Tesi sul tema "Neoliberism"

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1

Zini, Alessandra <1992&gt. "Neoliberalism: sustainable?" Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/10175.

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L’analisi presente nell’elaborato parte dalla pubblicazione di un articolo avvenuta a Giugno 2016 sul sito del Fondo Monetario Internazionale, in cui viene sostenuta la tesi per cui le politiche messe in atto dallo stesso e dalla Banca Mondiale, dagli anni ottanta fino ad oggi, non siano più sostenibili a lungo termine. L’articolo si sofferma particolarmente sulle politiche di austerità, privatizzazione e libertà di circolazione di capitali, che si inseriscono nel raggio delle cosiddette politiche “neoliberiste”, sottolineandone gli effetti negativi sulla società odierna in materia di iniqua distribuzione della ricchezza e di rischio di sempre più frequenti crisi economiche, da cui ne deriva la consapevolezza di un sistema diventato insostenibile a livello mondiale. L’elaborato si focalizza principalmente sul tema dell’insostenibilità delle politiche neoliberiste e per dimostrarne l’effettiva veridicità si concentra nella prima parte sulla spiegazione di ciò che si intende per “neoliberismo”, descrivendone il percorso di sviluppo storico e culturale per poi analizzare nel dettaglio ciò che è contenuto nell’agenda neoliberista, definendone infine la diretta conseguenza della sua implementazione: la società odierna dominata dal fenomeno della globalizzazione. La tesi si focalizzerà poi sul caso concreto della crisi del debito greco all’interno dell’unione monetaria e delle successive implementazioni di politiche di austerità, rivelatesi inefficaci. Verranno poi descritte le conseguenze di queste politiche, principalmente riprendendo quelle citate dall’articolo iniziale: l’iniquità della distribuzione della ricchezza e la stratificazione sociale come cause di insostenibilità del sistema mondo in cui oggi viviamo.
2

Schleusener, Simon. "Deleuze and Neoliberalism". Universität Leipzig, 2020. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A72860.

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The following essay takes the topic of this special issue as an opportunity to not just investigate Deleuze’s “Postscript on Control Societies,” but to look more generally at the text’s place within his work as a whole. Indeed, as various authors have observed, there are a number of aspects that clearly distinguish the essay from the bulk of Deleuze’s other writings. First, what the Postscript aims at is a very direct and immediate “diagnosis of the present” (Foucault 1999: 91). Despite its brevity, the essay therefore entails a wide-ranging account of the (social, economic, cultural, and technological) ‘system’ which was about to take hold when Deleuze wrote the essay (1990) – and which still seems pervasive today. Second, the Postscript represents one of the few instances where Deleuze addresses new media, the digital, cyberspace, and computers: technologies, that is, which in the last few decades have thoroughly transformed the world we live in (cf. Galloway 2012). Third, while Deleuze is usually considered to be a thinker of affirmative creation and a joyous politics of difference and becoming, the Postscript may be the text that most evidently lends itself to discovering not only a more contemporary, but also a somewhat ‘darker’ Deleuze (cf. Culp 2016). For although it underlines the necessity of “finding new weapons” and developing “new forms of resistance” – pointing out that the question is not “whether the old or new system is harsher or more bearable” (Deleuze 1995: 178) – one can argue that the Postscript’s general perspective and tone is in fact more bleak and pessimistic than most of Deleuze’s other writings.
3

Zadra, Chiara <1987&gt. "Neoliberalism and Development". Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/9416.

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Despite the stifling financial crises and the always more frequently increasing criticisms, Neoliberalism is still enduring. Nevertheless, it has hitherto proven to be inadequate and irredeemable; global vulnerability and uncertainty, angst and widespread economic disparities demonstrate the unreliability of the beforehand promised outcomes of the globalized neoliberal society. Hence, neoliberalism interferes with the welfare of the majority; as a matter of fact, just a handful of certain persons definitely achieve economic prosperity. With neoliberalism, unnatural laws and practises typical of the market ideology, for instance, the logic of competition, have progressively penetrated in the everyday life of individuals. Moreover, the process of neoliberalization, in order to effectively implement democracy and mulishly boost economic growth in developing countries, has frequently been characterized by violence and coercive brutality. So, despite all of this, why is neoliberalism still regulating our logic when dealing with our idea of future? How is it possible to modify it or, alternatively, replace it, finding a new way to conceive the government of human beings? In this thesis we will firstly try to provide a comprehensive analysis of the theories, historical evolution and application of the neoliberal doctrine. Secondly, a focus on the geographical development of this phenomenon will be unpretentiously introduced, in attain to describe the consequences of the controversial application of neoliberal policies in developing countries in different parts of the world. Finally, a more detailed attention will be devoted to the specific case of Malaysia. Precisely, we will investigate the last fifty years of the country's economic growth, to understand the effects and consequences due to the neoliberalization process which involved the country.
4

Sotomayor, Hector. "He_rtland: The Violence of Neoliberalism". Scholar Commons, 2015. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/6027.

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Perhaps, under the consciousness of today, “neoliberalism” has defined our world during the previous and current centuries more than any other socioeconomic system. But the evolution of this ideology, which initially aimed to enhance, or rather, reinvent capitalism and individual freedom, has, in essence, induced an unrecognized problem. I argue that neoliberalism is the catalyst for much of the hostility in this globalized society where tensions and poverty are casualties of individual and corporate prosperity. Because of this revelation, I argue that neoliberalism inadvertently instills violence that is both unseen and gendered. In order to formulate my argument, I introduce a historical chronology to the ideological origins of neoliberalism and how it manifested its way to its socioeconomic prominence. I then concentrate my attention to neoconservatism, most notably, Reaganism, with the year 1984, which I feel is the official christening of neoliberalism. From that year, I bring forth, three films about the crisis of farming in the 20th century, Country, Places in the Heart, and The River. Through these “farm crisis films,”which centers their themes around pastoral virtues, I argue that the violence conveyed in these films critiques neoliberalism. On the surface, these films demonstrate violence through an invisible and unrecognizable antagonist. But at the heart of this violence is a gendered angle that has much more to do with neoliberalism than with feminist debates. The gendered violence of neoliberalism is, in actuality, linked to the characters’ struggle to maintain some sense of autonomy, but this possibility is always uncertain because of their failure to recognize their inevitable interdependencies.
5

Brideson, A. M. "Neoliberalism and the New Republic /". Title page, contents and abstract only, 1988. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09ARM/09armb851.pdf.

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6

Oncan, Mehmet Onur. "Neoliberalism And The Alternative Globalization Movement". Master's thesis, METU, 2009. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12610743/index.pdf.

