Bibliografie tematiche / Odeion of Herodes Atticus

Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Odeion of Herodes Atticus"

Autore: Grafiati

Pubblicato: 27 luglio 2024

Ultima modifica: 29 luglio 2024

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Articoli di riviste sul tema "Odeion of Herodes Atticus"

Vassilantonopoulos, Stamatis L., e John N. Mourjopoulos. "The Acoustics of Roofed Ancient Odeia: The Case of Herodes Atticus Odeion". Acta Acustica united with Acustica 95, n. 2 (1 marzo 2009): 291–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3813/aaa.918151.

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Russell, Ben. "Manolis Korres. The Odeion Roof of Herodes Atticus and other Giant Spans." Journal of Greek Archaeology 2 (1 gennaio 2017): 445–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/jga.v2i.617.

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The Odeion of Herodes Atticus, built between AD 160 and 169, is a looming hulk of a structure. It could have housed, at a reasonable estimate, around 6000 spectators. Despite its size and relatively good state of preservation, the building remains something of an enigma. In particular, the thorny issue of whether it was roofed, open-air, or partially covered in some way has rumbled on for well over one hundred years. Any roof would have had to cover a space measuring c. 83m east-west and c. 56m north-south, which would make it the largest roof span known from antiquity. Undeterred by the staggering scale of the undertaking, Manolis Korres here presents his case for a roof. In this beautifully put together, stunningly illustrated volume, Korres combines careful study of the structural remains with detailed discussion of the practicalities of creating a roof of this scale. It would take a structural engineer to provide a full appraisal of many of the more technical aspects of Korres’ reconstruction and so, in what follows, I will focus primarily on his archaeological and architectural observations.

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Krause, Peter. "SCHLECHTE NEUE WELT". Opernwelt 64, n. 8 (2023): 48–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0030-3690-2023-8-048-1.

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Balaskas, Vasileios. "Axis Occupation and the Odeon of Herodes Atticus: Artistic Production under Fascism (1941–1942)". Journal of Modern Greek Studies 41, n. 1 (maggio 2023): 55–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mgs.2023.0002.

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Γεωργακάκη, Ε. "A young student translates ancient Greek drama: a passage of Euripides’ Phoenissai translated by Alexandros Rizos Rangavis (1824)". Kathedra, n. 18(1) (15 maggio 2024): 101–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.52607/26587157_2024_18_101.

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Το μελέτημα αναφέρεται στη μεταφραστική άσκηση που ανέθεσε στον φοιτούντα στο Ελληνικό Σχολείο της Οδησσού, Αλέξανδρο Ρίζο Ραγκαβή, ο δάσκαλός του Κωνσταντίνος Βαρδαλάχος, στο πλαίσιο μεταφραστικών δοκιμών στους αρχαίους κλασικούς. Ο Ραγκαβής επέλεξε ένα απόσπασμα από τις Φοίνισσες του Ευριπίδη, το οποίο χώρισε σε τρεις σκηνές και το μετέφρασε σε ομοιοκατάληκτο δεκαπεντασύλλαβο στίχο. Ένα μετάφρασμα, που φανερώνει τη φιλότιμη προσπάθεια του νεαρού Αλέξανδρου να αποδώσει τη δραματική ποίηση σε μέτρο, σε αντίθεση με την καθοδήγηση του δασκάλου του, Κ. Βαρδαλάχου, ο οποίος συντασσόταν με την απόδοση του αρχαίου ελληνικού δράματος σε πεζό λόγο, άποψη που ενστερνιζόταν, εκτός των άλλων λογίων, ο Νεόφυτος Δούκας. Λαμβάνοντας υπ’ όψη την εξελικτική πορεία των απόψεων του Αλέξανδρου Ρίζου Ραγκαβή σχετικά με τη μετάφραση του αρχαίου δράματος στα νέα ελληνικά, όπως αποτυπώνεται στο προοίμιο της μνημειώδους έκδοσης Μεταφράσεις Ελληνικών Δραμάτων (Αθήνα, 1860), αλλά και τις ίδιες τις μεταφράσεις του, ιδιαίτερα εκείνης της Αντιγόνης του Σοφοκλή που χρησιμοποιήθηκε για την παράσταση του δράματος στο Ωδείο Ηρώδου του Αττικού το 1867, ετούτη η πρώτη του μεταφραστική απόπειρα φανερώνει την εμπνευσμένη διάθεση του νεαρού μεταφραστή να εμφυσήσει ζωή και ρυθμό στο αρχαίο κείμενο. The study refers to the translation exercise assigned to the student at the Greek School of Odessa, Alexandros Rizos Rangavis, by his teacher, Konstantinos Vardalachos, in the context of translation tests on the ancient classics. Rangavis chose a passage from Euripides’ Phoenissai (The Phoenician Women), which he divided into three scenes and translated into rhyming fifteen-syllable verse. A translation, which reveals the effort of the young Alexander to render dramatic poetry in verse, in contrast to the guidance of his teacher, K. Vardalachos, who supported the idea of translating ancient Greek drama in prose. Taking into account the evolution of the views of Alexandros Rizos Rangavis regarding the translation of ancient drama into modern Greek, as reflected in the preface of the monumental edition Translations of Hellenic Dramas (Athens, 1860), but also his translations themselves, especially that of Sophocles’ Antigone which was used for the performance of the drama at the Odeon of Herodes of Atticus in 1867, this first attempt at translation reveals the young translator’s inspired disposition to breathe life and rhythm into the ancient text.

