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1
Ellery, Margaret. "Making the frontier manifest : the representation of American politics in new age literature". University of Western Australia. School of Social and Cultural Studies, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0043.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis explores the history of the New Age movement through a political analysis of influential New Age books. By drawing upon cultural, religious and American studies, and concepts from literary criticism and political science, a new understanding of the movement becomes possible. This thesis analyses the ideological representations and rhetorical strategies employed in both New Age literature and American presidential discourse. It is argued that their shared imagery and discursive features indicate that New Age writings derive their ideological underpinnings and textual devices from dominant beliefs of American nationalism. This historical examination begins with the Cold War in the late 1940s and ends with the 1990s. Each chapter traces parallels between a particular presidential discourse and New Age texts published in the same decade commencing with Dwight D. Eisenhower and The Doors of Perception and finishing with William J. Clinton and The Celestine Prophecy: An Adventure. It argues that the appropriation of particular spiritualities in New Age texts is closely related to contemporary American geo-political interests and understandings. Major New Age spiritual trends are derived from regions, most often in the third world, which are considered to be under threat from forces such as Communism. New Age writings construct an imaginary possession of these worlds, reconfiguring these sites into frontiers of American influence. In particular, this study examines the influence of the jeremiads and the ensuing Monroe Doctrine and Manifest Destiny ideologies upon post-war national beliefs and the extent to which these understandings of nationalism inform New Age discourse. Representations of time and space, destiny and landscape, and self and other in these literary and political contexts are analysed. From this perspective, the eclecticism that marks the New Age can be historically understood as a shifting cultural expression of Cold War and post-Cold War political responses. Consequently, New Age literature is one of the means by which dominant American identity is reproduced and disseminated in what seems to be an alternative spiritual context.
2
Ellery, Margaret. "Making the frontier manifest : the representation of American politics in new age literature /". Connect to this title, 2007. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0043.
Testo completo
3
Holden, Stephen H. "Managing information technology in the federal government new policies for an information age /". Diss., Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1994. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/33134804.html.
Testo completo
4
Gray, Melissa Faith. "Accounting for Political Virtue: Consumer Choice and the Non-Consumption Movement in Revolutionary New York City". W&M ScholarWorks, 2008. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626560.
Testo completo
5
Kensicki, Linda Jean. "Media construction of an elitist environmental movement new frontiers for second level agenda setting and political activism /". Access restricted to users with UT Austin EID Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3034551.
Testo completo
6
Kleinmann, Scott Matthew. "Jihadist radicalisation in the United States : testing a model of new religious movement conversion". Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2018. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/jihadist-radicalisation-in-the-united-states(bbdd0181-47dc-4aa5-b8cb-c775d30f0b52).html.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
There is no consensus regarding the causes of radicalisation. Some scholars argue that the failure to understand the phenomenon stems from poorly developed theoretical models. Given the shortcomings of radicalisation theories, a few scholars from the terrorism studies and social psychology of religion disciplines posit that religious conversion theories might be better suited than radicalisation models to explain why people join the jihadist movement. Specifically, these scholars hypothesise that the well-known New Religious Movement conversion theory—Lofland and Stark’s ‘World Saver’ model—might be applicable to radicalisation. This thesis tests asks the question: What causes radicalisation? More specifically, it asks: can the ‘World Saver’ model can account for radicalisation to jihadism? The study uses a two-phase mixed methods approach to answer this question. Phase-one is a qualitative, exploratory study which examines the backgrounds and experiences of six Al Qaeda-linked participants to determine if they are congruent with the model’s seven conditions. Phase-two builds on these exploratory findings with a quantitative study of 160 Muslims living in the US general population. Phase-two evaluates the participants’ scores on instruments that measure the conditions of the ‘World Saver’ model, their perceptions about the role of jihad in Islam, and their willingness to participate in illegal, violent political action and legal, non-violent political activism. This thesis also explores the overrepresentation of Muslim converts in jihadism by comparing convert and non-convert participants. The primary findings suggest that ‘World Saver’ is a valid model of behavioral radicalism, in that it predicts willingness to participate in illegal, violent political action. However, there is not a significant relationship between experiencing the model’s conditions and holding a militant interpretation of jihad. Therefore, Lofland and Stark’s model is not a valid model of cognitive radicalism. The analysis also finds that being a Muslim convert is not a significant predictor of behavioral or cognitive radicalism.