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This thesis aims to analyze the social reactions against neoliberalism by using the Polanyian concept of double movement. The goal is to first to understand the nature of alternative globalization movement and provide a better framework of analysis for theorizing these social reactions. The criticisms of the alternative globalization movement against the World Trade Organization will be analyzed in order to provide a specific case example for the concerns and goals of the movement regarding the global political economy. It has been found out that the alternative globalization movement, which signalled a growing concern over the implications of the efforts to form a global free market on the state-society-market relations since the 1980s, forms the second counter-movement that resists the expansion of contemporary self-regulating market.
7

Greentree, Jacqueline M. "Wrestling with neoliberalism in Christian schools". Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2021. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/225974/1/Jacqueline_Greentree_Thesis.pdf.

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This research investigated intersections between Christian schooling and neoliberal policy environments by interrogating how values and purposes of schooling are articulated within the public-facing self-authored digital texts of Christian schools. The findings show how discourses such as excellence, choice and vocation can reflect a range of underlying values when communicating to a broad audience through public websites. Texts and visual representations were analysed using Gee’s discourse analysis tools and an Order of Worth framework. Methodological insights and practical support for Australian Christian Schools are provided.
8

De, Mio Raffaella <1965&gt. "Il processo delle privatizzazioni nell'era neoliberista". Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/7902.

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Alla luce dell’attuale stagione neoliberista la ristrutturazione globale del capitale in atto, funzionale al mantenimento del potere di classe, agisce attraverso le istituzioni per il perseguimento del profitto. Il presente lavoro di tesi parte da una riflessione su alcune delle politiche neoliberiste attuate in ambito nazionale, volte al graduale smantellamento delle aziende di stato e alla progressiva liberalizzazione del mercato del lavoro per via legislativa. Le strategie realizzate allo scopo di estrarre valore dalla manodopera e di ridurre il costo del lavoro sono favorite da un immobilismo generale e da un sistema di relazioni industriali indebolito, non privo di contraddizioni. In ambito di ricerca sociale investigare sulla qualità del lavoro in un raggio d’azione multidimensionale può servire a fornire una visione più ampia sui cambiamenti sociali in essere.
9

De, Marco Angela <1968&gt. "LE TRASFORMAZIONI DEL LAVORO NELL'ERA NEOLIBERISTA". Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/12020.

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10

Lösche, Max. "How has neoliberalism influenced US foreign politics?" Thesis, Gotland University, Department of Human Geography and Ethnology, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hgo:diva-380.

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This essay discusses the impact of neoliberalism on the US American foreign politics. It addresses the possible strategy of America on a global scale, always focusing on neoliberal forces in America that are behind the official political decisions that are made in Washington. The essay also discusses the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. Here, there is more than what the eye can see, or rather what the public is meant to see. Strong economic powers influence the war in the Middle East and try to bring a new world order upon the region, by implanting democracy, neoliberalism and absolute market openness. This discussion is done through a comparison of various sources, including books and scientific articles, dealing with geography, economy and politics. The outcome of this essay includes worrying facts about the future of globalism, neoliberalism and democracy, as power more and more shifts towards private corporations and banks, away from democratic state apparatus.

11

Bristow-Smith, Adam. "Growing up neoliberal : the Bildungsroman under neoliberalism". Thesis, University of York, 2018. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/20597/.

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Since the 1970s, the world has seen the ascendance of a new form of global capitalism and, underlying it, a new ideology with its own set of core beliefs and assumptions: neoliberalism. The rise of neoliberalism has had a profound effect on society, culture, and life worldwide. This thesis offers an analysis of one part of that broader socio-cultural picture. It explores how a specific cultural form with a particular societal focus, the literary genre of the Bildungsroman, has been adapted by authors seeking to use the genre to address the dominant political-social system of their day. The Bildungsroman has its roots in the rise of capitalism, and the exploration of certain socio-political problems is central to the genre through its core focus on the relationship between human development, the individual, and society. As such, the rise of a new, dominant form of capitalism has particular significance for it. Taking four novels by four significant authors from across the lifespan of neoliberalism – Ursula K. Le Guin’s The Dispossessed (1974), David Foster Wallace’s Infinite Jest (1996), Margaret Atwood’s Oryx and Crake (2003), and Roberto Bolaño’s 2666 (2004) – this thesis examines how each author has sought to examine, reclaim, redeploy, and problematise the genre in order to address neoliberalism. Two key features of neoliberalism are of particular significance here: neoliberal ideology’s individualised models of human behaviour and societal functioning, and neoliberal capitalism’s global dominance and systemic functioning. Each case-study demonstrates something about how these aspects of neoliberalism have overlapped with, co-opted, and undermined core elements that enable the Bildungsroman to function as a tool for socio-political exploration and critique, and so about how neoliberalism functions culturally. Through these analyses, this thesis explores not only what neoliberalism can tell us about the Bildungsroman but also what the Bildungsroman can tell us about neoliberalism.
12

Granberg, Magnus. "Care in revolt : Labor conflict, gender, neoliberalism". Doctoral thesis, Mittuniversitetet, Avdelningen för samhällsvetenskap, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-27171.

