Tesi sul tema "Obligation familiale"

L’aggravation des besoins en matière de vieillesse, de dépendance, de handicap, d’isolement et d’exclusion en général, exacerbe les tensions entre solidarités familiales et solidarités collectives. Partout, la crise des solidarités inquiète : crise des solidarités familiales d’une part, en raison de l’individualisme et de la liberté qui fragilisent les responsabilités familiales, crise des solidarités collectives d’autre part, au regard des difficultés économiques et sociales de l’État-providence. L’articulation entre la solidarité familiale et la solidarité collective est une question centrale des politiques sociales et familiales menées par les États modernes. Le discours contemporain témoigne d’une redécouverte des solidarités familiales et d’une mise en valeur de la fonction économique de la famille, au travers des institutions juridiques de l’obligation alimentaire et de la transmission du patrimoine. L’attention portée aux solidarités de proximité vise à pallier la fragilisation des dispositifs de protection issus de la solidarité collective, ici entendue comme l’ensemble des aides sociales et des prestations non contributives de sécurité sociale. L’articulation de la solidarité familiale et de la solidarité collective interroge le législateur sur la place respective à assigner à la famille et à l’État dans la prise en charge de la personne dans le besoin. Cette étude propose de mettre en évidence le glissement d’un système d’articulation édifié sur la subsidiarité de la solidarité collective par rapport à la solidarité familiale vers un modèle fondé sur la complémentarité de la solidarité familiale et de la solidarité collective. Dans cette perspective, la thèse se propose d’étudier l’impact sur les solidarités familiales, des recours et des récupérations exercés par la collectivité contre les débiteurs alimentaires et les transmissions patrimoniales
The increasing needs related to old age, dependency, disability, loneliness and more broadly exclusion leads to a tension’s exacerbationbetween family solidarities and collective solidarities. The solidarity crisis is a matter of concern as we observea familial solidarities crisis created by individualism and freedom leading to a weakening of familial liabilities and a collective solidarities crisis created by the welfare state’s economic difficulties. Thus, balance between familial and collective solidarities is a key issue regarding social policies conducted by modern States. The contemporary vision brings up the idea of a rediscovery of familial solidarities and an increasing role given to the economic role of the family through legal institutions such as the maintenance obligation and the assets transmission. The attention given to local solidarities tends to correct the weakening of collective solidarities, defined as the set of social supports and free social security benefits. The balance between familial solidarities and collective solidarities brings lawmaker to re think the role of State and family in regards of a person in need. This study demonstrates that solidarities are drifting from a system balanced by the subsidiarity between collective solidarity and familial solidarity to a new model based on complementarity between familial and collective solidarity. From that perspective, this thesis assesses the impact of familial solidarities, remedies and recoveries used by collectivities against food debtors and transmission of assets

Notre étude porte sur deux institutions traditionnelles malgaches, le devoir de respect aux aînés et le rejet d'enfant, qui semblent ne pas connaître le même destin. En effet, si le rejet a été réformé et reconduit par le législateur dans le droit positif, le devoir de respect aux aînés prétend être dégénéré, désagrégé, perdant son statut d'obligation légale ou civile dépourvue de toute sanction juridique et se retrouve à première vue appartenir au devoir moral. Nous avons opté pour la méthode comparative historique et contemporaine pour traiter ces deux objets du droit malgache par la règle des 3C : connaissance, compréhension, comparaison en appelant notamment le droit français et le cas échéant le droit romain ou de différentes autres dispositions d'ordres juridiques par le recours au tertium comparationis. La place du respect dans le droit, un sujet quotidiennement abordé en tout lieu, dans la plus haute autorité de l'État comme dans la sphère familiale en passant par les relations entre des personnes privées qui se côtoient. Dans une société traditionnelle malgache coïncidant avec la genèse du droit, les auteurs constatent notamment une société fortement hiérarchisée pour organiser la place de chacun, l'ordre social, dans une seule et unique finalité : la paix sociale. Compte-tenu de l'ampleur de la question de respect, qui ne semble pas anodine du tout, et de sa place en droit public comme en droit privé, en droit national comme en droit international ; les juristes, après quelques recherches en amont que nous avons faites, ne s'intéressent pas forcément à cette notion de respect contrairement à celle de l'honneur par exemple. Or, le droit positif intègre le respect dans les obligations découlant du mariage, il est également omniprésent dans les principes de droits et libertés fondamentaux, notre recherche va aborder le respect dans les relations familiales intergénérationnelles : nous excluons la protection de l'intérêt de l'enfant mineur qui a été traitée par plusieurs auteurs, voire des spécialistes, nous portons notre regard sur le respect des aînés, des parents et ascendants devenus vulnérables. Et c'est à cette phase précise de protection du respect, de l'honneur et des obligations familiales envers ces derniers que le rejet malgache intervient dans sa nouvelle version pour sanctionner toute volonté de les nuire de la part d'un enfant majeur. Le rejet malgache considéré par les auteurs comme atypique, n'a rien de comparable dans tous autres systèmes juridiques, ne répond pas aux exigences « des termes à comparer », sera comparé suivant sa qualification juridique de sanction civile des manquements graves aux obligations familiales envers les parents, aînés, ascendants, voire même aux institutions sociales et juridiques. Des questions se posent : Quelle est la vraie nature du rejet malgache? Quelle est son origine? Quel est son objet? Quel est son rôle exact? Quels sont ses effets, ses limites? Bref, une étude approfondie s'impose
Our study focuses on two traditional Malagasy institutions, the duty of respect to elders and the rejection of children, which seem to not experience the same fate. Indeed, if the rejection has been reformed and renewed by the legislator in positive law, the duty of respect for elders claims to be degenerated, disaggregated, losing its status as a legal or civil obligation, devoid of any legal sanction and finds itself at first glance as belonging to moral duty. We have opted for the historical and contemporary comparative method to study these two subjects of Malagasy law using the 3C rule: (Connaissance) knowledge, (Compréhension) understanding, (Comparaison) comparison by referring in particular to the French law and, where applicable, to the Roman law or other legal provisions such us the « tertium comparationis ». The place of respect in the law, is a subject discussed daily everywhere, in the highest authority of the State as well as in the family sphere, including the relationships between private people who come into contact with each other. In a traditional Malagasy society coinciding with the genesis of law, authors note in particular a strongly hierarchical society in order to organize the place of each person, the social order, with a single purpose: social peace. Given the magnitude of the question of respect, which does not seem trivial at all, and its place in public law as in private law, in national law as in international law; lawyers, after some upstream research that we have done, are not necessarily interested in this notion of respect unlike that of honor for example. However, positive law integrates respect into the obligations arising from marriage, it is also omnipresent in the principles of fundamental rights and freedoms, our research will address respect in intergenerational family relations: we exclude the protection of the interests of the minor child which has been treated by several authors, even specialists, we focus our attention on the respect for elders, parents and ascendants who have become vulnerable. And it is at this precise phase of protecting respect, honor and family obligations towards them that the Malagasy rejection intervenes in its new version to punish any desire to harm them from an adult child. The Malagasy rejection which has been considered by authors as atypical, and which has nothing comparable in all other legal systems, does not meet the requirements of "terms to be compared", and will be compared according to its legal qualification as a civil sanction for serious breaches of family obligations towards parents, elders, ascendants, and even social and legal institutions. Questions come out : What is its origin ? What is the true nature of Malagasy rejection? What is its purpose? What is its exact part? What are its effects, its limits? Therefore, it is necessary to undertake an in-depth study