7
Green, Gretchen Lynn. "A new people in an age of war: The Kahnawake Iroquois, 1667--1760". W&M ScholarWorks, 1991. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539623801.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This study focusses on the Kahnawake Iroquois Indians, a collection of individuals who emigrated from the Iroquois homeland to a Jesuit mission community, or reserve, outside of Montreal, starting in 1667.;Their history and development as a people is traced from the beginnings in 1667 up to the end of the French power in Canada, at the end of the Seven Years' War in 1760. Through the topics of diplomacy, warfare, and trade, these Kahnawake Indians are examined and it is determined that they were important players in the power politics and military balance between the English, the French, and the Iroquois proper from the 1680s to 1760.;They became a pivotal group within the French military machine in northeastern North America, but forced the French to meet them on their own terms, refusing to become subject to French authority. They initiated and sustained an illegal but highly important trade in furs and European blankets, defying the mercantilist rules of both the French and the English imperial authorities in New France and New York.;Culturally, the Kahnawake people developed a distinct identity, successfully blending elements of both traditional Iroquois and European Catholic culture. Born in an era of struggle, they thrived and maintained their distinct identity and culture in the face of imperial powers and the designs of their Iroquois relatives.
8
Miller, Timothy Mark. "The new traditionalist movement: a study of church, state, and economy". Thesis, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/101241.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In the past, emergence of right-wing conservative moral reform movements has resulted in profound changes for our society. Two of the most visible examples would be the 18th amendment establishing the prohibition of alcohol and the movement to destroy communism in America, McCarthyism. since the mid-1970’s, a movement in America has been gaining strength to once again morally reform America. Some of the issues now on the new right agenda are: banning abortion, getting prayer back in school, and defeating the Equal Rights Amendment. In this study, we first draw an historical comparison between the current moral reform movement and one of the past (e.q. McCarthyism). Second, we test the relative explanatory power of two different theories that attempt to account for the origins of moral reform ideas using data 1977 and 1982.M.S.
9
Oh, Se il. "High Modernity and Multiple Secularities: Various Forms of Religious Non-Affiliation in the United States". Thesis, Boston College, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/1945.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis advisor: Paul SchervishThe rapid increase in the number of religious non-affiliates in the United States makes non-affiliation an important issue to study. Traditional secularization theories have explained the overall increase in the number of people who report not belonging to a specific religion, but have not explored the diversity among them. Studies attempting to explain the rise in non-affiliation have been basically descriptive, focusing on sociodemographic characteristics or social networks of religious non-affiliates, examining the effects of cohort, political orientation, parents' religions, and peer religions. There is no comprehensive social theory on the dynamics of religious non-affiliation. In sum, the previous literature requires us to reconsider the theoretical limits of modernity and the unilateral understanding of secularization and suggests a new framework for multiple secularities in accordance with high modernity. In this study, I conceptualize religious non-affiliation as "multiple secularities," creating a new framework that takes into account the existence of various forms of non-affiliation in the United States. Specifically, I identify three types of worldviews (theism, spiritualism, immanent frame) and two categories of institutional religious affiliation (affiliation and non-affiliation). Thus, six forms of belief are considered--affiliated theism, affiliated spiritualism, affiliated positivism, unaffiliated theism, unaffiliated spiritualism, and unaffiliated positivism. Utilizing the 2005 Baylor Religion Survey and the Religion Module of the 2008 International Social Science Survey, this dissertation explores differences among multiple secularities in the U.S. with respect to three dimensions of holistic implications: head, heart, and hand. Findings indicate that there are distinct differences among unaffiliated individuals based on belief types. Compared to unaffiliated spiritualists and unaffiliated positivists, unaffiliated theists place less importance on the role of human agency as compared to divine agency, have lower levels of moral liberalism, are more likely to favor religion when considering the tension between religion and science, more likely to report experiences of being filled with the Spirit, more likely to participate in political associations, but less likely to attend political rallies and demonstrations. Unaffiliated spiritualists have the highest rates of reporting experiences of oneness with the universe and interest in New Age (astrology and alternative medicine), and they are most likely to participate in political rallies or public protests among the unaffiliated individuals. Unaffiliated positivists are most likely to place importance on human agency, and they have the lowest rates of religious and spiritual experiences among the unaffiliated. These findings make several important contributions to the literature. First, they contribute to the recognition of the limits of the `secularization' thesis in a high (or late) modern society such as the United States and provide a new framework for understanding `multiple secularities' by examining interactions between the institutional level of secularity (non-affiliation) and the individual level of secularity (privatization of belief). Second, they confirm the Weberian insight that `elective affinities' exist between worldviews and ideological, experiential, and social aspects of life in a high modern society. Third, they demonstrate that social research should further explore the subdivisions among "unchurched believers" (unaffiliated theists and spiritualists). Fourth, they contribute to the debate on "spiritual individualism" versus "engaged spirituality" by demonstrating that spirituality promotes various forms of social engagement. Finally, this dissertation suggests that contemporary social scientists should recognize the limits of the traditional secularization thesis and face a new conundrum of post-secularity beyond belief types and affiliation types in order to promote social cohesion
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2011
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Sociology
10
Fogarty, Philippa Ruth. ""The Shrieking Sisterhood;: A Comparative Analysis of the Suffrage Movement in the United States and New Zealand". Thesis, University of Canterbury. American Studies, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/1001.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The intention of this thesis is to draw attention to a much neglected part of women's suffrage history - that is, a comparative analysis of the suffrage movements in New Zealand and the United States. Historians have dismissed any suggestion of similarities between the two groups because' of the obvious differences in size and the time taken to gain the vote. However, this study reveals parallels between the two movements in terms of membership, leadership, ideologies and opposition. This is particularly highlighted in the comparison with Wyoming. These similarities, together with New Zealand women's new found 'prestige' after having won the vote, led to close relations between women of the two countries, as revealed in personal correspondence. By the late l890s United States suffragists had changed direction in both their tactics and arguments for suffrage and this, together with distance and a lack of time and money, meant that New Zealand suffragists aid was confined to emotional support rather than practical assistance. This study was, to a certain degree, limited by the lack of availability of United States primary sources. However, the Kate Sheppard Collection contains a wealth of correspondence between the New Zealand and United States suffragists and provides ample information to support the thesis. Prior to the examination of the interaction of the suffrage movements in New Zealand and the United States, we will first of all begin by considering the broader context of women's role in society. This is will be followed with a study of -the historiography of women's suffrage in Wyoming and New Zealand. We will then proceed to a comparative analysis of the leaders and supporters of the two movements. In New Zealand the women's suffrage and women's temperance organizations were inseparably linked, hence the comparative natured analysis dictates that points for comparison should be made in relation to the temperance origins of suffrage in the United States and New Zealand and to leaders with temperance links.
11
Murphy, Gerard Piers. "Freedom in the Abstract: An Investigation of the Men's Movement in New Zealand and the United States". Thesis, University of Canterbury. American Studies, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/1626.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis explains how the men's movements in New Zealand and the United States highlight the interaction between social structures and the individual in determining how masculinity is defined. Hegemonic structures, most notably patriarchy, provide a background of stable definitions of social reality for men. The men's movement in both countries has been slow to overtly challenge these social structures. Rather they have contested definitions of masculinity in the foreground of institutional structures which has resulted in a widespread lack of radical change to existing social structures and a perpetuation of unequal power relationships between men and women. Men's oppression is identified as an institutional arrangement that limits men's lives and perpetuates hegemonic structures that oppress others, most notably women.
12
Morris, Granville R. "Dr. Tichenor’s ‘Lost Cause’: The Rise of New Orleans’s Confederate Culture during the Gilded Age". ScholarWorks@UNO, 2019. https://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/2626.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Serving three times as president of the Cavalry Association, Camp Nine of the United Confederate Veterans (UCV), George Tichenor was instrumental in forging Lost Cause ideology into a potent social force in New Orleans. Though more widely remembered in New Orleans for his antiseptic invention, his support of Confederate monuments, Confederate activism, and his wife Margret’s role as vice-president of a chapter of the Daughters of the Confederacy (UDC) are lesser known aspects of Tichenor’s life in New Orleans. This paper examines the cultural changes taking place in New Orleans that allowed Tichenor to become a leader of the Lost Cause movement that transformed New Orleans, with a focus on social networking via the United Confederate Veterans and the collaborative nature of their work with the UDC in New Orleans, a collaboration that opened a cultural and societal pathway for Lost Cause ideology to permeate Southern cities and influence national thinking on how to interpret the history of the Civil War.
13
Yates, Matthew Kyle. "The Conscience of a Movement: American Conservatism, the Vietnam War, and the Politics of Natural Law". The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1313108426.