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The present thesis is an exploration of normalization processes and the problem of appropriation in labor conflict. More specifically, it analyses the way contemporary labor conflicts in nursing relate to, and thereby help to illuminate, changes in modes of gender normalization under neoliberalism, and how nurse labor conflict thereby sheds light on wider patterns of labor strife. Analysis shows how a “virtue script” bound up with long-lasting patterns of gender normalization in nursing becomes tangled with forms of abstract labor related to “new public management” reform. Although the restructuring of work threatens public professionals’ autonomy, at the same time, it provides opportunities for resistance through collective action. What is more, this restructuring process facilitates the appropriation by nurses and, by implication, other public workers, of the discourses and ideals that belonged to the ethos of the Keynesian welfare state. However, this is a contradictory process, since the discourses and ideals thus appropriated inhere in modes of labor exploitation and normalization. Analysis indicates that although appropriation risks to reinforce gendered and exploitative ideas about work, the strategy can be a lever of collective mobilization, and one of its possible outcomes is the radical transformation of the entities it takes possession of. This interview study is mainly based on four journal articles, attending to different aspects of an act of collective resignation taken by registered nurses at a Swedish hospital ward. This is an emerging form of collective action and the thesis provides one of the first analyses of this new grassroots and workplace-based phenomenon, which may be considered its particular empirical contribution. On the other hand, the chapters of the cover essay unfold a sustained argument on normalization and appropriation, thereby elaborating theoretical themes broached in the articles. The focal point of this discussion is a certain concept of form, deployed in Marxist and feminist theory, a concept pointing to the identity of thought-forms and practically enacted forms. Further, these forms migrate: they are evoked in practices wherein “the mind is not active as sentient” (Hegel), later to be projected by the mind onto different entities. The results of the discussion thus question common approaches to normalization. In particular, it is untenable to oppose a tacit and internal mode of control where individuals are induced to comply by attaching to identifications (by becoming/being made into subjects) to an overt and external mode reliant on sheer coercion. This matter–form dichotomy should be dissolved, and modes of coercion should be understood to leave subjective imprints—not at the level of identity but at the level of thought’s infrastructure, that is, form.
Föreliggande avhandling utforskar normaliseringsprocesser och problem rörande appropriering i samband med arbetskonflikter. Avhandlingen analyserar hur sam-tida arbetskonflikter i sjuksköterskeprofessionen relaterar till och sålunda belyser förändrad genusnormalisering i en nyliberal tid, samt hur dessa konflikter belyser övergripande konfliktmönster i arbetslivet. Analysen påvisar hur en ”dygdighets-norm” kopplad till långlivade modaliteter av genusnormalisering sammanvävs med en form av abstrakt arbete relaterad till sentida NPM-reformer. Men medan denna omstruktureringsprocess urholkar den autonomi som professioner i offentlig sektor länge innehaft medför den också möjligheter till kollektiva motståndshandlingar. Vidare möjliggör denna nyliberala omstrukturering sjuksköterskors—liksom andra offentliga professioners—appropriering av diskurser och ideal som var centrala i den tidigare, keynesianska, välfärdsstaten; men detta är en motsägelsefull process då dessa diskurser och ideal är sprungna ur, och präglade av, historier av utsugning och normalisering. Analysen visar att medan appropriering visserligen riskerar att reproducera former av normalisering underlättar denna strategi mobilisering och kan i förlängningen omvandla övertagna diskurser och ideal. Denna intervjustudie är huvudsakligen baserad på fyra artiklar: de analyserar olika aspekter av en kollektiv uppsägningsaktion bland sjuksköterskor vid en sjukhus-avdelning. Detta är en framväxande typ av aktion i Sverige och avhandlingen är en av de första studierna av denna gräsrots- och arbetsplatsbaserade kampform, vilket kan ses som dess empiriska forskningsbidrag. I kappan förs, å andra sidan, en kon-tinuerlig teoretisk diskussion kring normalisering och appropriering som utvecklar teman som lyfts i de enskilda artiklarna. Diskussionen kretsar kring ett visst form-begrepp, som härrör ur marxistisk och feministisk teori och som påvisar en identitet mellan tankeform och praktiskt artikulerad form. Dessa former migrerar; de uttrycks omedvetet i praktiker där individens fokus är annorstädes och projiceras sedan på andra praktiker. I diskussionen ifrågasätts sålunda vedertagna förståelser av norma-lisering: det är teoretiskt ofruktbart att ställa omedvetna, interna, former av kontroll där lydnad eller konformitet uppnås via internaliseringen av påbjudna identiteter mot medvetna, externa, eller tvingande, former av kontroll. En häri latent dikotomi om materia respektive form bör upplösas i syfte att synliggöra hur ett slags kontroll över arbete lämnar subjektiverande avtryck, inte genom att påbjuda identifikationer utan genom att forma vad som kan beskrivas som tänkandets minsta beståndsdelar.

Vid tidpunkten för disputationen var följande delarbeten opublicerade: delarbete 2 och 4 inskickat.

At the time of the doctoral defence the following papers were unpublished: paper 2 and 4 submitted.

13

Ditticio, Claudio. "Experiências neoliberais: Brasil, Argentina, Chile e México". Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2007. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/9319.

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Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:48:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Claudio Ditticio.pdf: 1757819 bytes, checksum: 3f97ef7e341884af31c46bbca42aef68 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-10-26
In this study, are discussed the experiences of Brasil, Argentina, Chile and México, mainly after their implementation of Neoliberalism, starting from the analyses of alternative economic thoughts related to liberalism and state intervention on economy. To do so, the histories of that countries from the beginning of last century, are revisited in order to identify the reasons behind the implementation of those system, as well as to verify the results hitherto. Every nation has a different history of accomplishments and sufferings. The main macroeconomic goals are related to monetary stabilization, sustained growth and employment, with fair distribution of the resources and economic and social benefits to the population. Trying to achieve those results, several alternative economic schools and related practices have been implemented in several regions. Many analysts and critics pointed that the end of the communist experience in Soviet Union was a confirmation of the best approach brought by the capitalist system of production and distribution of goods and services. All the countries had to do was open their economies for the free transactions between the nations, in every aspect of their economic activities. The results have been, in the beginning of a new century, of both successes and defeats. The data show that even for the countries with better economic performance, several problems are observed concerning social aspects related to low salaries and bad income distribution. With the beginning of a new century, the interest lies in knowing what to expect in terms of benefits for the present and the coming generations to Brazil concerning the adoption of the procedures recommended under the Neoliberals approach here and in other main Latin American countries. We also look for information to confirm the future of Neoliberalism or eventually its substitution by other kind of theories and practices to assure sustained growth and stability to the global economy. Finally, it is discussed the impossibility to implement a pure and closed model of economic thought, without considering the subjects related to the history and specificities of a particular society
Neste estudo, partindo de análises das alternativas de pensamentos econômicos relacionados com o liberalismo e as intervenções estatais na economia, são discutidas as experiências de Brasil, Argentina, Chile e México, com a adoção do Neoliberalismo. Retrocedeu-se às histórias desses países desde meados do século XX, para identificar as razões que os levaram à implantação desse sistema e avaliar os resultados dessas opções até os dias atuais. Cada sociedade aqui retratada possui uma história diferente, de lutas e conquistas, mas, também, de sofrimentos e dependências. Entre os objetivos macroeconômicos fundamentais, são sempre relacionados os voltados à obtenção de estabilidade monetária e do crescimento de forma sustentada, propiciando a manutenção de níveis de emprego adequados e uma distribuição de renda que traga o bem-estar às populações do país. Na busca dessas conquistas, idéias e correntes econômicas, políticas e sociais surgem e são experimentadas nas mais variadas regiões. O encerramento da experiência comunista na ex-União Soviética fez muitos crerem que, afinal, o caminho estava delineado e teria obrigatoriamente de ser trilhado sob o regime capitalista de produção e repartição de bens e serviços. Bastava que se abrissem as fronteiras do país, incentivando as transações e movimentações livres entre as nações em todos os aspectos, pois, com isso, todos certamente seriam beneficiados. A experiência tem revelado, agora que adentramos o século XXI, que existiram algumas histórias de sucesso e outras ainda aguardam uma melhor consolidação dos benefícios esperados. Os dados também parecem revelar que mesmo aqueles que obtiveram resultados econômicos satisfatórios apresentaram, contudo, carências no que tange aos aspectos sociais, como a manutenção de salários inadequados e da perversa distribuição de renda entre os agentes individuais. Neste início de novo século é importante saber o que pode se esperar para o Brasil e os outros países aqui estudados, quanto aos benefícios que ainda podem ser obtidos ou legados para as próximas gerações, dadas as experiências daqui e de outros países importantes da região que abraçaram a mesma orientação. Procuram-se, também, informações quanto à possibilidade ou a viabilidade do prosseguimento do sistema neoliberal ou a sua eventual substituição por um modelo alternativo, visando garantir desenvolvimento sustentável e estabilidade para a economia mundial. Finalmente, é discutida a impossibilidade de adoção de modelos teóricos fechados, sem que se dê especial atenção às especificações e à própria história de cada sociedade
14