Le droit de la famille contemporain connaît ces dernières années une profonde modification de son arsenal sanctionnateur. En première approche, ces évolutions donnent une impression de désordre : déclin des sanctions des manquements aux devoirs du mariage, renouvellement des sanctions des violences conjugales, résurrection de la suppression des allocations familiales, discussion sur la responsabilité pénale des parents du fait de leurs enfants, etc. La sanction, entendue ici comme toute conséquence juridique attachée à la violation d'une obligation familiale, n'échappe pas à l'inflation législative générale. Au cours des dernières décennies, le droit des sanctions a néanmoins subi des mutations spécifiques dans le domaine familial. Composé d'une vaste panoplie de mécanismes, relevant aussi bien du droit civil que du droit pénal ou du droit de l'aide et de l'action sociales, le droit familial des sanctions cherche tantôt à punir, tantôt à réparer, parfois à contraindre et, de plus en plus, à dissuader et inciter. La thèse offre une lecture des obligations et de l'ordre public familial à travers le prisme des sanctions. Il s'agit de s'attacher à la pertinence des sanctions, définie comme l'adéquation aux objectifs assignés par la politique familiale et la faisabilité des sanctions du point de vue de la technique juridique. Est-il possible d'élaborer une théorie générale des sanctions dans le domaine familial ? Peut-on dégager des principes directeurs qui éclairent les évolutions des sanctions en droit de la famille ? Plus précisément, dans un contexte où les individus contestent de plus en plus l'intrusion de l'État au sein de la sphère privée et où tout doit être consenti pour acquérir une légitimité, y a-t-il encore une place pour la sanction ? Quels sont notamment les devoirs compatibles avec l'individualisme ambiant et ceux qui ne le sont plus ? La thèse soutenue est celle d'une divergence des sanctions entre deux tendances opposées. Cette divergence conduit à une césure qui permet de comprendre et d'ordonner les évolutions en cours. L'exploration systématique des sanctions des obligations familiales permet en effet de découvrir une fracture grandissante du droit de la famille entre un droit horizontal du couple et un droit vertical des relations parentales. Ces deux droits, qui autrefois se renforçaient mutuellement par une complémentarité structurelle, se sont peu à peu disjoints. Ils apparaissent aujourd'hui comme des droits autonomes, voire contradictoires : leur philosophie diffère, leurs objectifs divergent et le droit tend à les traiter de façon dissociée. D'un côté, chacun attend aujourd'hui du couple qu'il permette l'épanouissement individuel, et ce avec le plus grand libéralisme possible. Le droit suit cette demande sociétale, comme en témoigne le relâchement des sanctions des obligations du mariage. Les limites de cette libéralisation horizontale existent certes, mais elles campent à la frontière de ce que la société juge tolérable, non plus dans le couple mais dans la pleine généralité des relations entre personnes adultes, qui n'ont plus grand-chose à voir avec la famille. Ces limites sont donc d'ordre générique. De l'autre côté, la pression sociétale monte en matière d'attentes dans la relation verticale. Il s'agit non seulement d'interdire des comportements jugés inacceptables ou déviants, mais surtout d'inciter les parents à remplir leurs missions. La société n'entend en effet pas prendre ces missions à sa charge en se substituant à la famille, alors même qu'elle donne aujourd'hui aux fonctions parentales une importance considérable. Dès lors, dans ce champ vertical, toute sanction performante trouve a priori une légitimité. Libéralisme horizontal, exigences verticales : comment concilier ces deux tendances ? C'est là toute la difficulté face à laquelle se trouve le droit des sanctions en matière familiale
In recent years, the body of penalties related to family law has known huge developments. At first sight, these developments give a taste of disorder: decline of penalties when breach of marriage duties, renewal of penalties against wife-beating, restoration of the removal of family allowances, discussion on the criminal responsibility of parents to their children, etc. Punishment, understood here as any legal consequences attached to the violation of a family obligation, is no exception to the observed global legislative inflation. Nevertheless, in recent decades, the law of sanctions has known specific changes in the family area. Composed of a wide variety of mechanisms, both under the civil law or criminal law right to assistance and social action, family law sanctions seek to punish sometimes, sometimes to repair, sometimes forcing and, increasingly, to support or dissuade. The thesis offers a reading of obligations and public family through the prism of sanctions and punishments. It aims at focusing on the relevance of specific sanctions, defined as the capability to achieve family policy and the feasibility of sanctions from the point of view of legal technique. Is it possible to develop a general theory of punishment in the field of family law? Can we identify guiding principles that inform recent developments of sanctions in Family Law? More specifically, in a context where individuals increasingly challenging the intrusion of the state in the private sphere, and where constant attention is required to guaranty legitimacy, is there still a place for punishment? Which particular duties are still consistent with the dominant individualism and which are obsolete? The thesis is based on an observation: a divide between two opposing tendencies. This divergence leads to understanding and ordering the current historical developments. The systematic exploration of sanctions family obligations makes it possible to discover an increasing gap in family laws between on the one side an horizontal body of laws relating to the couple, and a vertical body of laws relating to the parental relationships. These two bodies of laws that once had been mutually reinforcing because they were structural complements have gradually disjoint. They now appear as autonomous, if not contradictory: their philosophies differ, their goals diverge and law tends to treat them as dissociated. On the one hand, everyone is expecting today that the couple life will allow individual bloom and fulfillment, with the utmost possible liberalism. The law follows this social demand, as evidenced by the relaxation of sanctions in marriage obligations. The limits of such liberalization of horizontal relationships exist, but they camped at the border of what society deems tolerable, not between husband and wife, but in full generality relations between adults. Such laws and obligations have no longer much to do with family. These limits are of a generic nature. On the other hand, societal pressure rises on expectations in the vertical relationship. This is not only to prohibit unacceptable behaviors or deviant, but also to encourage parents to fulfill their missions. Society does not intend to substitute family to accomplish these missions. It keeps giving parental duties a considerable importance. Therefore, in this vertical domain, any efficient punishment is a priori legitimate. Horizontal liberalism, vertical demand: how to reconcile these two trends? Therein lies the difficulty that faces the law of sanctions in the field of family