Testo completo
14
Frazier, Grant H. "Armed Drones: An Age Old Problem Exacerbated by New Technology". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/pomona_theses/156.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The purpose of this thesis is to examine the history behind and the use of militarized drones in modern day conflicts, and to conclude whether the use of these machines, with special attention to the United States, is legal, ethical, and morally defensible. In achieving the aforementioned goals, shortcomings of current policy surrounding drone warfare will be highlighted, acting as the catalyst for a proposal for changes to be made to better suit legal, ethical, and moral considerations. The proposal of a policy to help us work with armed drones is due to the fact that this thesis acknowledges that armed drones, like guns, nuclear weapons, or any type of military technology, is here to stay and that once we acknowledge that fact, the most important step is to make sure we have the right tools to judge the conduct of conflict carried out using armed drones or other weapons that raise similar issues and questions.
15
Todd, Brett R. "The “True American”: William H. Christy and the Rise of the Louisiana Nativist Movement, 1835-1855". ScholarWorks@UNO, 2016. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/2197.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In New Orleans during the 1830s, Irish immigration became a source of tension between newly settled Anglo-American elites and the long-established Creole hegemony. Out of this tension, in 1835 Anglo-American elites established the Louisiana Native American Association (LNAA) to block Irish immigrants from gaining citizenship and, ultimately, the right to vote. The Whig Party, whom most Louisiana Anglo-Americans supported, promoted nativism to prevent naturalized Irish from voting Democrat, the preferred party of the Creoles. This study will argue that the LNAA, under the leadership of William H. Christy, was not merely a reaction to increased Irish immigration, but was also a strategy used by the Louisiana Whig Party to gain dominion over state politics. In the end, this strategy did more harm than good to the Whigs as the nativist movement led to a fatal split within the party.
16
Moran, Mallory Leigh. ""Mehtaqtek, Where The Path Comes To An End": Documenting Cultural Landscapes Of Movement In Wolastoqiyik (Maliseet) First Nation Territory In New Brunswick, Canada, And Maine, United States". W&M ScholarWorks, 2020. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1593091534.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The Saint John River emerges from tributaries in the highlands of the state of Maine, arcs north and east into the province of New Brunswick, then winds southward, through vast marshlands, before it empties into the Bay of Fundy. For part of its journey, it forms the international border between Canada and the United States. This river, the Wolastoq, and its large drainage basin and tributaries, forms the heart of the homelands of the Wolastoqiyik (Maliseet) First Nation. For many hundreds of years before contact with Europeans, and well into the 19th century, the Wolastoqiyik navigated the land- and waterscapes of Wolastokuk, developing a suite of sophisticated watercraft technologies, as well as wayfinding techniques. These movement practices have left a legacy in the landscape, apparent on historic maps in placenames, and evident archaeologically in the remains of portage routes. Portages, trails or roads over which canoes and goods would be carried, connected stretches of navigable water along the coast and between interior rivers. These trails permitted travel in any direction across the Maritime Peninsula. This network of portages and waterways constitutes a cultural landscape that reflects the movement of Wolastoq'kew people over generations. Interpreting the archaeological signatures left by traditionally mobile peoples remains a challenge for archaeologists. Trails and roads, while representing an opportunity to observe movement in the archaeological record, challenge traditional notions of the site with their large spatial scales and linear, networked forms. Portages, which shifted locations according to seasons and water conditions, add an additional layer of complexity. New interpretive frameworks are needed that account for the way Wolastoq'kew people have understood and navigated this landscape. This dissertation addresses this problem by investigating how ideas about landscape and wayfinding are retained in and expressed through Passamaquoddy-Maliseet, the Algonquian language spoken by Wolastoqiyik. It aggregates and assesses a corpus of historic toponyms first collected at the turn of the 20th century, just as canoe travel was beginning to decline, by three scholars working in Maine and New Brunswick: Edwin Tappan Adney, Fannie Hardy Eckstorm, and William Francis Ganong. Passamaquoddy-Maliseet toponyms are richly descriptive, reflecting a detailed ecological and geographic knowledge of Wolastokuk, its seasons, tides, and flows. In addition, the toponym corpus describes an understanding of the landscape that is connected to movement through it, from the perspective of a person out on the water. This dissertation demonstrates the value of turning to language to better understand the Wolastoqwey landscape, and contributes to broader anthropological conversations about the relationship between human practice and landscape conceptualization.