Scotto, Matteo <1987&gt. "Neoliberalism in the European Union's economic traditions". Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/3729.

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In the last decade the term neoliberalism has become part of everyday language. With the spread of the crisis, this phenomenon has been increasingly discussed both academically and in the media. Often used in a negative way, it is commonly associated with policies that aim to cut off the welfare state or at the deregulation of the international financial system. The United States is normally identified as the place of origin and the ideal cradle of neoliberalism. Thanks to think thanks and universities, neoliberalism also seems to have more and more spread over, until it got a foothold even in Europe. According to the harshest criticism, the Old Continent and the United States are part of a common front for the promotion of neoliberalism in the world. In this sense, is it really possible to compare Europe and the United States? The aim of this work is on the one hand to understand whether this comparison is tenable or not. In other words, how accusations towards Europe of being a "neoliberal" promoter are legitimate. The other goal is to identify how and why Europe could offer a plausible alternative to the American model. There are tangible historical and ideological evidences in support of this thesis. For a fully comprehension in this regard, the first chapter will present a brief survey into the origin of what is commonly understood as neoliberalism. The economists recognized as the founding fathers will be taken into account, as well as the traditions they belong to. The second chapter consists of an analysis on the European Union, either from political and economic perspectives. This approach will therefore pave the way for a clear comparison with the Anglo-American liberalism. The third chapter will focus on the work of a scholar, namely Mario Monti, who has tried to give a contribute to the European alternative. Both from his biography and writings emerges a tendency in favor of topics such as the social market economy that are at the basis of the uniqueness of the European Union.
15

Onofri, Marcello <1989&gt. "Razionalità a confronto: dall'Argentina peronista all'Argentina neoliberista". Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/6708.

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Lo scopo della mia tesi è quello di indagare la relazione tra l’economia argentina e la finanza globale durante gli ultimi quarant’anni (dal 1976 a oggi) per mettere in risalto quali sono stati i meccanismi che, originatisi durante la giunta militare di Videla (1976-1982), hanno “intrappolato” il destino economico e politico di quel paese attraverso diverse fasi fino ai giorni nostri. L’Argentina dunque è il contesto privilegiato della mia ricerca eppure questo lavoro punta a mettere in risalto il fatto che i fenomeni politici lì riscontrabili nei 40 anni di storia in questione sono quelli tipici dell’ordine neoliberista cui tutto il mondo occidentale appartiene (pur con le varie sfumature del caso) da quando, a inizio anni ottanta, entrò in crisi a livello globale il modello dello stato keynesiano. L’essere agli estremi geografici di quel mondo, forse paradossalmente, rende l’Argentina un teatro privilegiato per l’osservazione di quei fenomeni, i quali travolsero in maniera particolarmente spettacolare la società argentina.
16

Bhardwaj, Punita. "Neoliberalism and education: A case study on Quebec". Thesis, McGill University, 2011. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=97099.

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Neoliberal policies and globalization have significant implications for public education. This case study on Québec will examine how neoliberalism and globalization influence two aspects of its educational system. The first aspect will focus on the processes of privatization and marketization in Québec. These processes not only enable private interests to influence public education but also obfuscate the relationship between educational inequality and social inequality. The second aspect will focus on recent educational reforms which determined that globalization has significant implications for Québec education. The Québec Education Program was devised in a context where curriculum had to adapt to the changing nature of work amidst greater economic integration and more information technology. This case study will end with a chapter that is dedicated to teacher trade unionism in Québec, Canada and North America. It is through these struggles that neoliberal ideology is challenged and alternative visions for public education are presented as concrete aims.
La mondialisation et les politiques néolibérales ont des conséquences importantes au niveau de l'éducation publique. Cette étude examine l'influence du néolibéralisme et de la mondialisation sur deux aspects du système d'éducation au Québec. Le premier concerne les processus de privatisation et de marchandisation. Ces derniers non seulement permettent aux intérêts privés d'influencer l'éducation publique, mais occultent également le rapport entre les inégalités éducatives et les inégalités sociales. Le deuxième aspect porte sur la récente réforme scolaire qui illustre l'impact considérable de la mondialisation sur le système éducatif au Québec. Le Programme de formation de l'école québécoise a été élaboré dans un contexte d'ajustement du curriculum scolaire aux changements apportés à la nature même du travail par le renforcement des intégrations économiques et la prolifération des technologies de l'information. Le chapitre final est consacré à l'activité syndicale dans le domaine de l'enseignement au Québec, au Canada et en Amérique du Nord. C'est à travers ces luttes sociales que l'idéologie néolibérale est contestée et que des alternatives en matière d'éducation publique sont présentées en termes d'objectifs concrets.
17

Johnston, Patrick James. "Working with comics : labour, neoliberalism and alternative cartooning". Thesis, University of Sussex, 2016. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/65444/.