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Pawlak, Marcin. "Herodes Atticus and the Athenians". Klio - Czasopismo Poświęcone Dziejom Polski i Powszechnym 55 (26 novembre 2020): 107. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/klio.2020.037.

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Fullerton, Mark D., e Renate Bol. "Das Statuenprogramm des Herodes-Atticus-Nymphaeums". American Journal of Archaeology 89, n. 2 (aprile 1985): 369. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/504349.

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Kennell, Nigel M. "Herodes Atticus and the Rhetoric of Tyranny". Classical Philology 92, n. 4 (ottobre 1997): 346–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/449363.

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Rife, Joseph L. "The burial of Herodes Atticus: élite identity, urban society, and public memory in Roman Greece". Journal of Hellenic Studies 128 (novembre 2008): 92–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426900000070.

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AbstractThis paper discusses the burial of Herodes Atticus as a well-attested case of élite identification through mortuary practices. It gives a close reading of Philostratus' account of Herodes' end inc. 179 (VS2.1.15) alongside the evidence of architecture, inscriptions, sculpture, and topography at Marathon, Cephisia and Athens. The intended burial of Herodes and the actual burials of his family on the Attic estates expressed wealth and territorial control, while his preference for Marathon fused personal history with civic history. The Athenian intervention in Herodes' private funeral, which led to his magnificent interment at the Panathenaic Stadium, served as a public reception for a leading citizen and benefactor. Herodes' tomb should be identified with a long foundation on the stadium's east hill that might have formed an eccentric altar-tomb, while an elegantklinêsarcophagus found nearby might have been his coffin. His epitaph was a traditional distich that stressed through language and poetic allusion his deep ties to Marathon and Rhamnous, his euergetism and his celebrity. Also found here was an altar dedicated to Herodes ‘the Marathonian hero’ with archaizing features (IGII26791). The first and last lines of the text were erased in a deliberate effort to remove his name and probably the name of a relative. A cemetery of ordinary graves developed around Herods' burial site, but by the 250s these had been disturbed, along with the altar and the sarcophagus. This new synthesis of textual and material sources for the burial of Herodes contributes to a richer understanding of status and antiquarianism in Greek urban society under the Empire. It also examines how the public memory of élites was composite and mutable, shifting through separate phases of activity — funeral, hero-cult, defacement, biography — to generate different images of the dead.

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Strazdins, Estelle. "The King of Athens: Philostratus’ Portrait of Herodes Atticus". Classical Philology 114, n. 2 (aprile 2019): 238–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/702307.

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Tesi sul tema "Odeion of Herodes Atticus"

Tischer, Ute. "Gellius, ein stoischer nebulo und das Zitat : zu Gell. 1,2". Universität Potsdam, 2007. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/texte_eingeschraenkt_verlag/2010/4236/.

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Chapter 1, 2 of the Noctes Atticae reports how the orator and politician Herodes Atticus silences a boastful young Stoic by citing a diatribe of Epictetus. The article shows that Gellius – unlike his own assertion – does not describe a real experience. Instead he dramatizes the text (Epict. diss. 2, 19), which is the origin of the citation. Comparing both texts one finds details of the scenery described, the characterizations of the protagonists as well as the themes discussed quite similar in both the non-cited parts of Epictetus and the text of Gellius. Particularly interesting in that respect is how Gellius takes up citing and its various aspects as it can be found in his model. Epictetus deals with this theme in a critical way, because in his opinion citations of authorities say nothing about the philosophical qualities of the person who uses them. While Gellius’ praxis of citation is formally modelled very closely on Epictetus’ speech, regarding the content he by no means rejects the use of philosophical citations as weapon to beat an opponent in discussion.