17
Tozman, Naomi. "Kinder zhurnal : a microcosm of the Yiddishist philosophy and secular education movement in America". Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=69640.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Using Kinder zhurnal, an American Yiddish children's literary magazine, as the focus for this thesis, the intimate relationships between the Yiddish cultural movement which began in East Europe and the Yiddish secular school movement in America are explored. As a product of and for the Sholom Aleichem Folk Institute, a now defunct educational organization, Kinder zhurnal demonstrated the key philosophical tenets of the Yiddishist education movement as it evolved.In an analysis of the Yiddishist philosophy of education parallels are drawn between modern Yiddish secular education and that of John Dewey in their humanistic emphasis and underlying pragmatism. Utilizing the parameters of the Yiddishist/Deweyian theory, an assessment to determine the practical viability of the Yiddishist concepts is made. Kinder zhurnal, as representative of Yiddishist philosophy and educational methodology, provides the microcosmic source for much of this discussion. Its close affiliation with the unique educational philosophy of the Sholom Aleichem Folk Institute provides the opportunity to examine the educational implications of teaching Yiddish as part of Jewish education.
18
Cooper, Graham S. "Broad Shoulders, Hidden Voices: The Legacy of Integration at New Orleans' Benjamin Franklin High School". ScholarWorks@UNO, 2015. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1971.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This paper seeks to insert the voices of students into the historical discussion of public school integration in New Orleans. While history tends to ignore the memories of children that experienced integration firsthand, this paper argues that those memories can alter our understanding of that history. In 1963, Benjamin Franklin High School was the first public high school in New Orleans to integrate. Black students knowingly made sacrifices to transfer to Ben Franklin, as they were socially and politically conscious teenagers. Black students formed alliances with some white teachers and students to help combat the racist environment that still dominated their school and city. Ben Franklin students were maturing adolescents worked to establish their identities in this newly integrated, intellectually advanced space. This paper explores the way in which students – of differing racial, socio-economic, religious, educational, and political upbringings – all struggled to navigate self and space in this discordant society.
19
Matsumaru, Takashi Michael. "Defending Desire: Resident Activists in New Orleans‟ Desire Housing Project, 1956-1980". ScholarWorks@UNO, 2011. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/449.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The Desire Housing Project opened in 1956 as a segregated public housing development in New Orleans‟ Upper Ninth Ward. The Desire neighborhood, one of the few neighborhoods in the city where black homeownership had been encouraged, was transformed by the project. Hundreds of former Desire residents were displaced by the mammoth project, which became home to more than 13,000 residents by 1958. Built on what had once been a landfill, the Desire Housing Project came to epitomize the worst in public housing, before it was torn down by 2001. Although the project was isolated from the rest of the city and lacked basic services, residents worked to create a viable community, in spite of the pitfalls of segregation. Within the context of the civil rights movement, Desire residents fought to bring in basic services, pushing local government to more fully develop their neighborhood.
20
Gumm, Angela Shannon Dehner George. "The search for the good in garbage a look at Wichita's own pyrolysis pilot plant and the history of the resource recovery movement in the United States from the Gilded Age to the 1990s /". Diss., A link to full text of this thesis in SOAR, 2006. http://soar.wichita.edu/dspace/handle/10057/647.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (M.A.)--Wichita State University, College of Liberal Arts and Sciences, Dept. of History."December 2006." Title from PDF title page (viewed on Oct 31, 2007). Thesis adviser: George Dehner. Includes bibliographic references (leaves 120-128).
21
Kang, Chee Youn. "REVISITING THE COGNITIVE MEDIATION MODEL IN THE DIGITAL AGE: A CROSS-CULTURAL STUDY OF FACEBOOK AS A VENUE FOR NEWS AND POLITICAL INFORMATION SOURCES, FACEBOOK USE AND CREDIBILITY AMONG NEW MEDIA USERS IN SOUTH KOREA AND THE UNITED STATES". OpenSIUC, 2017. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/1419.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The objective of this study is to examine how credibility on Facebook is associated with information-seeking and sharing among new media users in South Korea and the United States. An information-seeker's environment is related to information resources that need to be assessed for usefulness and accuracy. As a vast number of users on Facebook get connected and exchange information, they confront greater uncertainty regarding who and what can be believed. Now is the time to concern and construct new skills and strategies for determining how to evaluate Facebook credibility with respect to Facebook use as news and political information source among new media users with different personal and cultural backgrounds. Furthermore, East Asian New Media Research relies greatly on theories and methods driven from the U.S. Since both Korean and American people have been recognized as heavy new media users as well as providers, it is vital to investigate the relationship between their patterns of Facebook use, credibility, information-seeking, and information-sharing on Facebook, in terms of a cross-cultural perspective. This study seeks to provide a comparative analysis of how Facebook use pertains to credibility and information-exchange among new media users in the US and South Korea, based upon Eveland's Cognitive Mediation Model and integrated credibility factors. The relationships among surveillance motivations for using Facebook, attention to news, elaboration with news organizations and networks, and perceptions of Facebook credibility in terms of a cross-cultural approach were examined employing structural equation modeling (SEM) techniques. The rationale of the proposed research models is discussed.
