Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Ngbandi"

AbstractSango challenges allegations that the sound inventories of pidgins are small and that in language contact sound change often leads to loss or assimilation in phonemic distinctions. Sango has retained almost the whole phonological system of Ngbandi, on which it is based. This is explained, not by substratal influence—the systems of co-territorial Ubangian languages of the Banda and Gbaya groups—but by similar systems of several West African and especially central Bantu languages spoken by the workers and soldiers who were brought to the Ubangi River basin by Belgian colonizers, beginning in 1887 and very soon after by the French, and who, with the indigenes, very quickly created a new language that was soon appropriated by the Ngbandis, thereby preserving at least this part of their own language.

The verb 'be' in Pidgin Sango is an innovation, for vernacular Sango has no copula. The development in Sango had important grammatical consequences. It is argued, with data both from Ngbandi and Kituba, that the most likely source of this verb is some form of Kikongo, which went through the process of pidginization in the nineteenth century.

L’hôpital de Mbindo Lala implanté aux limites de la forêt équatoriale du Congo se présente comme un petit village composé d’une trentaine de cases généralement habitées par des malades et quelques membres de leur famille. L’article dépeint la vie quotidienne dans ce village-hôpital en s’attardant à mettre en évidence la philosophie qui anime la médecine des guérisseurs ngbandi et structure les pratiques de soins dans ce village-hôpital. De même, l’auteur montre comment la structure sociale et l’univers culturel des Angbandi sont incorporés dans ce village-hôpital dont les activités thérapeutiques s’organisent autour de trois autels (un pour les ancêtres, un autre pour les esprits de la forêt et de l’eau et un pour barrer l’action sorcière), autant de lieux où les malades se rassemblent à chaque jour pour recevoir leurs traitements. C’est sur l’horizon de la politique de l’authenticité mise de l’avant par le président Mobutu entre 1972 et 1977 qu’est discuté le statut de ce village-hôpital et plus largement de la médecine des guérisseurs ; les limites associées à la politique de valorisation de la tradition thérapeutique zaïroise sont mises en évidence.

This PhD thesis consists of the documentation, reconstruction and classification of ten Bantu langages (bolondó, bonyange, ebudzá, ebwela, libóbi, lingͻmbε, mondóngó, monyͻngͻ, mosángé, págaɓéte) spoken in the geographical area between the Congo and Ubangi Rivers in the northwestern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The study examines the interaction between these languages and seven neighboring Ubangian languages (gbánzírí, gͻbú, maɓó, mbānzā, monzͻmbͻ, ngbandi, ngbaka-mīnāgendē). By means of a lexicostatistical study which determines the degree of lexical similarity between the languages under study, a phylogenetic classification has been established which integrates these languages in the larger sample of 401 Bantu languages used by Grollemund et al. (2015). This quantitative approach has generated Neighbor-Net and Neighbor-Joining networks as well as Bayesian trees, which indicate the internal sub-groups of the Bantu family in general, and more specifically of the Bantu languages of the central Congo basin to which the Bantu languages spoken between the Congo and Ubangi Rivers belong. Subsequently, we have undertaken a descriptive and comparative study of the those languages as well as a study of regular sound correspondances with regard to Proto-Bantu. They possess certain foreign phonemes that have not been reconstructed to Proto-Bantu, such as implosives and labiovelar stops, which have the status of distinct phonemes. The study of these specific sounds suggests that they were borrowed from the neighboring Ubangian languages. The lexical comparison also revealed an interaction between Bantu and Ubangian languages. Certain lexical borrowings were transferred from Bantu to Ubangian, while others moved in the opposite direction. Through the comparative method, we have obtained a phonological reconstruction of the hypothetical ancestor language of these langues. This Proto-Congo-Ubangi Bantu split into two sub-branches, i.e. Proto-Congo Bantu and Proto-Ubangi Bantu.