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Toma, Andrea Verfasser], e Bernhard [Akademischer Betreuer] [Zimmermann. "Le iscrizioni poetiche relative a Erode Attico: testo rivisto, traduzione e commento = Die poetischen Inschriften bezüglich Herodes Atticus: durchgesehener Text, Übersetzung und Kommentar". Freiburg : Universität, 2008. http://d-nb.info/1114145009/34.

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McHugh, Sarah. "Renewing Athens : the ideology of the past in Roman Greece". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:edb6cac4-ff85-4635-9e66-f92524b7226c.

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In this thesis we explore the period of renewal that Athens experienced during the second century AD. This century saw Athens at the peak of her cultural prominence in the Roman Empire: the city was the centre of the League of the Panhellenion and hosted a vibrant sophistic scene that attracted orators from across the Greek world, developments which were ideologically fuelled by contemporary conceptions of Classical Athens. While this Athenian 'golden age' is a standard feature of scholarship on Greek culture under Rome, my thesis delves further to explore the renewal of the urban and rural landscapes at this time and the relationship between that process and constructions of Athenian identity. We approach the renewal of second-century Athens through four lenses: past and present in the Ilissos area; the rhetoric of the Panhellenion; elite conflict and competition; and the character of the Attic countryside. My central conclusions are as follows: 1. The renewal of Athens was effected chiefly by Hadrian and the Athenian elite and was modelled on an ideal Athenian past, strategically manipulated to suit present purpose; the attractions of the fifth-century golden age for this programme of renewal meant that politically contentious history of radical democracy and aggressive imperialism had to be safely rewritten. 2. Athens and Attica retained their uniquely integrated character in the second century. Rural Attica was the subject of a powerful sacro-idyllic ideology and played a vital role in concepts of Athenian identity, while simultaneously serving as a functional landscape of production and inhabitation. 3. The true socio-economic importance of the Attic countryside as a settled and productive landscape should be investigated without unduly privileging the limited evidence from survey, and by combining all available sources, both literary and documentary, with attention to their content, cultural context and ideological relevance.

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Jansen, Klaus [Verfasser]. "Herodes Atticus und seine Trophimoi / vorgelegt von Klaus Jansen". 2008. http://d-nb.info/991226062/34.

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Libri sul tema "Odeion of Herodes Atticus"

Gogos, Savas. Ta archaia Ōdeia tēs Athēnas. Athēna: Ekdoseis Papazēsē, 2008.

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Gogos, Savas. Ta archaia Ōdeia tēs Athēnas. Athēna: Ekdoseis Papazēsē, 2008.

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Gogos, Savas. Ta archaia Ōdeia tēs Athēnas. Athēna: Ekdoseis Papazēsē, 2008.

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Gogos, Savas. Ta archaia Ōdeia tēs Athēnas. Athēna: Ekdoseis Papazēsē, 2008.

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Skenteri, Fotini. Herodes Atticus reflected in occasional poetry of Antonine Athens. Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell International, 2006.

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Universität Münster. Forschungsstelle Asia Minor, a cura di. Die Ruinen von Alexandria Troas: Bestandsaufnahme der "Thermen des Herodes Atticus" und des "Maldelik" mit Vorberichten der Untersuchungen von R. Koldewey und A.C.G. Smith. Bonn: Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, 2014.

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The Odeion Roof of Herodes Atticus and other Giant Spans. Melissa Publishing House, 2015.

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Über das Odeion des Herodes Attikos. Creative Media Partners, LLC, 2023.

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Ta archaia Ōdeia tēs Athēnas. Athēna: Ekdoseis Papazēsē, 2008.

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Acropolis: Ancient and Roman Agora, Pnyx, Philopappus Hill, Hadrian's Library, Theatre of Dionysus, Odeion of Herodes Atticus, Acropolis Museum. Ahtens: Militos, 2010.

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Capitoli di libri sul tema "Odeion of Herodes Atticus"

Strazdins, Estelle. "Herodes Atticus and the sanctuaries of Achaea". In The Province of Achaea in the 2nd Century CE, 166–90. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003178828-11.

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Rupprecht Goette, Hans. "9. The Portraits of Herodes Atticus and His Circle". In Handbook of Greek Sculpture, a cura di Olga Palagia, 225–58. Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781614513537-009.

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Bowie, Ewen. "Inspiration and Aspiration: Date, Genre, and Readership". In Pausanias, 21–32. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195128161.003.0002.