L'étude des aliments en droit privé consiste, à analyser les diverses implications juridiques de cette notion. Dans le langage courant les aliments renvoient à la nourriture. Dans certaines branches du droit privé telles que le droit commercial ou le droit de la consommation, on retrouve la première acception. En droit de la famille, elle présente une spécificité car utilisée à la forme plurielle les " aliments " recouvrent tout ce qui est nécessaire à la vie. Il s'agit d'une définition générale, les aliments sont conçus comme étant le minimum essentiel à la subsistance. Dans la mesure où il n'existe pas de liste définie des éléments nécessaires à la vie, cette thèse tend à rechercher des critères de qualification juridique des aliments, à analyser les moyens d'acquisition de ceux-ci. Ceci révèle une notion polysémique et protéiforme selon la nature des besoins. De même, les obligations alimentaires instaurées par le législateur entre certains proches d'une part et une solidarité collective d'autre part, permettant à celui qui est dans le besoin d'acquérir des aliments, sont caractérisées par un régime juridique, particulièrement dérogatoire du droit commun. Cela démontre que sous l'apparente simplification de la notion d'aliments, il se cache un concept juridique permettant d'assurer une vie convenable aux proches et aux personnes dans le besoin dans le cadre de la solidarité collective.

Absente des textes de lois, introuvable en jurisprudence et ignorée de la pratique, la notion de dette familiale suscite l'étonnement. Si l'on en pressent intuitivement le sens, sitôt la question de sa définition juridique posée, les plus grandes difficultés surgissent pour en dessiner les contours. En s'affranchissant des clivages habituels du droit patrimonial de la famille - régimes matrimoniaux, successions et libéralités - l'étude envisage de percer le mystère de ces dettes. Les dettes familiales peuvent être comprises comme l'ensemble des obligations passives à finalité familiale, unissant un ou plusieurs membres de la famille, soit entre eux, soit vis-à-vis des tiers. Derrière cette unité notionnelle, apparaît ainsi une opposition majeure : aux dettes entre les membres de la famille répondent les dettes envers les tiers. Entre les membres de la famille, les dettes familiales peuvent à leur tour être divisées entre les dettes de liquidation et de contribution. Chacune de ces catégories obéit à sa propre logique: équité pour les premières, solidarité pour les secondes. Or c'est encore la solidarité qui gouverne les dettes envers les tiers: elles expriment en effet l'union du groupe en offrant aux tiers une précieuse garantie. S'appuyant sur cet ordonnancement nouveau, une reconstruction du régime de ces obligations est proposée. Ainsi, une mise en cohérence des règles applicables à ces dettes en fonction de leurs fondements respectifs et des mécanismes employés pour parvenir à leur réalisation apparaît plus clairement
Absent from legal texts, unable to be found in jurisprudence and unknown in practice, the notion of family debt evokes astonishment. Great difficulty arises in establishing a legal definition for these issues. In crossing the line of usual cleavages of patrimonial family law - matrimonial regimes, inheritance and gifts - this study plans to shed light on the mystery of these debts. Family debt can be understood as a group of passive obligations for the use of the family, involving one or several members of the family, either amongst each other or vis-à-vis a third party. Behind this notional unity, there is a major difference: debts between family members juxtaposed to debts towards third parties. Between family members, family debts can in turn be divided into contribution debts and liquidation debts. Each one of these categories has its own logic: equity for the first, solidarity for the second. However, it is still solidarity which governs debt towards third parties: they highlight the union of the group by offering a precious guarantee to third parties. Based on this new set of rules, a reconstruction of the system of these obligations is proposed. Thus, an alignment of the rules for these debts according to their basis and mechanisms used to achieve their implementation becomes clearer

Malgré les transformations et les nombreuses crises que connaît la famille, le devoir familial de solidarité apparaît comme une constante. Conscience qu'ont les proches parents de s'entraider, ce devoir n'a véritablement jamais été identifié juridiquement. Certes, son appréhension juridique révèle une multitude d'obligations légales ou contractuelles allant de l'obligation alimentaire à l'assurance-vie prévoyance en passant par la réserve héréditaire. Partant du constat de la diversité des devoirs de famille, la thèse met en évidence l'existence d'un seul et même devoir familial de solidarité qui se décline en une multitude de modalités. La recherche d'une unité entre les diverses manifestations de solidarité conduit aux fondements juridiques de ce devoir. Si le lien de famille s'impose en premier lieu, sa compréhension restrictive par notre droit empêche de rendre compte de la solidarité pourtant présente dans certaines structures familiales actuelles comme notamment les familles secondes et le concubinage. Ainsi, sont explorés d'autres fondements tels que les notions de piété et de communauté de vie qui permettent d'admettre plus largement l'existence d'un devoir de solidarité. En outre, l'unité des devoirs de famille est envisagée à travers les conditions indispensables à la mise en couvre tant matérielles - les ressources et les besoins - que morales - le comportement des protagonistes. Une définition de ces critères est proposée afin qu'ils puissent s'appliquer à toutes les manifestations de solidarité. Enfin, l'unité se retrouve dans la gratuité, caractéristique du devoir familial de solidarité qui tend à être limité. Si cette étude permet de démontrer l'existence d'une unité dans la solidarité familiale, elle souligne également son imperfection
In spite of the transformations and many crises which family encounters, the family solidarity duty seems to be a constant element in time. Although relatives and family are aware of this duty, it was never truly identified juridically. Indeed, its legal apprehension reveals a multitude of legal or contractual obligations, which can go from the maintenance obligation, to life insurance precautions, as well as inheritance issues. Taking into consideration the diversity of family duties, this thesis highlights the existence of one and only solidarity family duty, which can be listed in a multitude of modalities. We are led to the juridical foundations of this duty by the need to create a unity between different solidarity demonstrations. Family bond is initially imposed indeed, but its restrictive law comprehension prevents us from accounting for the solidarity, which exists in some current family structures, such as second families and cohabitation. Thus, it is necessary to explore other bases such as concepts of piety and will of community life, which would enable to admit more openly the existence of a solidarity duty. Moreover, it seems necessary to lay down the essentiel conditions to a material implementation - resources and needs - as well as a moral implementation - protagonists' behavior A definition of these criteria is offered in order to enable its application to all demonstrations of solidarity. Lastly, unity can be found in gratuitousness, a family duty caracteristic which tends to be limited. This study enables indeed the demonstration of the existence of a family solidarity unity, but also highlights it imperfection