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The 21st century has seen an unprecedented rise in the volume of comics and graphic novels being produced and consumed and in scholarly interest in the form, with the interdisciplinary field of Comics Studies rising to become a vibrant global community with a significant body of work and an established academic infrastructure. Alternative comics and graphic novels - those outside of the superhero genre-dominated corporate publishing structures of Marvel and DC - have driven this rise and the ensuing legitimation of the form. What defines the specific nature of alternative comics and what they are is the particular work and labour of alternative cartoonists. This work is, in turn, characterized and defined by specific tensions between auteurism (driven by neoliberalism and late capitalism's veneration of the individual and the entrepreneur) and collective production (driven by the sociological perspective of works of art always being the product of many hands). This thesis is an attempt to present specific examples of where these tensions are exhibited and, as a result, to offer new accounts of the specific nature of comics work. It is also an attempt to move away from the formalism that has dominated the field of comics studies and to move towards an understanding of comics as cultural work, informed by an understanding of comics through their creators and an approach that allows comics practice to inform comics theory. Each chapter of this thesis examines a specific aspect of the culture of working in contemporary comics, contextualised within neoliberal political economy and consistently bridging the gap between auteurism and collective production. These include the portrayal of art school and comics' engagement with institutions; the direct portrayal of work itself in alternative comics; the use of colour in comics, which here facilitates a reading of the effects of the technical conditions of production on the content and construction of comics; and finally, the effects of digital culture and new disruptive technologies on the production, distribution and consumption of comics, and how this contributes to a present and future understanding of the figure of the auteur cartoonist. Drawing these chapters together, the thesis concludes with a presentation of the auteur cartoonist as one who drives the contemporary culture of comics and graphic novels in the emerging dialectic of comics work. Comics work is thus situated as a political act and a site of resistance and rebellion through collective production.
18

Wagner, Keith. "Allegories of dispossession : neoliberalism and proletarian global cinema". Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2013. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/allegories-of-dispossession(9fc3153e-d2bc-48c1-bc2b-c02c4c59a7c4).html.

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This thesis attempts to theorize how precarious work—poorly paid, flexible, on call, even part-time employment—is pronounced in the global cinema of filmmakers Jia Zhangke, Park Chan-wook, Neill Blomkamp and Sebastian Silva. The images of the urban worker envisaged by these global directors show Chinese, Korean, Chilean and South African working classes as less attuned to the predatory nature of neoliberalism and the uncertainty they face: overwork, downward mobility, beckoning consumerism often out of reach, physical exhaustion, strains on family ties and worst of all, the lingering threat of destitution. These hardships point, at least since the late 1990s, to the insertion of a precarious worker in global cinema. With this in mind, much cinematic precarity is demonstrable to flaws in our current network society, wherein nomadic dispersal and managerial hegemony are part of a neoliberal agenda to dismantle any type of collective bargaining and shared prosperity. But these cinematized conditions must be read “against the grain,” where to conceive of workplace precarity we must go beyond The Maid and The World as compelling “foreign melodramas,” District 9 as video game inspired “science fiction” and, finally, Oldboy and Sympathy for Mr. Vengeance as depoliticized “neo-noir.” To see them as labor films advances our understanding of the transformation of labor practices in advanced capitalist systems (Neilson and Rossiter 2005). It also, in a double move, exposes the inadequacy of the phrase and category of “world cinema” and its institutionally homogenous and problematic orientation to comprise new cultural capital—itself, another form of work. Thus by rephrasing world cinema to global cinema acknowledges its own material production as well as its artistic and social value, in that we understand any particular instance or text to be globally orientated. More specifically, individual chapters will be based on the relational phenomena that show political and economic forces at work, or—allegories of dispossession—which mark and differentiate spaces within these urban centers for its proletarians: neoliberalism, particularly in its geo-cultural manifestations. To date, two monographs and two anthologies in film studies deal with labor and its revivification in a contemporary (but also Western) context: Broe, 2009; Nystrom, 2009; James & Berg, 2001; and Zaniello, 2003. In light of this gap in research, this project examines how cinematic formations of the proletarian can lead to new articulations about national identity, race relations, urban citizenship, unstable labor networks and their social interactions under neoliberal globalization.
19

Shao, Li. "Arts Clusters in Beijing: Socialist Heritage and Neoliberalism". The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1440187418.

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20

Uscotti, Leonardo <1991&gt. "At the Core of Neoliberalism: A Critical Account of the Major Theories of Neoliberalism and an Analysis of the Neoliberal Subjectivity". Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/7868.

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Starting from the banal observation that the optimistic promises of our globalized neoliberal society clash with the undeniable truth of rampant economic inequality, poverty, anxiety and insecurity; and from the fact that few individuals manage to “success” in the ruthless and all-embracing mechanisms of competition and workfare of enterprises, I investigate what exactly is meant by “neoliberalism”. Thus, in the first part of this dissertation, I examine the most important theories and interpretations of neoliberalism. I acknowledge that the neo-Marxist and the neo-Foucauldian accounts are the most relevant interpretations of neoliberalism; yet I argue that they are not entirely compatible with each other. I underline the limits of several neo-Marxist accounts and support the hypothesis that a neo-Foucauldian perspective has more explanatory power as it discloses several peculiar points of neoliberalism. In particular, I argue that the Foucauldian analysis of the human capital theory paves the way for one of the most effective critique of neoliberalism today. In the second part of this dissertation, adopting a neo-Foucauldian perspective, I advance a critique of the neoliberal subjectivity, mainly analysing the field of contemporary Human Resource Management. Finally, in the third part, I acknowledge that the analyses I carried out in the second part of my dissertation, focused on the “microphysics” side of power, need to be constantly verified by concrete empirical in-depth macro-analyses of the society. In this sense, I recover the work of Antonio Gramsci and try to link it with that of Michel Foucault.
21

Perri, Alessandro. "Raison et représentation de la flexibilité au travail dans une perspective comparative-historique entre l'Italie, la France et l'Allemagne dans le contexte du processus d'intégration européenne". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris, HESAM, 2023. http://www.theses.fr/2023HESAC017.

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La recherche analyse, reconstruit et compare l'évolution de la déréglementation et de la flexibilisation du marché du travail en Italie, en France et en Allemagne dans le cadre du processus d'intégration européenne. À partir de la constitution du marché unique, l'introduction dans les trois systèmes juridiques d'éléments se référant à l'institution de la "flexibilité" s'avère compatible, sans tenir compte des aspects réformistes spécifiques, avec l'orientation politique, législative et judiciaire sanctionnée dans le contexte de l'UE, en se greffant pleinement à la culture néo-ordo-libérale qui prévaut sur le continent. Dans le contexte de la longue crise d'accumulation, le manque de synthèse entre la construction d'une "économie sociale de marché hautement compétitive" et l'objectif du "travail comme facteur d'intégration sociale" a provoqué une augmentation des inégalités dans la distribution des revenus et des richesses entre le capital et le travail et entre les pays ; cette augmentation est plus importante que celle enregistrée entre les différentes figures du travail ou entre les régions d'un même pays. Les résultats placent la recherche dans le cadre de la littérature plus récente qui affirme l'absence de corrélation positive entre la flexibilisation du marché du travail et l'augmentation de l'emploi et de la production. Dans ce cadre, l'étude de cas de l'analyse de la représentation, dans les principaux journaux italiens, du processus législatif qui a conduit à la promulgation des deux premières lois du Jobs Act révèle l'incapacité de la presse à fournir aux lecteurs des informations complètes sur le cadre réglementaire, par rapport à ce qui a été analysé précédemment. En effet, la construction du discours sur la réforme s'aplatit sur la lecture fournie par le patronat, également adoptée par le gouvernement en place, ne donnant ainsi pas une publicité adéquate à la nature et aux effets de celle-ci pour les travailleurs
The research analyses, reconstructs and compares the evolution of labour market deregulation and flexibilisation in Italy, France and Germany in the framework of the European integration process. Starting from the constitution of the "single market", in the three legal systems the introduction of elements referable to the institution of 'flexibility' proves to be compatible, net of specific reformist aspects, with the political, legislative and judicial direction set off in the EU, fully rooted in the neo-ordo-liberal culture prevailing in the continent. In the context of the long accumulation crisis, the lack of synthesis between the construction of a 'highly competitive social market economy' and the objective of 'work as a factor of social integration' has caused an increase in inequalities in the distribution of income and wealth between capital and labour and between countries; this increase is greater than that recorded between different labour figures or between regions of the same country. The results place the research within the more recent literature that affirms the absence of a positive correlation between labour market flexibilisation and increases in employment and output. In this framework, the case study of the analysis in the major Italian newspapers of the representation of the legislative process that led to the enactment of the first two laws of the Jobs Act reveals the inability on the part of the press to provide readers with complete information on the regulatory framework, compared to what was analysed previously. In fact, the construction of the discourse on the reform flattens out on the reading provided by the employers' side, also adopted by the government in office, thus failing to give adequate publicity to the nature and effects of the reform for the workers' side
22