22
Potriquet, Ghislain Pierre-Yves. "La politique linguistique de l'Etat de New York". Thesis, Paris 3, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA030064.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
La première partie de cette étude est consacrée au cadre institutionnel dans lequel s’élaborent les politiques linguistiques américaines ; la Constitution des États-Unis, ainsi que ses amendements, s’avèrent déterminants dans leur formulation. Depuis l’adoption de politiques linguistiques nationales dans les années 1960, l’influence de l’État fédéral se trouve encore accrue. Néanmoins, la politique linguistique des États-Unis demeure lacunaire. La politique linguistique de l’État de New York, étudiée dans le deuxième chapitre, complète en partie cette politique en intervenant principalement dans les domaines de l’éducation et du droit de vote. La politique linguistique de l’État du New York est déterminée, d’une part, par un antagonisme structurel Ville-État et, d’autre part, par la lutte des Portoricains pour le respect de leurs droits linguistiques. La dernière partie de cette étude consiste en une étude de cas ; quarante entretiens semi-dirigés menés auprès d’immigrants russophones révèlent l’importance de la reconversion professionnelle dans le processus d’intégration linguistiqueIn a first part, this study analyzes the institutional framework in which American language policies are elaborated; the Constitution of the United States and its amendments appear to play a major role in their elaboration. Since the adoption of national language policies in the 1960’s, federal influence has grown further. However, the language policy of the United States remains incomplete. The language policy of the State of New York, which is studied in the second chapter, supplements it by intervening in the fields of education and voting rights mainly. The language policy of New York is determined by, on the one hand, a structural City-State antagonism, and on the other hand, by the activism of Puerto Ricans who mobilized to assert their language rights. The last chapter of this study consists of a case-study; forty semi- conducted interviews were carried out with Russian-speaking immigrants. As a whole, they stress the importance of retraining in the language acquisition process
23
Li, Yu-hsun, e 李聿勛. "Interweaving Ideals with Realities: The Pragmatism of the New Age Movement and the Background of Its Development in the United States". Thesis, 2003. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/05694156017989747481.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
碩士淡江大學
美國研究所
91
As a movement across religion, spirituality, health, psychology, ecology, politic, economy, education, the New Age Movement sprang up in the United States in 1960s. After two decades, the movement began attracting the general public and the mass media, and had its influence on American society, especially on American religious environment . Some scholars point out that merely about 5-10 percent of the Americans are the New Age adherents. Compare to the traditional religious population, the percentage may be too low. However, these 14 – 28 million Americans, are the best educated and the most wealthy people among the Baby Boomers. Further, some observers indicated that these New Agers can even” predominate over future trends of America”. What brought these people to have this possible influence? Hence I assume that there is attraction, while repulsion exists, both work together and make these people go their successful way in real life. What is the attraction and the repulsion? So I begin with the core beliefs of the New Age Movement, trying to finger out the answer, and this would be the first purpose of this thesis. The core beliefs of the New Age Movement focus on self-awareness and social transformation, trying to build a new social order through a higher and more expansive ways of thinking of the world. The center idea is to make life ‘better’, which means one can lead both creating a wealthy life and developing continuous spiritual growth. This is the pragmatism of the New Age. In other worlds, we may see the seeking for a spiritual and wealthy life as the movement’s essence: pragmatism. Why do these spiritual New Agers, who crave for a new paradigm, not be taken as heresies by the American people of various religious tradition? Thus, the author suppose the belief that every individual owns the right for the pursuit of liberty and happiness, and the long-standing religious toleration, accompanying by religious pluralism, give birth to the New Age Movement. This is perhaps the essential background of the New Age’s development. To introduce this background would be the second purpose of this thesis. The Declaration of Independence stated that every one has the equal right for pursuing one’s own happiness and dream. According to this principle, the Americans thus carried out their dreams both in material and spiritual dimension. While they fail to meet their dreams with realities, such as during the counterculture years, the Americans would modify the values and beliefs to suit American society. The dream of the New Agers is trying to carry out their traditional principles and fulfill the modified values in present life. The dream resulted from the culture pluralism and individualism in American tradition. Since the pragmatism of NAM is an outcome of interworking of dream and actuality, would it be the model of future way of life with full support of American people? I try to answer this question through the various responds by some circles in American society. Will our world be changed as the New Agers expect? They look forward to the coming of the new order, and believe that the coming is ‘someday’.