Si la solidarité fait d’abord penser à une notion éminemment factuelle, elle est un concept juridique opérant en matière pénale. Bien qu’il s’agisse d’une modalité d’exécution d’une obligation civile, elle a été introduite au sein de notre système pénal par le législateur de 1810 qui entendait faire répondre à la solidarité morale dans l’infraction une solidarité matérielle dans la sanction. Or, loin de se limiter à son domaine originel, on la retrouve actuellement au sein de la matière pénale où elle inspire notamment les notions de solidarité criminelle, familiale et humaine ou encore de solidarité des amendes fiscales et douanières. Elle comporte ainsi différentes dimensions qui interagissent les unes avec les autres sans cohérence apparente. Pourtant, elle recouvre sous le même vocable deux réalités différentes et complémentaires. Elle se présente à la fois comme un sentiment moral qui relie les hommes et les oblige à des actes d’entraide et d’assistance mutuels et comme une technique juridique qui permet d’assurer le recouvrement d’une créance. Elle est une valeur sociale reconnue et protégée par le droit pénal en même temps qu’un mécanisme d’exécution d’une sanction pécuniaire prononcée à l’encontre de plusieurs auteurs. Désormais, de nombreuses dispositions l’intègrent au sein de différentes incriminations et en font un élément de la sanction. La solidarité se retrouve au cœur de la matière pénale où elle joue un rôle fondamental. Elle s’inscrit au soutien de valeurs sociales pénalement protégées et assure l’efficacité de la répression pénale en permettant le recouvrement des sanctions pécuniaires. Elle joue ainsi un rôle majeur au sein de notre système pénal
If solidarity first resembles a highly fact-concept, it is a legal concept operating in criminal matters. Although an implementation modality of a civil obligation, it was introduced into our penal system by the 1810 legislature intended to respond to the moral solidarity in the offense a material solidarity in the penalty. But far from being limited to its original domain, it is currently found in the criminal matters where she draws particularly the notions of solidarity criminal, family and human solidarity or of tax and customs fines. It has different dimensions and interacting with each other without apparent coherence. Yet it covers under the same word two different and complementary realities. It comes both as a moral sentiment that connects people and forces them to mutual acts of assistance and as a legal technique that ensures the recovery of a debt. She is a recognized social value protected by the criminal law as well as a delivery mechanism for a penalty imposed on a number of authors. Now, many provisions incorporate it in various offenses and make it a part of the penalty. Solidarity is at the heart of the criminal law where it plays a fundamental role. It falls to the support of criminally protected social values and ensures the effectiveness of criminal enforcement by allowing the recovery of financial penalties. It thus plays a major role in our criminal justice system

Le juge est le pivot de la mise en oeuvre des solidarites familiales en matieres d'aliments. Il determine le montant de la pension alimentaire due par les parents aux enfants entre les conjoints, entre les ascendants et les descendants et de la prestation compensatoire dans les divorces autres que pour rupture de la vie commune. Il est aussi competent pour reviser le montant des creances alimentaires. La demande en justice peut emaner de l'administration pour faire respecter le principe de la primaute des solidarites familiales par rapport a la solidarite nationale. Le probleme crucial en matiere de decisions judiciaires relatives aux aliments est leur inexecution. Des procedures de recouvrement sont en place pour y faire face mais elles sont insuffisantes. Le juge peut essayer d'assufer l'execution de sa decision en y incorporant des techniques juridiques adaptees aux circonstances telles que le cautionnement, la fiducie si elle est adoptee en france ou les suretes reelles
The judge is in charge of application of family solidarities in the matter of maintenance obligations. He set the amount of allowance due to childrens, between spouses, between ascendants and descendants and of a limony in the majority of divorces. Ho is also competent to review the amount of the maintenance debt. An action can be brought by administration to enforce the princip of family solidarities primacy a gainst national solidarity. The crucial problem in the matter of court order related to maintenance is their non fulfilment. Recovery procedures have been made to fight against this problem but are insufficient. The judge can try to assure the execution of his order in incorporating juridical techniques suited to circumstances as surety bonds, fifucy if it is adopted in france or reals securities

Questo lavoro di tesi ha come obiettivo generale quello di indagare attraverso un modello multidimensionale come le Felt Obligation, definite nelle dimensioni del mantenimento dei contatti e dei rituali familiari, del ricambiare nella relazione per ciò che si è ricevuto e del personal sharing, si delineano e si costruiscono nelle relazioni familiari. Il primo studio è di carattere strettamente psicometrico ed è volto a definire la struttura fattoriale della Felt Obligation Measure nel contesto italiano. La Felt Obligation Measure rappresenta a tutt’oggi l’unico strumento presente in letteratura che permette di valutare ciò che le persone sentono (felt) essere gli obblighi da assolvere nelle loro relazioni familiari. Il secondo studio è volto ad indagare le possibili implicazioni a livello generazionale e individuale delle Felt Obligation in due differenti generazioni (generazione di mezzo e giovani adulti); sono quindi indagate sia variabili di outcome qualificanti le relazioni familiari quali la soddisfazione e l’identità familiare sia variabili di adattamento individuale come autostima, depressione e benessere psicologico. Infine, il terzo studio è dedicato allo studio delle Felt Obligation nelle famiglie di giovani adulti. La transizione all’età adulta nel contesto italiano è caratterizzata da una prolungata co-abitazione di due generazioni adulte. Obiettivo del lavoro è pertanto approfondire il ruolo delle Felt Obligation per capire come esse diventino parte qualificante della relazione genitori – figli in questa fase del ciclo di vita e come siano legate a specifiche variabili del funzionamento familiare, quali soddisfazione e identità familiare.
The general aim of this research is to investigate, through a multi-dimensional model, how Felt Obligation, defined in the dimensions of maintenance contacts and family rituals, repayment in the relationship and personal sharing, are delineated and build in family relationships. First study’s aim is to identify the factorial structure of Felt Obligation Measure in the Italian context. Felt Obligation Measure is the only instrument in literature by which people could report feelings about their obligations to fulfill in their family relationships. Second study’s aim is to investigate the generational and individual implications of Felt Obligation into two different generations (middle – adults and young adults). Finally, the third study is aimed to examine Felt Obligation in young adults’ families . The transition to adulthood in Italy is characterized by a prolonged co-habitation of two generations of adults; therefore the aim is to enhance the role of Felt Obligation in this specific phase of the life cycle and how they are linked to specific variables of family functioning (family satisfaction and family identity).