Mainly as a result of the work of E. E. Evans-Pritchard, the Azande are among the best-known African peoples. In anthropological theory they have become indissolubly associated with the study of religion and magic. Also remarkable is their expansion under the leadership of the dynasties of the Avungara and the originally Ngbandi-speaking Abandia. Starting from a small core area in the basin of the lower Mbomu, where the ancestors of the Avungara and Abandia had established themselves as rulers over parts of the resident, mainly Zande-speaking, population around the middle of the eighteenth century, the Abandia extended their rule into the region of the lower Mbomu and lower Uele, while the Avungara and their Azande followers swept eastward in a vast movement and in less than one hundred years conquered a huge area reaching as far as the upper Sue and upper Uele, integrating the population into their system of rule.One of the reasons for the speed of this expansion is that individual members of the Avungara dynasty (who all claimed descent from Ngura, the first historical ruler in the lower Mbomu area) repeatedly founded principalities of their own in new territories. This led to the existence of a varying number of polities under numerous, more or less, powerful rulers who descended from several dynastic branches, thereby preventing the formation of a single kingdom, stable in time and place. Through the integration of numerous groups of different linguistic and ethnic origins, the population cluster was formed for which the collective name Azande has become established. The history of Azande expansion thus provides a very interesting example of a society being created through political processes, which raises questions concerning the origin, acceptance, and characteristics of centralized political organizations, as well as assimilation and acculturation processes (besides the Mangbetu in the Uele-Bomokandi area, the Azande were the only group in the region to develop centralized political structures on a wide scale).

Household solid waste management is a crucial issue for environmental and human health. The purpose of this study was to conduct a survey on household solid waste management in Gbado-Lite (Nord-Ubangi) in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). A household solid waste survey was conducted in 5 neighborhoods of the city of Gbado-Lite in northern DRC from July to August. Data collection was made possible by stratified probability sampling and direct observations. The results of this study revealed that the main informants (75%) were women and 68% of the respondents were in the 18-35 age group. The main socio-cultural groups in the study area are the Ngbadi (55%) and Ngbaka (16%). In addition, 74% of respondents have secondary education and their main sources of income are commerce (25%), the civil service (20%) and the household (13%). Also, the main solid household wastes identified were organic materials (44%) and packaging (25%); the majority (56%) of respondents did not have garbage cans and used plastic buckets without lids as their main garbage can (75%). Almost all (98%) of the waste does not undergo primary separation. The main waste disposal methods used by households are: landfill (43.87%), abandonment on public land (30.62%) and incineration (18.36%). Finally, the main harms of waste reported are: typhoid fever (29%), malaria (25%) and mosquito proliferation (24%). It is therefore desirable that a public sanitation service be set up in Gbado-Lite to enable households to manage their solid waste properly and thus protect the urban environment and human health.

Aims of the Study: To identify plant species traditionally used to treat anemia in Yakoma territory and to evaluate their chemical composition. Place and Duration: Yakoma Territory (survey) and University of Kinshasa (Phytochemical study), from August and October 2019. Methods: Ethnobotanical survey according to the "snowball" sampling technique among traditional healers (based on the free consent of the respondents), chemical analyses of plant materials (chemical screening, TLC, phytomarkers content, minerals composition) according to standard methods. ED-XRF was used for mineral analysis. Microsoft Excel version 2010, Origin version 8.5 Pro and IBM SPSS statistics version 20 software packages were used for data processing and analysis. Results and Discussion: The survey showed that 18 plant species are traditionally used by Ngbandi traditional healers to treat anemia in Yakoma territory. They belong to 16 families and 17 genera. The most used organs are the leaves (68.4%) and the roots (10.5%). Decoction and infusion are the most used mode of preparation (33.3% each), followed by cooking (22.2%) and maceration (11.1%). The oral route (77.8%) is the most used mode of administration followed by the enema (16.7%) and the anal route (5.6%). Morphological types consist of herbs and trees (33.3% each) and shrubs and lianas (16.7% each). The biotope types consist of forest plants (44.4%), cultivated plants/Crops (38.9%), marshy ground plants (11.1%) and ruderal plants (5.6%). These plants belonging to five biological types: erected therophytes (44.4%), mesophanerophytes (27.8%), microphanerophytes and climbing phanerophytes (11.1% each) and lianescent phanerophytes (5.56%). These anti-anemic plant species are mostly Pantropical and Afro-tropical (39% of species each) followed by Guineo-Congolese (17% of species) and American (5%). Chemical analysis revealed the presence of alkaloids, anthocyanins, flavonoids, anthraquinones and terpenoids and various minerals including iron, zinc, copper, calcium, magnesium and manganese. Conclusion: In the current state of knowledge, the survey of anemic plants from this part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo is reported for the first time.