Esquirol, Meritxell. "Femininity, neoliberalism and popular culture: the depolitization of feminism". Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Girona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/285781.

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This thesis intends to analyze the logics of representation of contemporary femininity in the popular imagery that has instrumentalized feminism. Such is the case of the transmedia narrative The Twilight Saga, the cultural franchise of 50 Shades of Grey, and TV fiction Girls. All of these cultural products have earned an important position in contemporary cultural consumption, invite a form of cultural participation closely linked to the consumer industry, and propose female ideals characterized by a strong sentiment of freedom of choice. However, these ideals are inserted within an androcentric, heteronormative discourse that redirects femininity toward a traditional narrative order. In my analysis we will point out how, under the illusion of a free and autonomous social participation, a meritocratic system of social regulation where feminist criticism stands out as redundant is legitimized. I analyze how the neoliberal economic and socio-cultural project, which develops the idea of an (allegedly) democratic society, promotes the illusion that women enjoy a high social participation and visibility from which they can construct their cultural identity, celebrating feelings of freedom, choice, and female empowerment.
23

McKinlay, Paul. "Neoliberalism and its effect on education in Latin America /". [St. Lucia, Qld.], 2005. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe19063.pdf.

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24

Carvalho, Saulo Rodrigues de [UNESP]. "Políticas neoliberais e educação pós-moderna no ensino paulista". Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/90275.

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Nesta pesquisa procuramos estabelecer as relações entre a política neoliberal e as concepções pedagógicas pós-modernas presentes na proposta curricular do Governo do Estado de São Paulo. Parte-se da premissa de que as reformas neoliberais necessitam de uma base ideológica para sua efetivação. Seria, portanto, o pensamento pós-moderno o elemento que daria sustentação filosóficopedagógica, para as mudanças no mundo do trabalho e da nova organização escolar da sociedade capitalista. Com isso trazemos à tona a discussão a respeito da função social do conhecimento no capitalismo, buscando compreender as bases da sua contradição enquanto elemento fundamental para o desenvolvimento do capital, de extração da mais-valia com menos trabalho, ao mesmo tempo em que impulsiona o desenvolvimento do gênero humano. Por meio do conceito marxista de conhecimento nos tornou possível compreender a Proposta Curricular do Estado de São Paulo, como parte de um projeto maior, que tem como determinante a funcionabilidade do modelo produtivo capitalista
This research sought to establish the relationship between neoliberal policies and pedagogical conceptions of postmodern present in the curriculum proposal from the state government of Sao Paulo. It starts with the premise that the neoliberal reforms require an ideological basis for its effectiveness. It would, therefore, postmodern thought the element that would support philosophical and pedagogical changes to the world of work and the new school organization of capitalist society. With that we bring to the fore the debate about the social role of knowledge in capitalism, seeking to understand the basis of its contradiction, as a key element for the development of the capital, for the forms of extraction of surplus value with less work at the same time that drives the development of mankind. Through the Marxist concept of knowledge has made us possible to understand the Curriculum Proposal of the State of Sao Paulo, as part of a larger project that has as determining the functionality of capitalist production model
25

au, T. Carroll@murdoch edu, e Toby James Carroll. "The politics of the world bank's socio-institutional neoliberalism". Murdoch University, 2007. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20070717.113619.

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This thesis analyses the so called post-Washington consensus (PWC) and the role of the World Bank in its promotion and implementation. It argues that the PWC represents the promotion of a new form of neoliberalism – socio-institutional neoliberalism (SIN) – which stems from the conflict and contradiction associated with the Washington consensus based around earlier neoliberal prescriptions such as fiscal discipline, trade liberalisation and privatisation. While seeking the continued extension of liberal markets attempted by proponents of the Washington consensus, SIN rigorously specifies the institutional elements that neoliberals now see markets requiring. It stipulates a particular state form and even allocates roles to specific social institutions. Vitally, SIN is not just about policy content. Indeed, it is an attempt to shape the very environment through which policy can be contested. To this end, SIN includes important delivery devices and political technologies to aid with embedding reform, in an attempt to resolve one of the major problems for the Washington consensus: insufficient progress in reform implementation. SIN is highly political in terms of its ideological commitments, the policy matrices that these commitments generate and the processes by which the implementation of reform is attempted. As a political programme, SIN seeks nothing less than the embedding of a form of governance that attempts to contain the inevitable clashes associated with the extension of market relations. While this attempt at extending market relations inextricably links the Washington consensus with the PWC, it is the substantive efforts and new methods associated with the latter to deliver and deeply embed policy which make it distinct. Yet SIN continues to face differing degrees of acceptance and resistance in the underdeveloped world. Here it is essential to consider internal Bank dynamics, relations between the Bank and member countries, and the various alliances and conflicts within these countries and their involvement in either promoting or resisting SIN reform. A feature of this thesis is the analytical framework that allows systematic consideration of these diverse political dynamics. Crucially, the reality of such political dynamics means that there is often a significant gap between what the World Bank promotes and what occurs on the ground.
26

Carroll, Toby. "The politics of the world bank's socio-institutional neoliberalism /". Access via Murdoch University Digital Theses Project, 2007. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20070717.113619.