Questo lavoro di tesi ha come obiettivo generale quello di indagare attraverso un modello multidimensionale come le Felt Obligation, definite nelle dimensioni del mantenimento dei contatti e dei rituali familiari, del ricambiare nella relazione per ciò che si è ricevuto e del personal sharing, si delineano e si costruiscono nelle relazioni familiari. Il primo studio è di carattere strettamente psicometrico ed è volto a definire la struttura fattoriale della Felt Obligation Measure nel contesto italiano. La Felt Obligation Measure rappresenta a tutt’oggi l’unico strumento presente in letteratura che permette di valutare ciò che le persone sentono (felt) essere gli obblighi da assolvere nelle loro relazioni familiari. Il secondo studio è volto ad indagare le possibili implicazioni a livello generazionale e individuale delle Felt Obligation in due differenti generazioni (generazione di mezzo e giovani adulti); sono quindi indagate sia variabili di outcome qualificanti le relazioni familiari quali la soddisfazione e l’identità familiare sia variabili di adattamento individuale come autostima, depressione e benessere psicologico. Infine, il terzo studio è dedicato allo studio delle Felt Obligation nelle famiglie di giovani adulti. La transizione all’età adulta nel contesto italiano è caratterizzata da una prolungata co-abitazione di due generazioni adulte. Obiettivo del lavoro è pertanto approfondire il ruolo delle Felt Obligation per capire come esse diventino parte qualificante della relazione genitori – figli in questa fase del ciclo di vita e come siano legate a specifiche variabili del funzionamento familiare, quali soddisfazione e identità familiare.
The general aim of this research is to investigate, through a multi-dimensional model, how Felt Obligation, defined in the dimensions of maintenance contacts and family rituals, repayment in the relationship and personal sharing, are delineated and build in family relationships. First study’s aim is to identify the factorial structure of Felt Obligation Measure in the Italian context. Felt Obligation Measure is the only instrument in literature by which people could report feelings about their obligations to fulfill in their family relationships. Second study’s aim is to investigate the generational and individual implications of Felt Obligation into two different generations (middle – adults and young adults). Finally, the third study is aimed to examine Felt Obligation in young adults’ families . The transition to adulthood in Italy is characterized by a prolonged co-habitation of two generations of adults; therefore the aim is to enhance the role of Felt Obligation in this specific phase of the life cycle and how they are linked to specific variables of family functioning (family satisfaction and family identity).

Dans un contexte d'effacement de l'institution familiale derrière l'individu, l'étude met en lumière l'émergence d'un impératif alimentaire commun à tous les couples. Le mariage opère comme un modèle vers lequel l'autorité publique fait converger l'union libre et le pacs. A travers l'émergence d'un modèle familial de couple fondé sur la solidarité alimentaire, l'autorité publique développe un droit familial fondé sur un utilitarisme « économique et social ». Mais cette modélisation est incertaine et met en lumière les incohérences existantes dans le traitement juridique des formes de couple. Analyse critique et prospective, si l'étude identifie la solidarité alimentaire comme un enjeu du traitement juridique contemporain des formes de couple, elle réfute l'idée d'un alignement autour d'un modèle unique. Elle envisage les voies possibles d'un droit de collaboration et de protection alimentaire adapté aux différentes formes de couple. Diversité, équité, liberté, sécurité juridique et engagement, en sont les principes directeurs. Elle conduit à réaffirmer le principe de liberté qui préside à l'union libre fermant la voie à toute idée de création d'un statut familial au profit d'un maintien de l'union libre dans la sphère du droit commun et d'une solidarité alimentaire conventionnelle. L'étude propose la création d'un devoir de collaboration alimentaire pendant l'union, unifié entre époux et entre partenaires, adapté aux attentes des individus, conciliant solidarité et autonomie. Articulé autour d'un devoir de protection alimentaire à la dissolution de l'union, ce droit se veut comme une des réponses aux enjeux économiques sociaux et démographiques de la France contemporaine
In a context where the family is losing ground to the individual, the study highlights the emergence of a requirement for cohabitants to provide each other with financial support. Marriage serves as an example on which French public authorities model forms of common-law union and “civil solidarity pacts” (equivalent to British Civil Partnerships). With the development of a family model of the couple founded on financial interdependence, French legislators are paving the way for a new set of family laws based on pragmatic economic and social principles. However, this modelling is flawed and brings to light inconsistencies in the current legal treatment of the different forms of union. A critical and forward-thinking analysis, the study identifies mutual financial commitments as being at stake in the contemporary legal treatment of the various forms of partnership, but equally refutes the notion of any adherence to a single approach. The study envisages the possibility of legal codes of collaboration and financial protection adapted to the different forms of union. Diversity, fairness, freedom, legal security and commitment are the guiding principles. The study leads to a reaffirmation of the principle of free-choice which presides over common-law unions, thus excluding any notion of the formalisation of one set of rules for the family, arguing instead in favour of the conservation of informal unions within the sphere of common law and of conventional obligations of financial support. The study proposes the introduction of a requirement for economic collaboration throughout the duration of the union, acknowledged by spouses and partners, and adapted to the individuals' expectations, thus reconciling mutual obligations with independence. Recognising the need for individual protection upon the dissolution of a partnership, this legal framework aims to provide an answer to the economic, social and demographic questions at stake in contemporary France