This PhD thesis consists of the documentation, reconstruction and classfication of ten Bantu languages (bolondo , bonyange, ebudzà , ebwela, lib bi, ling mb , mond ng , mony ng , mos ngé, pagabéte) spoken in the geographical area between the Congo and Ubangi Rivers in the north- western part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The study examines the interaction between these languages and seven neighboring Ubangian languages (gb nz r , g b , ma , mb nz , monz mb , ngbandi, ngbaka-m n gend ). By means of a lexicostatistical study which determines the degree of lexical similarity between the languages under study, a phylogenetic classi cation has been established which integrates these languages in the larger sample of 401 Bantu languages used by Grollemund et al. (2015). This quantitative approach has generated Neighbor-Net and Neighbor-Joining networks as well as Bayesian trees, which indicate the in- ternal sub-groups of the Bantu family in general, and more speci cally of the Bantu languages of the central Congo basin to which the Bantu languages spoken between the Congo and Ubangi Rivers belong. Subsequently, we have undertaken a descriptive and comparative study of the those languages as well as a study of regular sound correspondances with regard to Proto-Bantu. They possess certain foreign phonemes that have not been reconstructed to Proto-Bantu, such as im- plosives and labiovelar stops, which have the status of distinct phonemes. The study of these spe- ci c sounds suggests that they were borrowed from the neighboring Ubangian languages. The lexical comparison also revealed an interaction between Bantu and Ubangian languages. Certain lexical borrowings were transferred from Bantu to Ubangian, while others moved in the opposite direction. Through the comparative method, we have obtained a phonological reconstruction of the hypothetical ancestor language of these langues. This Proto-Congo-Ubangi Bantu split into two sub-branches, i.e. Proto-Congo Bantu and Proto-Ubangi Bantu.

Cette thèse propose pour la première fois une étude comparative de deux créoles indianocéaniques avec une langue centrafricaine, à partir des marqueurs préverbaux. Elle s’appuie sur une constatation empirique : il existe un marqueur préverbal a en sango (langue nationale de République centrafricaine) dont la fonction syntaxique peut être comparée à celle du i en créole réunionnais et du créole seychellois. Ce parallélisme forme le point de départ d’une interrogation qui s’est exprimée ainsi : peut-on définir une règle expliquant la restructuration du pronom personnel de la 3e personne en différents morphèmes, quelles que soient les langues d’origine ?Pour répondre à cette question, j’ai comparé les pronoms personnels d’une trentaine de langues de contact présentées dans The Atlas of Pidgin & Creole Language Structures, et j’ai cherché à comprendre les logiques de restructuration qui ont abouti à la formation d’autres morphèmes, notamment des copules et des marqueurs préverbaux. Je constate des logiques parallèles entre quelques langues oubanguiennes et deux créoles indianocéaniques à base française, notamment dans la « fabrication » d’un marqueur préverbal, lui-même issu de la restructuration d’un pronom personnel de la langue-cible. En revanche, la proximité phonologique du préfixe pluralisateur a- avec le marqueur préverbal a du sango ne se retrouve pas dans les créoles indianocéaniques, qui ont chacun un pluralisateur très différent du marqueur préverbal i.à l’instar du a du sango, le marqueur préverbal i est réservé à la 3e personne en seychellois, alors qu’il s’est étendu à toutes les personnes du réunionnais. Ces spécificités ne s’expliquent pas par un présumé « substrat » africain des créoles, car l’étude de divers morphèmes des langues africaines (et du malgache) contributrices des créoles ne montre pas de traces syntaxiques de ces langues. Seule la présence d’un pronom a dans les créoles du golfe de Guinée, issu de l’edo, constitue une exception qui s’explique par l’histoire du peuplement de cette région. Cette particularité n’a pas été reproduite dans les créoles indianocéaniques.Cette thèse montre le caractère « normal » (au sens des règles d’évolution des langues) des créoles réunionnais et seychellois, tout en insistant sur leurs singularités. Réunionnais et seychellois sont les seuls créoles à base française à posséder un marqueur prédicatif, en l’occurrence de forme i, et celui-ci n’obéit pas aux mêmes règles en réunionnais et en seychellois. Cette thèse montre que ces singularités s’expliquent plus par des logiques internes que par des contacts de langues. Elle appelle d’autres comparaisons avec d’autres langues, pour tenter notamment de préciser les descriptions morphosyntaxiques des différents i seychellois
This thesis proposes for the first time a comparative study of two Indian Oceanic Creoles with a Central African language, with particular reference to preverbal markers. It is based on empirical observation: there is a preverbal marker a in Sango (national language of the Central African Republic) whose syntactic function can be compared to that of i in Reunion and Seychelles Creoles. This parallelism forms the starting point of an interrogation that expresses itself as follows: can we define a rule accounting for the restructuring of the 3rd person pronoun into different morphemes, regardless of the original languages?To answer this question, I compare the personal pronouns of about thirty contact languages presented in The Atlas of Pidgin & Creole Language Structures, and I try to understand the restructuring principles resulting in the formation of other morphemes, including copulas and preverbal markers. I note parallel principles between some Oubanguian languages and two French-based Indian Creoles, particularly in the creation of a pre-verbal marker, itself resulting from the restructuring of a personal pronoun of the target language. On the other hand, the phonological proximity of the pluralizing prefix a- with the preverbal marker a of Sango is not found in the Indian Oceanic Creoles, each of which has a pluralizer that is very different from the preverbal marker i.Like the a of Sango, the preverbal marker i is reserved for the 3rd person in Seychelles Creole, while it has been extended to all persons in Reunion Creole. These specificities cannot be accounted for by an alleged African “substrate” of the Creoles, because the study of various morphemes of the African languages (and Malagasy) which contributed to these Creoles does not show any syntactic traces of these languages. Only the presence of a pronoun a in the Creoles of the Gulf of Guinea, inherited from Edo, constitutes an exception which can be accounted for by the history of settlement in this region. This peculiarity has not been reproduced in the Indian Oceanic Creoles.This thesis shows the “normal” character (in the sense of rules of linguistic change) of Reunion and Seychelles Creoles, while insisting on their singularities. Reunion and Seychelles Creoles are the only French-based Creoles possessing a predicative marker (more precisely, a morpheme i). This unit does not obey the same rules in Reunion and Seychelles Creole. This thesis aims to show that these singularities are best explained by internal dynamics than by language contacts. It calls for further comparisons with other languages, in particular in order to try to clarify the morphosyntactic descriptions of the different Seychelles Creole i