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27

Ewan, Pauline. "Neorealism, neoliberalism and military aerospace collaboration in western Europe". Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.289885.

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28

Ramacciotti, Luna de Oliveira Lucchesi. "Crises e desafios do sindicalismo brasileiro ante ataques neoliberais". Faculdade de Direito de Vitoria, 2018. http://191.252.194.60:8080/handle/fdv/120.

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A concepção de crise do sindicalismo brasileiro passou a ser difundida com maior intensidade a partir da década de 1990, como resultado dos governos neoliberais, à época, em curso. A partir do resgate das visões históricas das associações profissionais brasileiras, à luz do materialismo histórico-dialético, alcançamos a constituição dessas entidades e as influências políticas e econômicas sofridas nessa trajetória. Verificamos que no curso da história sindical, diversas medidas foram adotadas visando colocar sobre a classe trabalhadora a responsabilidade pela retomada do crescimento econômico do país. Destacamos os regimes adeptos desse pensamento, sendo eles o período da ditadura militar, e as duas ondas neoliberais vividas: a primeira, iniciada no governo Collor e intensificada nos governos FHC, e a segunda, após o processo de impeachment de Dilma Rousseff, em 2016. Também identificamos que tradicionalmente foi adotado o modelo legislado das relações de trabalho, o que contribuiu para o engessamento da atuação sindical nos momentos de recessão social e maior procura pelo Poder Judiciário. Foi na década de 1980 que o sindicalismo atingiu o ápice de sua representatividade, e, em contrapartida, a partir de 1990 iniciou o seu declínio. Analisamos os fatores que contribuíram para a ascensão e o enfraquecimento sindical. Constatamos que as transformações na economia e política brasileira, que ocorreram na década de 1990, influenciaram o comportamento sindical, entretanto, não foram capazes de retirá-los da cena política e social do país. Atualmente, novo projeto político neoliberal encontra-se em curso, com ataque à Constituição da República, aos direitos e garantias fundamentais e às normas internacionais de diretos humanos, com destaque às violações aos direitos sociais trabalho. A pesquisa buscou verificar se teriam os sindicatos brasileiros margem de manobra para resistirem às pressões neoliberais de governo, mantendo o seu regular funcionamento e representatividade de base nas lutas em defesa dos direitos dos trabalhadores. Para tanto, realizamos um estudo de caso do Sindicato dos Trabalhadores na Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, que nos levou a conclusão de que existem alternativas para a adoção de política ativa de valorização do trabalho na sociedade, e que os sindicatos têm papel fundamental na consecução desse ideário.
The conception of crisis in brazilian unionism began to be diffused with greater intensity from the 1990s, as a result of neoliberal governments under way, at the time. From the rescue of historical visions of Brazilian professional associations, in the light of historical-dialectical materialism, we have achieved the constitution of these entities and the political and economic influences suffered in this trajectory. It was verified that in the course of trade union history, several measures were adopted aiming to place on the working class the responsibility for the resumption of the economic growth of the country. We emphasize the regimes adept of this thought, being the period of the military dictatorship, and the two neoliberal waves: the first, initiated in the Collor government and intensified in FHC governments, and the second, after the impeachment process of Dilma Rousseff, in 2016. We have also identified that traditionally the legislated model of labor relations has been adopted, which contributed to inflexibility of union activity in times of social recession and greater demand for the Judiciary. It was in the 1980s that unionism reached the apex of its representativeness, and, on the other hand, from 1990 began its decline. We have analyzed the factors that contributed to the rise and weakening of the unions. We find that the transformations in the Brazilian economy and politics, which took place in the 1990s, influenced the unions behavior, however, were not able to remove them from the political and social scene of the country. Currently, a new neoliberal political project is underway, with attack on the Constitution of the Republic, fundamental rights and guarantees and international human rights standards, with emphasis on violations of social labor rights. The research sought to verify if the Brazilian unions had the margin of maneuver to resist the neoliberal pressures of government, maintaining its regular functioning and basic representation in the struggles in defense of workers' rights. To do so, we conducted a case study of the Union of Workers at the Federal University of Espírito Santo, which led us to the conclusion that there are alternatives for adopting an active policy of valuing work in society, and that unions have a fundamental role in achieving of this idea.
29

Parraguez-Camus, Carla Fernanda. "Evaluating the injuries of neoliberalism in Chile, 1973-2015". Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2017. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/7928/.

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This study of the neoliberal experiment in Chile from 1973 to 2015 uses the social harm approach. It offers an alternative evaluation of the benefits and harms of the experiment, the ways in which Chileans understand its consequences and where the legitimacy of the model unravels. The study refines the conceptualisation and measurement of social harm, marrying the notion of harm with the Marxist theory of contradictions. The research design is multimethod, incorporating analysis of 59 semi-structure interviews with secondary quantitative data. The study captures and describes not only a wide array of harms and injuries in the reconfiguration of social dynamics under neoliberalism, but also investigates how these harms have been justified and challenged over time. The study finds that there are areas in which the model has brought benefits to Chileans, but these benefits are flawed. The study critiques the neoliberal conceptualisation of harms as the 'price worth paying' for social prosperity. It concludes that the 'winners' of the model are very few, while those harmed populate the Chilean social structure from top to bottom. This study argues for a normative scenario to move toward a less harmful society.
30

Viktorin, Mattias. "Exercising Peace : Conflict Preventionism, Neoliberalism, and the New Military". Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Socialantropologiska institutionen, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-8141.

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This study takes the changing role of the military as a starting point for exploring a set of broader ongoing processes at the intersection of security and humanitarianism. The focus is on one particular assemblage, described here as conflict preventionism. This notion brings together the transformation of the military, the proliferation of civil-military cooperation, and the increasing interest in managing and preventing violent conflicts within a single framework. As such, conflict preventionism helps render visible how various actors, concepts, and organizational techniques converge in emergent forms of intervention. The research was carried out during the planning, execution, and evaluation of Viking 03, a civil-military exercise organized in 2003 by the Swedish Armed Forces. An examination of Viking 03 evinces intriguing resemblances between conflict preventionism and organizational facets of neoliberalism, epitomized by increasingly ubiquitous concepts such as “partnership,” “transparency,” and “evaluation.” Also, it shows that conflict preventionism does not settle on one particular understanding of conflict, but rather imposes directionality on contemporary engagements with the world.
31

Garza, Jorge. "Gentrification, Neoliberalism and Place Displacement and Resistance in Flagstaff". Thesis, Northern Arizona University, 2019. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=13423758.