Le phénomène de conventionnalisation du droit de la famille, plus précisément le rôle assigné à la volonté individuelle lors d'un divorce se développe de manière exponentielle. Les sources des obligations conventionnelles étant multiples, il convient de définir les éléments qui les composent. Le contrat ne constitue pas l’unique source des obligations conventionnelles. Cette catégorie doit comprendre l’ensemble des actes juridiques conventionnels. Ceux-ci se définissent comme des manifestations de volonté produisant des effets de droit.En droit du divorce, nombreux sont les accords de volontés que les époux peuvent conclure afin de régler les conséquences patrimoniales et extra-patrimoniales de leur rupture. Cette place croissante, accordée par la loi aux volontés individuelles dans l’aménagement des conséquences du divorce, invite à s’interroger sur la qualification des accords conclus par les époux. L’étude des obligations conventionnelles nées du divorce permet de démontrer que des contrats de droit commun s’épanouissent dans le droit du divorce et que parallèlement des conventions du divorce, caractérisées par l’intervention du juge, se développent en marge des principes issus du droit des contrats.En définitive, dans un contexte où est promue la liberté individuelle, les contrats de droit commun constituent un instrument privilégié pour des époux qui souhaitent organiser les conséquences patrimoniales de leur rupture. Cependant, l’ordre public familial inhérent au domaine extra-patrimonial persiste. À cet égard, il faut souligner que la théorie générale des obligations n’a pas vocation à mettre en péril l’état des personnes qui par nature doit demeurer indisponible
The phenomenon of conventionalisation of family law and more precisely the role assigned to individual will in divorce has been increasing exponentially. As the sources of conventional obligations are multiple, it appears essential to define the variouselements that make up this specific group. Contracts are not the only source of conventional obligations. This last category should include all conventional legal acts which can be defined as expressions of will intending to produce legal effect.In divorce law, the voluntary agreements spouses are allowed to conclude in order tosettle the patrimonial and extra-patrimonial consequences of their separation are numerous. The growing importance given by law to individual will in order to settle the consequences of divorce calls for the examination of the genuine qualification ofspouses’ agreements. The analysis of the conventional obligations originating from divorce demonstrates that common law contracts flourish in divorce law while, at the same time, divorce agreements develop on the fringes of the guiding principles of contract law. Regarding these conventions, judges’ interventions add to individual willso as to reach perfect agreements. Eventually, in a context where individual freedom is promoted, common law contracts are a privileged tool for spouses who wish to organize themselves the patrimonial consequences of their separation. However, matrimonial public order legislation remains and cannot be dissociated from the extra-patrimonial field. In this regard, it should be noted that the general theory of the law of obligations does not intend to endanger the status of persons which must inherently remain inalienable

Orientador: Artur Marques da Silva Filho
Banca: Euclides Celso Berardo
Banca: Luiz Antonio Soares Hentz
Resumo: Os direitos personalíssimos, o direito de família e a responsabilidade civil, entrelaçados, proporcionam instrumentos hábeis à proteção e tutela da dignidade da pessoa enquanto sujeito de direitos e obrigações. Erigidos a princípio constitucional, em cláusula pétrea, e tutelados pela legislação ordinária, os direitos personalíssimos exprimem valores inerentes e fundamentais da pessoa enquanto ser provido de dignidade que augura, desde a concepção, prévia, pronta, efetiva e integral proteção de seus elementares direitos por parte do ordenamento jurídico. Isso porque os direitos personalíssimos, na verdade, constituem-se no princípio, meio e fim da pessoa. É, outrossim, no seio familiar, fruto do casamento, união estável ou relacionamento eventual, que os direitos personalíssimos brotam e encontram solo profícuo para desenvolvimento. O poder familiar, em processo de evolução que transcende os limites históricos, extrapolando o âmbito do direito de família, diversamente do que ocorria outrora, modernamente, mais que direito, constitui-se em fonte de obrigações para, primeiro, tornar-se esteio norteador do aprimoramento da pessoa na busca da plenitude de seus direitos personalíssimos; segundo, gerar responsabilidade civil para aqueles que concebem e exercem-no, tanto no que tange aos diretamente ligados entre si, pelos vínculos familiares, quanto os decorrentes de relações estabelecidas junto a terceiros. Destinado a obstar perdas indevidas, no que tange aos bens, de qualquer espécie, amealhados em razão de lídimo esforço, e prestando-se como corretivo para ressarcimentos materiais e morais, decorrentes de atos ilícitos, tanto na tutela dos direitos personalíssimos quanto nas lesões de direito de família, a responsabilidade civil presta-se, precipuamente, como instrumento de pacificação social, para, na via jurisdicional... (resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
Abstract: The inalienable rights and those concerned to the family and civil responsibility make an interwoven tissue that provides the legally qualified tools to the protection and tutorship of the person dignity as an individual with rights and duties. Upraised to a constitutional principle, understood as a fundamental clause, and tutorized by the ordinary legislation, the inalienable rights express the person's inherent values as a being provided with dignity that, since the conception, augurs previous, ready, effective and integral protection to his fundamental rights by the juridical ordainment. This is so because the inalienable rights actually consist in the whole purpose of the person. Likewise it is within one's family, resulting from a marriage, stable union or occasional relationship, that the inalienable rights originate and find advantageous ground for development. The family power, in an evolutionary process that transcends the historical limits and extrapolates the ambit of the family's rights, unlikely what formerly occurred, nowadays more than a right constitutes the source of obligations, first, to become the lead support of a person's refinement in the search of the plenitude of his inalienable rights; second, to generate civil responsibility to those who conceive and practise it, both considering these rights directly connected by the family's entailment and the ones resulting from stablished relationship with third parts. Meant for thwarting undue losses concerning to any properties saved because of legitimate endeavor and being useful as an amendatory compensation for material and moral losses caused by illicit acts both in the tutorship of inalienable rights and injuries to the rights of the family, civil responsibility is useful chiefly as an instrument of social agreement to judicially avoid illicit enrichment... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
Mestre