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Abstract I begin by considering some questions concerning Pausanias’s date. The indications offered by passages in his work leave little room for doubt about the rough dates of its composition, and point chiefly to the reign of Marcus Aurelius. Book I, on Attica, had been finished, Pausanias tells us explicitly (7.20.6), before Herodes Atticus’s construction of his Odeion in Athens to commemorate his dead wife, Regilla. Regilla died very late in the 150s or in A.D. 160 or 161. We need not suppose the Odeion to have been begun, far less completed, immediately after her death, even if the poems commissioned by Herodes for Regilla’s monument on the via Appia should fall soon after 160 (given that the career of their poet, Marcellus of Side, was chiefly under Hadrian and Pius). A date of ca. A.D. 165 for the Odeion and as a terminus ante quern for the completion of Book I fits our other evidence. Book II (2.27.6) reths to building at Epidaurus by a senator Antoninus, undoubtedly Sextus Iulius Maior Antoninus Pythodorus, who was active in the 160s, and not the emperor Antoninus Pius.

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Baldwin, Barry. "Herodes Atticus: Philanthropist or Rat?" In Roman and Byzantine Papers, 105–8. BRILL, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004673137_018.

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Strazdins, Estelle. "Herodes Atticus, Hadrian, and the Antonines". In Representing Rome's Emperors, 89–114. Oxford University PressOxford, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192869265.003.0004.

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Abstract This chapter examines Herodes Atticus’ use of imperial images against the backdrop of his broader monumentalizing programme in Roman Greece. In particular, it draws out the implications of how Hadrian and Antinous, and Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus are represented and displayed in a series of portrait busts commissioned by Herodes and arranged in his private villa at Loukou-Eva Kynouria or in the public sanctuary of Nemesis at Rhamnous in Attica. These images are integrated into a broader visual, cultural, and historical programme that recasts the power relationships between Romans and Greeks in the eastern empire. The chapter argues that Herodes employs these portraits of contemporary emperors to assert his own centrality to the maintenance and mediation of Roman imperial power in the province of Achaea and that this message complements the contemporary promotion of Greek culture evident in the ‘Second Sophistic’ more broadly.

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"Eine ländliche Opferszene aus der Reliefsammlung des Herodes Atticus". In Von äußerst delikatem Stil, 153–74. Ergon – ein Verlag in der Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/9783987400216-153.

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Rutherford, Ian. "Politikos and Panegurikos: The Reading List in PerIIdean". In Canons of Style in the Antonine Age, 37–53. Oxford University PressOxford, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198147299.003.0004.

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Abstract A statement at the end of the section indicates that Hermogenes sees Demosthenes and all the orators mentioned in 2. 11 except for Critias as belonging to a traditional group of ten (Antiphon of Rhamnous and Antiphon the Sophist apparently count as one for this purpose) (403. 13 ff.). This is one of the first clear statements of the existence of a canon of ten orators. This testimony can be set alongside a passage from Lives of the Sophists, according to which the associates of Herodes Atticus flattered him with the observation that he belonged in the canon of the ten, and Herodes modestly replied that he was at any rate better than Andocides (suggesting that Andocides is tenth in the canon of ten, as he is in Hermogenes’ list). The notion of a canon of ten may well not go back much before the period of these authors.

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Strazdins, Estelle. "Herodes Atticus, Material Memories, and the Expression and Reception of Grief". In Memory and Emotions in Antiquity, 175–202. De Gruyter, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783111345246-009.

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"Competition in Theater and Circus". In Curse Tablets and Binding Spells from the Ancient World, a cura di John G. Gager, 42–77. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195062267.003.0002.

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Abstract In the major cities of the ancient Mediterranean world, much of life unfolded in public settings-theaters, amphitheaters, hippodromes, odeums, stadiums, and circuses. Whereas large installations like stadi ums and circuses tended to be limited to cult centers (Greece) and large cities (Rome), theaters and odeums (small covered lecture halls) were much more common.Depending on the size of the building, crowds could vary considerably: several hundred in small theaters; several thou sand in larger theaters, such as the one at Pompeii; perhaps 50,000 in the Roman Colosseum and the stadium of Herodes Atticus at Athens; and as many as 250,000 (almost one-quarter of the city’s population) for chariot races in the Circus Maximus at Rome.

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Spyropoulos, George. "Appropriation and Synthesis in the Villa of Herodes Atticus at Eva (Loukou), Greece". In Egypt and the Classical World, 92–105. J. Paul Getty Trust, The, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/jj.5274093.9.

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