, 1860), but also his translations themselves, especially that of Sophocles’ Antigone which was used for the performance of the drama at the Odeon of Herodes of Atticus in 1867, this first attempt at translation reveals the young translator’s inspired disposition to breathe life and rhythm into the ancient text.

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6

Pawlak, Marcin. "Herodes Atticus and the Athenians". Klio - Czasopismo Poświęcone Dziejom Polski i Powszechnym 55 (26 novembre 2020): 107. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/klio.2020.037.

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7

Fullerton, Mark D., e Renate Bol. "Das Statuenprogramm des Herodes-Atticus-Nymphaeums". American Journal of Archaeology 89, n. 2 (aprile 1985): 369. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/504349.

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8

Kennell, Nigel M. "Herodes Atticus and the Rhetoric of Tyranny". Classical Philology 92, n. 4 (ottobre 1997): 346–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/449363.

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9

Rife, Joseph L. "The burial of Herodes Atticus: élite identity, urban society, and public memory in Roman Greece". Journal of Hellenic Studies 128 (novembre 2008): 92–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426900000070.

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AbstractThis paper discusses the burial of Herodes Atticus as a well-attested case of élite identification through mortuary practices. It gives a close reading of Philostratus' account of Herodes' end inc. 179 (VS2.1.15) alongside the evidence of architecture, inscriptions, sculpture, and topography at Marathon, Cephisia and Athens. The intended burial of Herodes and the actual burials of his family on the Attic estates expressed wealth and territorial control, while his preference for Marathon fused personal history with civic history. The Athenian intervention in Herodes' private funeral, which led to his magnificent interment at the Panathenaic Stadium, served as a public reception for a leading citizen and benefactor. Herodes' tomb should be identified with a long foundation on the stadium's east hill that might have formed an eccentric altar-tomb, while an elegantklinêsarcophagus found nearby might have been his coffin. His epitaph was a traditional distich that stressed through language and poetic allusion his deep ties to Marathon and Rhamnous, his euergetism and his celebrity. Also found here was an altar dedicated to Herodes ‘the Marathonian hero’ with archaizing features (IGII26791). The first and last lines of the text were erased in a deliberate effort to remove his name and probably the name of a relative. A cemetery of ordinary graves developed around Herods' burial site, but by the 250s these had been disturbed, along with the altar and the sarcophagus. This new synthesis of textual and material sources for the burial of Herodes contributes to a richer understanding of status and antiquarianism in Greek urban society under the Empire. It also examines how the public memory of élites was composite and mutable, shifting through separate phases of activity — funeral, hero-cult, defacement, biography — to generate different images of the dead.

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10

Strazdins, Estelle. "The King of Athens: Philostratus’ Portrait of Herodes Atticus". Classical Philology 114, n. 2 (aprile 2019): 238–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/702307.

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11

Ameling, Walter. "Fotini Skenteri: Herodes Atticus reflected in occasional poetry of Antonine Athens." Gnomon 81, n. 1 (2009): 9–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/0017-1417_2009_1_9.

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12

Swain, Simon. "The Promotion of Hadrian of Tyre and the Death of Herodes Atticus". Classical Philology 85, n. 3 (luglio 1990): 214–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/367202.

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13

Welch, Katherine. "Greek stadia and Roman spectacles: Asia, Athens, and the tomb of Herodes Atticus". Journal of Roman Archaeology 11 (1998): 117–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759400017220.

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14

Perry, Ellen E. "Iconography and the Dynamics of Patronage: A Sarcophagus from the Family of Herodes Atticus". Hesperia 70, n. 4 (ottobre 2001): 461. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3182055.

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15

Wellington Gahtan, Maia. "Reading Pontano’s “libretto co’ fogli di marmo”". Opus Incertum 8, n. 1 (26 novembre 2022): 48–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/opus-14070.

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This article explores Pontano’s funerary tempietto in Naples as a building in which inscribed text supplants the public functions normally accomplished through figural art. According special attention to the twelve sententiae which form the bulk of the exterior inscriptions – the facciate parlanti – the author highlights the uniqueness of placing a collection of ancient maxims on public display and demonstrates how Pontano’s printed gallery actively promotes dialogue with its visitors, embracing conversation, exchange and, ultimately, introspection as much as it celebrates the virtues of the deceased. While all of the sententiae draw from ancient literature and are consonant with Pontano’s moral treatises, only one, “know yourself” derives from the facade of a known building: the Temple of Apollo at Delphi. Combined with the chapel’s physical source in a Greek-styled freestanding cenotaph for Herodes Atticus’ wife, Anna Regilla, on the Via Appia, such a conceptual source from ancient Greek thought underscores the Greek, Socratic, Neoplatonic, conversational, and communicative contexts in which Pontano desired his tempietto to be read.