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Os direitos personalíssimos, o direito de família e a responsabilidade civil, entrelaçados, proporcionam instrumentos hábeis à proteção e tutela da dignidade da pessoa enquanto sujeito de direitos e obrigações. Erigidos a princípio constitucional, em cláusula pétrea, e tutelados pela legislação ordinária, os direitos personalíssimos exprimem valores inerentes e fundamentais da pessoa enquanto ser provido de dignidade que augura, desde a concepção, prévia, pronta, efetiva e integral proteção de seus elementares direitos por parte do ordenamento jurídico. Isso porque os direitos personalíssimos, na verdade, constituem-se no princípio, meio e fim da pessoa. É, outrossim, no seio familiar, fruto do casamento, união estável ou relacionamento eventual, que os direitos personalíssimos brotam e encontram solo profícuo para desenvolvimento. O poder familiar, em processo de evolução que transcende os limites históricos, extrapolando o âmbito do direito de família, diversamente do que ocorria outrora, modernamente, mais que direito, constitui-se em fonte de obrigações para, primeiro, tornar-se esteio norteador do aprimoramento da pessoa na busca da plenitude de seus direitos personalíssimos; segundo, gerar responsabilidade civil para aqueles que concebem e exercem-no, tanto no que tange aos diretamente ligados entre si, pelos vínculos familiares, quanto os decorrentes de relações estabelecidas junto a terceiros. Destinado a obstar perdas indevidas, no que tange aos bens, de qualquer espécie, amealhados em razão de lídimo esforço, e prestando-se como corretivo para ressarcimentos materiais e morais, decorrentes de atos ilícitos, tanto na tutela dos direitos personalíssimos quanto nas lesões de direito de família, a responsabilidade civil presta-se, precipuamente, como instrumento de pacificação social, para, na via jurisdicional...
The inalienable rights and those concerned to the family and civil responsibility make an interwoven tissue that provides the legally qualified tools to the protection and tutorship of the person dignity as an individual with rights and duties. Upraised to a constitutional principle, understood as a fundamental clause, and tutorized by the ordinary legislation, the inalienable rights express the person’s inherent values as a being provided with dignity that, since the conception, augurs previous, ready, effective and integral protection to his fundamental rights by the juridical ordainment. This is so because the inalienable rights actually consist in the whole purpose of the person. Likewise it is within one’s family, resulting from a marriage, stable union or occasional relationship, that the inalienable rights originate and find advantageous ground for development. The family power, in an evolutionary process that transcends the historical limits and extrapolates the ambit of the family’s rights, unlikely what formerly occurred, nowadays more than a right constitutes the source of obligations, first, to become the lead support of a person’s refinement in the search of the plenitude of his inalienable rights; second, to generate civil responsibility to those who conceive and practise it, both considering these rights directly connected by the family’s entailment and the ones resulting from stablished relationship with third parts. Meant for thwarting undue losses concerning to any properties saved because of legitimate endeavor and being useful as an amendatory compensation for material and moral losses caused by illicit acts both in the tutorship of inalienable rights and injuries to the rights of the family, civil responsibility is useful chiefly as an instrument of social agreement to judicially avoid illicit enrichment... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)

Cette étude vise à démontrer les limites de la responsabilité alimentaire des grands-parents, car la charge qui leur est imposée par l’ordonnancement juridique brésilien les oblige au-delà des limites constitutionnelles. Le système judiciaire brésilien impose aux grands-parents des sacrifices et des privations indus, auxquels ils ne sont pas tenus, surtout quand, de l’autre côté, il y a un enfant ou un adolescent dont ce sont les parents qui ont le devoir de les nourrir. Le meilleur intérêt de l’enfant doit être considéré et interprété avec pondération, notamment quand il se heurte à un meilleur intérêt des grands-parents. Il faut établir une distinction entre l’obligation des parents et celle des ascendants ; la première concerne la responsabilité découlant du pouvoir familial tandis que la deuxième se situe dans le contexte de la parenté. Aux parents revient une responsabilité illimitée, et non aux grands-parents ; il revient aux parents d’assurer l’entretien de leurs enfants, alors qu’aux grands-parents ne peut être assignée que la responsabilité de nourriture, et encore, à titre subsidiaire. L’obligation alimentaire entre parents et enfants n’implique pas la réciprocité: il s’agit d’une obligation unilatérale ; entre grands-parents et petits-enfants, au contraire, la réciprocité est prévue par la loi, les grands-parents devront subvenir aux besoins de leurs petits-enfants, une fois leurs propres besoins satisfaits. Entre parents et enfants, se posent d’abord les intérêts des enfants ; entre grands-parents et petit-enfants, d’abord les besoins des grands-parents. Une détermination différente n’est pas conforme aux préceptes constitutionnels, et porte atteinte aux droits les plus élémentaires des ascendants, en blessant leur dignité. Etablir la distinction entre obligation légale et libéralité affective, à la lumière de la constitution, c’est le but de cette thèse.
O presente estudo visa a demonstrar os limites da responsabilidade alimentar dos avós, pois o ônus que lhes é imposto no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro os obriga além dos limites constitucionais. O sistema judiciário brasileiro atribui aos avós sacrifícios e privações indevidos, a que não estão obrigados, principalmente quando, do lado oposto, se encontra uma criança ou adolescente, cujos pais é que detêm o dever de os alimentar. O melhor interesse da criança deve ser lido e interpretado com ponderação, notadamente quando colide com o melhor interesse dos avós. É preciso estabelecer a distinção entre a obrigação parental e a obrigação avoenga: esta se situa no âmbito do parentesco, enquanto aquela diz com a responsabilidade decorrente do poder familiar. Aos pais cabe responsabilidade ilimitada, e não aos avós; os pais devem prover os alimentos naturais e civis de seus filhos, ao passo que aos avós somente pode ser atribuída a responsabilidade dos alimentos naturais, e ainda assim, em caráter subsidiário. A obrigação alimentar entre pais e filhos não implica reciprocidade: trata-se de uma obrigação unilateral; entre avós e netos, ao contrário, existe a reciprocidade prevista em lei, e deverão os avós complementar as necessidades dos netos somente depois de supridas as suas próprias. Entre pais e filhos, em primeiro lugar, põem-se os interesses do filho; entre avós e netos, em primeiro lugar, estão as necessidades dos avós. Determinar de forma diversa desrespeita os preceitos constitucionais, atentando contra os mais elementares direitos dos progenitores, ferindo sua dignidade. Demonstrar a distinção entre a obrigação legal e a liberalidade afetiva, à luz da constituição, e situar o papel dos avós nesse contexto é o que se propõe este estudo.
The present thesis aims at analyzing the limits of child support by grandparents as the Brazilian Judicial System imposes them an obligation beyond constitutional boundaries. Furthermore, the Brazilian Judiciary inflicts on them sacrifices, ordeals and privations which ought to be imputed to parents. Moreover, it is necessary to distinguish between parenting and grandparenting obligation – the latter is related to family ties, and the first to family power; therefore, parents have an unlimited responsibility, contrary to grandparents, whose responsibility should be regarded as subsidiary. In view of that, the best interest of the child has to be interpreted with ponderation, mainly when it collides with the best interest of the grandparents; nonetheless, parental child support is a unilateral obligation which does not require reciprocity. Regardless of the fact grandparent child support reciprocity is lawful, grandparents should ensure the needs of the child only after providing for their own. Notwithstanding, parents are the ones to secure for the best interest of their children; consequently, in a relationship involving grandparents and grandchildren, the best interest of the grandparents are to come first - the contrary would not only be unconstitutional, but would also hurt their dignity. Finally, it is also the aim of this paper to establish the difference between legal obligation and liberality at the light of the Constitution.
El presente estudio pretende demostrar los límites de la responsabilidad alimentaria de los abuelos y abuelas, pues el encargo que les da el ordenamiento brasilero los obliga allá de los límites constitucionales. El sistema jurídico brasileño hace que los abuelos y abuelas tengan sacrificios y privaciones indebidas, a los cuales no están obligados, principalmente cuando en el otro lado se encuentra un niño, una niña o un adolescente cuyos padres y madres tienen el deber de los alimentar. El mejor interés del niño y de la niña, debe ser leído e interpretado con ponderación, principalmente cuando se encuentra con el mejor interés de los abuelos y abuelas. Es necesario que se establezca la distinción entre la obligación de los padres y madres y la obligación de los abuelos y abuelas; esa está ubicada en el ámbito del parentesco, mientras la otra deviene del ejercicio de la responsabilidad parental. A los padres y madres les compete la responsabilidad sin límites, y no a los abuelos o abuelas; los primeros deben dar sustento a los hijos e hijas y darles los alimentos naturales y civiles, al paso que a los abuelos y abuelas solamente se les puede atribuir la responsabilidad de los alimentos naturales, en carácter subsidiario. La obligación alimentar entre los padres y madres y los hijos e hijas no implica reciprocidad, pues es una obligación unilateral, al paso que entre abuelos y abuelas y nietos y nietas, al contrario, existe reciprocidad establecida en ley y los abuelos deben, sí, complementar las necesidades de sus nietos y nietas, pero solamente después que sus propias necesidades están ya satisfechas. Entre padres y madres e hijos e hijas, en primero lugar se ponen los intereses de éstos últimos, pero entre abuelos y abuelas y nietos y nietas, primeramente están ubicadas las necesidades de las personas adultas mayores. Hacerlo de forma diversa es irrespeto a los preceptos constitucionales, y atenta con los más elementares derechos de los progenitores, hiriendo de muerte su dignidad. Demostrar la distinción entre la obligación legal y la liberalidad afectiva, bajo de la luz de la Constitución Política, y ubicar el rol de los abuelos y abuelas en ese contexto, es lo que se propone en este estudio.