24
Kassman, Kenneth. "Envisioning a new America : the worldviews, praxis orientations and futuristic visions of three subcultures within the American green movement". Thesis, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10125/10152.
Testo completo
25
Hurl, Chris. "Diversity of tactics : coalescing as new combinations". 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/849.
Testo completo
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Keller, Renata Nicole. "Capitalizing on Castro : Mexico's foreign relations with Cuba and the United States, 1959-1969". Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/25101.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This dissertation explores the central paradox of Mexico's foreign relations with Cuba and the United States in the decade following the Cuban Revolution--why did a government that cooperated with the CIA and practiced conservative domestic policies defend Castro's communist regime? It uses new sources to prove that historians' previous focus on the foreign and ideological influences on Mexico's relations with Cuba was misplaced, and that the most important factor was fear of the domestic Left. It argues that Mexican leaders capitalized upon their country's "special relationship" with Castro as part of their efforts to maintain control over restive leftist sectors of the Mexican population. This project uses new sources to illuminate how perceptions of threat shaped Mexico's foreign and domestic politics. In 2002, the Mexican government declassified the records of the two most important intelligence organizations--the Department of Federal Security and the Department of Political and Social Investigations. The files contain the information that Mexico's presidents received about potential dangers to their regime. They reveal that Mexican leaders overestimated the centralization, organization, and coordination of leftist groups, and in so doing gave them more influence over policy than their actual numbers or resources logically should have afforded. The dissertation uses the concept of threat perception as an analytic and organizational tool. Each chapter considers a different potential source of danger to the Mexican regime in the context of the Cold War and the country's relations with Cuba. For the sake of clarity, it breaks the threats into the categories of individual, national, and international, even though these subjective categories may blend into one another throughout the course of the analysis. The first chapter begins with an individual threat: Lázaro Cárdenas, a powerful former president who became one of Fidel Castro's most dedicated supporters. The next three chapters analyze threats on the national level by looking at the domestic groups that Mexican leaders perceived to be the greatest dangers to their regime. The final two chapters move to the international level and examine the roles of Cuba and the United States. As a whole, this study of the connections between Mexico's foreign and domestic politics makes a significant and timely contribution to the historiographies of modern Mexico, U.S.-Latin American relations, and the Cold War.text
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Knight, Simon A. "Reluctant realists: the Pacific Northwest lumber industry, federal labor standards and union legislation during the New Deal". Thesis, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/2591.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The relationship between government and business during the New Deal can best be understood as one based on mutual dependence rather than endemic hostility. This is demonstrated with reference to the Northwest lumber industry and its response to New Deal labor standards and labor union legislation. The Northwest lumber industry during the 1920s and 1930s was beset by the problems of overproduction and cut throat competition which plagued much of American industry during the Great Depression. Industry leaders strove for ways in which to regulate a fiercely competitive marketplace. Attempts to foist higher production standards on marginal competitors through the promotion of voluntary trade associations failed because of the absence of enforcement mechanisms within the associational structure. The National Recovery Administration (NRA) similarly failed to provide a disciplined framework for competition in the region because the federal government failed to fulfill its role as an enforcement agent, although the experience of the NRA did suggest to the industry the potential benefits of stabilizing the marketplace through the regulation of labor costs, which were such a significant and vulnerable item in the business calculations of lumber operations. The problem of enforcement, however, remained. Labor unions had a record under the NRA and in the coal and clothing industries as an effective regulator of labor standards, but the memory of radical unionism in the early lumber industry combined with a concern for managerial prerogatives to forestall any voluntary support on the part of Northwest lumber leaders for unionisation in the region. The elevation of unions under the National Labor Relations Act, however, prompted versatile lumber executives to use the empowered unions for their own regulatory purposes. Never entirely comfortable with the potential costs of strong unions, the Northwest lumber industry turned to the federal regulation offered under the Fair Labor Standards Act as an additional, effective and less risky method of securing much needed stability in the industry.