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16

Lindsey A. Mazurek. "The Middle Platonic Isis: Text and Image in the Sanctuary of the Egyptian Gods at Herodes Atticus' Marathon Villa". American Journal of Archaeology 122, n. 4 (2018): 611. http://dx.doi.org/10.3764/aja.122.4.0611.

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17

Sánchez Hernández, Juan Pablo. "AELIUS ARISTIDES AS TEACHER". Greece and Rome 63, n. 2 (16 settembre 2016): 227–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383516000085.

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Education was the core activity of the Greek sophists, the πεπαιδευμένοι or ‘those who have received an education’, during the Roman period. Publius Aelius Aristides (c.117–180ce) is by far the best known of them. He studied under the grammarian Alexander of Cotiaeum, received additional training from the sophists Polemo and Herodes Atticus, and then made a successful speaking tour through Asia Minor and Egypt. Aristides’ career seemed assured, with his good connections among the Roman intelligentsia, but a serious illness struck him on his way to the imperial capital. A series of health issues led him to a long period of convalescence at the Asklepieion at Pergamum until 147, which he combined afterwards with stays and brief appearances at Smyrna and other cities. It is therefore commonly believed that his career failed because of his poor health and also because he disliked teaching and performing in public. Aristides would rather be a pure lover of speeches, concerned with his literary afterlife and devoted to the production of exemplary speeches for future generations (especially after his retirement in 170), as he maintained at the end of hisSacred Tales(Or.47–52): ‘it is more important for me to revise some things which I have written; for I must converse with posterity’.

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18

Rogers. "Sensing Water in Roman Greece: The Villa of Herodes Atticus at Eva-Loukou and the Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore at Eleusis". American Journal of Archaeology 125, n. 1 (2021): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3764/aja.125.1.0091.

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19

Colledge, Malcolm A. R. "Renate Bol: Das Statuenprogramm des Herodes–Atticus–Nymphäums. (Deutsches Archäologisches Institut, Olympische Forschungen, 15.) Pp. xii + 210; 73 text figures, 6 supplementary figures, 70 plates. Berlin: de Gruyter, 1984. DM. 190." Classical Review 36, n. 2 (ottobre 1986): 342–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00106870.

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20

Balaskas, Vasileios. "The classical drama as contested heritage in modern Greece: theatre productions from private initiatives to state projects in the 1930s". Classical Receptions Journal, 4 giugno 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/crj/clad033.

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Abstract Performing classical drama at ancient venues in interwar Greece reflected the socio-cultural context of the time. The development of archaeological tourism and the perception of classical monuments as heterotopic spaces created particular political and ideological needs. Until the mid-1930s, private theatre companies and individual artists reused classical venues such as the Odeon of Herodes Atticus and the theatre of Epidaurus to stage productions that gradually attracted local, national, and international attention. But by 1936, the National Theatre began exploiting the socio-political potential of ancient theatres and classical drama festivals and state-sponsored productions dominated the Greek theatrical stage. During this period, the claims of exclusivity on the part of the National Theatre and the National Conservatoire defined their competition with private companies and shaped the course of the revival of classical drama in twentieth-century Greece.

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21

Gleason, Maud W. "Making Space for Bicultural Identity: Herodes Atticus Commemorates Regilla". SSRN Electronic Journal, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.1427349.

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22

Proietti, Giorgia. "La stele dei Maratonomachi (o ‘stele di Loukou’)". Axon, n. 1 (30 giugno 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.30687/axon/2532-6848/2020/01/002.

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The ‘stele of the Marathonomachoi’ was found in 1999 in Herodes Atticus’ villa at Eua-Loukou, in the eastern Peloponnese. Dated on palaeographical grounds to the time of the Persian wars and attributed to the tomb of the Marathonomachoi on the battlefield, it has been alternatively dated shortly after 490, or during the ’70s. Developing some arguments which I have already discussed in previous articles, I here explore the possibility that the stele was originally inscribed with the casualty list of the Erechtheid tribe, while the epigram was added some time after 480-479. The stele would therefore represent two different phases of the historical memory of the Marathon battle.

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