This research examines multi-generational households and patterns of co-residence among Chinese immigrant households in Winnipeg following the federal government’s reforms of the Parent Grandparent Program in 2014. These phenomena are examined within the conceptual frameworks of familial obligations and social capital. The study interviewed 29 mainland Chinese immigrants living in Winnipeg. The study found that while social capital is relevant to understanding the flow of favours across generations, the flow of favours between generations is not necessarily reciprocal, but instead flows downward to the youngest generation. The study found the enormous scale of social, political and economic transformation in mainland China over the past half century have produced different forms of familial obligations and largely eliminated the practice of co-residence. Reforms to the PGP had the most impact on young families that desired to sponsor their parents and in-laws over a relatively short period of time.
May 2017

Work-life balance is a dominant discourse in contemporary Western society. It has been built on a language of large organizations, hence has not been widely considered in relation to the small-medium enterprise sector. As a consequence, scant research has been conducted on the experiences of immigrant entrepreneurs and work-life balance within the small-medium enterprise sector in New Zealand, a country largely populated with migrants and small businesses which account for 96 per cent of the total enterprises. This study aims to fill this gap by firstly exploring the interpretations of the concept of work-life balance by Chinese immigrant entrepreneurs and, secondly, the main challenges they face in achieving work-life balance. This is done by drawing on literatures including those on work-life balance, small-medium enterprises, and immigrant entrepreneurship theories. Primary research was conducted using a critical interpretive approach where the researcher is an insider to the study. This philosophical and methodological approach makes it possible to give a minority group a voice to effect social change and gain further research attention. Fifteen Chinese business owners, chosen from a variety of industries within the Auckland region, participated in this study. A qualitative methodological technique and semi-structured interviews were used to collect the data for the case study on these entrepreneurs. The results indicate that the majority do not enjoy a sense of work-life balance because they take on filial obligations important for their own culture. They need to work hard to generate financial profit for the benefit of family. About half of them work more than 60 hours per week and three works longer than 70 hours weekly. The motivation for them to work in this way is to provide their family with desirable housing and to enable their children to meet higher education goals. This study challenges the applicability of the work-life balance discourse among the immigrant entrepreneurs who perceive the concept differently based on their cultural values. The results emphasise the need for business case studies from Chinese immigrant entrepreneurs and research attention on contemporary human resource topics to be given to minority groups.

Le Québec est la seule province canadienne à ne pas imposer d'obligation légale quant aux rapports interpersonnels entre les membres de couples non mariés. Pourtant, leur nombre augmente considérablement et, en 2001, il y avait 1 158 410 couples en union libre au Canada, dont 508 525 vivaient au Québec. Les conjoints de fait des autres provinces canadiennes ont revendiqué un statut juridique d'égalité de droits avec les couples mariés, ce qui a donné lieu à plusieurs décisions de la Cour suprême du Canada et à la mise en vigueur de lois visant l'encadrement juridique de la rupture de ces conjoints de fait. C'est ainsi que toutes les provinces canadiennes, sauf le Québec, imposent une obligation alimentaire entre conjoints de fait à la rupture. La présente étude utilise les méthodologies d'analyse proposées par les théories légales féministes pour aborder la situation juridique de la famille québécoise dans un contexte historique et social afin de suggérer la mise en place d'un cadre légal des rapports interpersonnels des conjoints de fait. Afin de favoriser une plus grande égalité et une solidarité familiale, l'auteur propose l'établissement d'une obligation alimentaire compensatoire entre les membres des couples québécois non-mariés, avec enfants.
Quebec is the only Canadian province that does not impose legal obligations regarding interpersonal relations between the members of unmarried couples. In 2001, there was 1 158 410 unmarried couples in Canada, of which 508 525 were living in the province of Ouebec. Common law spouses from other provinces have claimed equal legal status with married couples, which lead to many decisions from the Supreme Court of Canada and to provincial legislations regarding their separation. Thus, ail Canadian provinces except Ouebec impose alimentary support on common law spouses at separation. This study uses the methodology of feminist legal theories to approach the legal situation of Quebec families in a historical and sociological context to propose a legislation regarding interpersonal relations within unmarried couples. According to the author, there should be a compensatory obligation of support between the members of unmarried couples with children to favor equality and familial solidarity.
"Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures En vue de l'obtention du grade de Maîtrise en droit LL.M. (2-325-1-0)"