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Kershner, Seth. "“A Constant Surveillance”: The New York State Police and the Student Peace Movement, 1965-1973". 2021. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/masters_theses_2/1057.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Historians recognize that there was an increase in political repression in the United States during the Vietnam War era. While a number of accounts portray the Federal Bureau of Investigation as the primary driver of repression for many groups and individuals during the 1960s and 1970s, particularly those on the left, historians typically overlook the role played by local and state law enforcement in political intelligence-gathering. This thesis seeks to advance the study of one aspect of this much larger topic by looking at New York State Police surveillance of the Vietnam-era student peace movement. Drawing extensively on State Police spy files housed at the New York State Archives, the thesis makes several significant contributions to the existing historiography on this period. First, it demonstrates how state and local police contributed to the climate of political repression and surveillance during the Vietnam era. Second, while this thesis encompasses state police surveillance at all types of institutions, including elite private universities and second-tier state colleges, in doing so it provides the first-ever detailed look at how community college students organized against the war. Since a majority of community college students were from relatively low-income backgrounds, chronicling the history of protest on two-year campuses gives historians another angle from which to counter the persistent myth that antiwar activism failed to penetrate the most working-class sectors of U.S. society.
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Gumm, Angela Shannon. "The search for the good in garbage: a look at Wichita's own pyrolysis pilot plant and the history of the resource recovery movement in the United States from the Gilded Age to the 1990s". Thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10057/647.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Is there good in garbage? This thesis assumes that while it might not always be economical, safe or immediately worthwhile to get to it, that there is good in garbage. People in the United States have been trying—sometimes without much notice, sometimes with plenty—for over one-hundred years to extract that good, using scientific means. Costs, bureaucracy, failures, safety, perceptions and politics have all been part of American’s attitudes towards resource recovery. This paper explores the history of the Waste to Energy movement in the United States from the Gilded Age until resource recovery was eclipsed by the popularity of recycling. It also looks at the unique trash situation in Wichita, Kansas, and the efforts of local inventor Bill Compton to build a pyrolysis pilot plant and to persuade the city to consider pyrolysis as a viable alternative to a new landfill.Thesis (M.A.)--Wichita State University, College of Liberal Arts and Sciences, Dept. of History
"December 2006."
Includes bibliographic references (leaves 120-128)
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Ščípová, Michaela. ""Každý ví, časy se mění": Vliv kontrakultury šedesátých let na americkou společnost". Master's thesis, 2017. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-357927.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The 1960s counterculture had a huge impact on American society and questioned many of the American values in order to replace them with their own ideas. Even thought the first trace of youth's revolt against the older generation appeared in the 1950s, it was in the 1960s when the young generation fully rose up and started to fight for their goals. The 1960s counterculture can be divided into two parts, the New Left and the hippies, which both comprised of many different groups and organizations, among them for example the Black Panthers, the Weatherman, Students for a Democratic Society or Vietnam Veterans Against the War. These organizations engaged in many different issues like a civil rights movement or an antiwar movement. The tool for spreading countercultural values was an art - until nowadays countercultural impact is still visible especially in music. Even thought the countercultural movement gradually became radical and in the end of the 1960s split up, its impact on American society is undeniable in some issues such as drug use, perception of sexuality or questioning authorities.
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Brooks, Dorcas A. "Situated Architecture in the Digital Age: Adaptation of a Textile Mill in Holyoke, Massachusetts". 2011. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses/575.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The City of Holyoke, Massachusetts is one of many aging, industrial cities striving to revitalize its economy based on the promise of increased digital connectivity and clean energy resources. But how do you renovate 19th century mills to meet the demands of the information age? This architectural study explores the potential impact of sensing technologies and information networks on the definition and function of buildings in the 21st century. It explores the changes that have taken place in industrial architecture since 1850 and argues for an architecture that supports local relationships and environmental awareness. The author explores the industrial history of Holyoke, appraises emerging uses of sensing technologies and presents a thorough narrative of her site analysis and conceptual design of a digital fabrication and incubation center within an existing textile mill.