Echanges à longue distance et échanges régionaux constituaient les deux types de circulation de biens du bassin de l’Oubangui (Afrique centrale) entre le XIXe et le XXe siècle. Les riverains du cours supérieur de l’Oubangui avaient divise la rivière en plusieurs segments d'influence économique, au sein desquels les clans dominants monopolisaient le commerce des vivriers et des produits artisanaux. L'introduction progressive du numéraire et l'instauration des marches à partir de la fin du XIXe siècle ont modifié la nature de ces échanges, aboutissant à d'importantes mutations économiques et sociales. La rivière est au centre de toutes les activités. Elle est à la fois une source d'approvisionnement et une route privilégiée des échanges. Objet de convoitise des populations environnantes et terriennes converties a la pêche et aux échanges, elle constitue un important enjeu socio-économique. La gestion de l'espace explique l'inégalité d'accès aux ressources naturelles, les mécanismes d'acquisition des produits échanges, la répartition des bénéfices issus des échanges entre les différents membres des communautés en présence, ainsi que les antagonismes qui caractérisent les relations entretenues entre les uns et les autres. Les rapports des groupes de production a l'environnement et à la rivière conditionnent la fourniture des produits indispensables aux échanges régionaux. Ces rapports avec l'environnement commandent largement les relations sociales. Chaque communauté a vue se développer en son sein divers ensembles charges de la production, notamment de l'organisation de la pêche, des échanges et de la répartition parmi la population des bénéfices issus de ces échanges. Ces derniers ne visent pas ici qu'un but économique. Ils permettent d'entretenir une cohésion sociale interne indispensable à la perpétuation et à la réputation de l'ensemble. Cela démontre d'une étroite imbrication entre l'économique et le social
Long distance and regional exchanges constituted the two types of circulation of goods in the Ubangi basin (central Africa) between the nineteenth and the twentieth century. The river people of the upper Ubangi had segmented the river into several zones of economic influence, in which the dominant clans had the monopoly in the food producing and crafts trade. From the end of the nineteenth century, the gradual introduction of money and market has altered the nature of these exchanges and resulted in important economic and social changes. The river is in the center of all activities. It is both the source of supply and the main way for trade. Since the river is an important socio-economic stake, i is the object of desire from the nearby agricultural people who have turned to fishing and trade. The management of space accounts for the unequal access to natural resources, the mechanism of acquirement of goods, the sharing-out of profits as well as the antagonisms in the relationship between the different members of the communities. The relation that the production groups have with the environment has an influence on the supply of products which are essential to regional exchanges. Social relations are greatly influenced by the relations with the environment. Within each community under groups have cropped up ; some in charge of production (especially the organization of fishing), other in charge of exchanges and the sharing-out of profits between the members of the community. Those exchanges are not only economically oriented but they also foster an internal social cohesion, essential to the perpetuation and the reputation of the community at large