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This thesis connects the lived experience of displacement to the greater paradigm of neoliberalism. The presence of neoliberalism is insidious and ubiquitous and yet even its existence is disputed in the literature. Neoliberalism is not only capitalism on steroids, bigger and in more places, but a new regime of logic that reduces human relations to profit, naturalizes competition and pushes responsibility onto the individual. Urban space in America and especially the process of gentrification, the reshaping of the built environment to facilitate profit, is a powerful space of expression of neoliberal policies in everyday life. Displacement is a violent and dehumanizing realization of the commodification of land. This research follows the lived experience of families displaced from a mobile home park in Flagstaff, Arizona. Residents received a letter of eviction a week before Thanksgiving of 2017 and the mobile home park was boarded up by July of the following year. Through in-depth interviews with the residents and participant observation in the ensuing movement to keep these families in their homes, this research compiles the lived experience of these individuals and provides an analysis of their situation. Paulo Freire argued that every person has the ability to understand and build solutions to their reality in them. This research hopes to illuminate the lived experience of neoliberalism, gentrification, and offer a powerful message of generative solidarity collaboratively distilled from the experience of the displaced residents.

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Silva, Roberta Tavares da. "Influências neoliberais na mudança das expectativas da juventude brasileira". Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2011. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=5627.

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro
O presente estudo tem como objetivo analisar como as políticas neoliberais de desestruturação do Estado e da economia, implementadas no Brasil na década de noventa, afetaram as perspectivas de futuro dos jovens de baixa renda no Brasil, e em que medida as políticas do governo Lula, que buscam recuperar o Estado e a economia, alteraram esta realidade. O estudo parte de uma compreensão da juventude enquanto um tempo de construção de identidades e de definição de projetos de futuro, e de que a elaboração de um projeto de futuro se dá dentro de um campo de possibilidades, o qual se relaciona diretamente com o tempo histórico e cultura coletiva em que o sujeito se insere. O desenvolvimento teórico-metodológico do estudo compõe-se de levantamento bibliográfico, análise textual, e historicização do objeto, através dos quais se busca destruir a pseudoconcreticidade do fenômeno observado, e conhecer sua autêntica objetividade. O primeiro capítulo versa sobre a doutrina neoliberal, sua origem, ascensão e efeitos, principalmente sobre o mundo do trabalho. O segundo capítulo relata a adesão brasileira ao projeto neoliberal nos anos noventa, que tem lugar com a eleição de Fernando Henrique Cardoso, e suas conseqüências para a juventude. O terceiro capítulo analisa o governo Lula, suas rupturas e continuidades com relação ao governo anterior, a inscrição da temática da juventude como alvo de políticas públicas e o estabelecimento de políticas de emprego, trabalho e renda para os jovens.
This study aims to analyze how the neoliberal policies of structurelessness of the State and of the economy, implemented in Brazil in the nineties affected the future prospects of low-income youth in Brazil, and to what extent the policies of the Lula government, that seeks to recover the state and the economy, have changed this reality. The study understand the youth as a time of identity construction and definition of future projects, and that the elaboration of a future project takes place within a field of possibilities, which is directly related to the history time and collective culture in which the subject is inserted. The theoretical-methodological development of the study consists of bibliographic survey, textual analysis and historicization of the object through which it seeks to destroy the pseudoconcreticity of the observed phenomenon, and to know its true objectivity. The first chapter deals with the neoliberal doctrine, its origin, rise and effects, especially on the world of work. The second chapter reports the Brazilian adhesion to the neoliberal project in the nineties, which takes place with the election of Fernando Henrique Cardoso, and its consequences for youth. The third chapter analyzes the Lula government, where it breaks from and continues in relation to the previous government, the entry of the development of youth as a target of public policies and the establishment of employment policies, work and income for young people.
33

Carvalho, Saulo Rodrigues de. "Políticas neoliberais e educação pós-moderna no ensino paulista /". Araraquara : [s.n.], 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/90275.

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Orientador: Lígia Márcia Martins
Banca: José Roberto Boettger
Banca: Maria Orlanda Pinassi
Resumo: Nesta pesquisa procuramos estabelecer as relações entre a política neoliberal e as concepções pedagógicas pós-modernas presentes na proposta curricular do Governo do Estado de São Paulo. Parte-se da premissa de que as reformas neoliberais necessitam de uma base ideológica para sua efetivação. Seria, portanto, o pensamento pós-moderno o elemento que daria sustentação filosóficopedagógica, para as mudanças no mundo do trabalho e da nova organização escolar da sociedade capitalista. Com isso trazemos à tona a discussão a respeito da função social do conhecimento no capitalismo, buscando compreender as bases da sua contradição enquanto elemento fundamental para o desenvolvimento do capital, de extração da mais-valia com menos trabalho, ao mesmo tempo em que impulsiona o desenvolvimento do gênero humano. Por meio do conceito marxista de conhecimento nos tornou possível compreender a Proposta Curricular do Estado de São Paulo, como parte de um projeto maior, que tem como determinante a funcionabilidade do modelo produtivo capitalista
Abstract: This research sought to establish the relationship between neoliberal policies and pedagogical conceptions of postmodern present in the curriculum proposal from the state government of Sao Paulo. It starts with the premise that the neoliberal reforms require an ideological basis for its effectiveness. It would, therefore, postmodern thought the element that would support philosophical and pedagogical changes to the world of work and the new school organization of capitalist society. With that we bring to the fore the debate about the social role of knowledge in capitalism, seeking to understand the basis of its contradiction, as a key element for the development of the capital, for the forms of extraction of surplus value with less work at the same time that drives the development of mankind. Through the Marxist concept of knowledge has made us possible to understand the Curriculum Proposal of the State of Sao Paulo, as part of a larger project that has as determining the functionality of capitalist production model
Mestre
34

Pountney, Jonathan. "The afterlife of Raymond Carver : authenticity, neoliberalism and influence". Thesis, University of Manchester, 2017. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-afterlife-of-raymond-carver-authenticity-neoliberalism-and-influence(429c92c2-888e-4bde-90ab-037a112a6ea4).html.

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This thesis explores the afterlife of Raymond Carver in relation to a number of important writers and artists that claim Carver as an influence and who are working within countries or cultures that have recently made, or are in the process of making, the transition from embedded liberalism to neoliberalism. This project argues that while Carver's influence has been conventionally limited to what critic A.O. Scott calls 'a briefly fashionable school of experimental fiction', in recent years his writing has come to represent a 'return' to a more 'real' form of literature, one that, his advocates would argue, is more 'authentic' than other kinds of recent writing. Carver's 'authenticity' is closely tied to the idea that his fiction is a response to his own working-class experience and is seen to be more broadly synecdochic of the socioeconomic struggles faced by many other Americans during this period. Given the cultural and aesthetic differences between Carver's life and work, and those studied in the main chapters of this thesis - Jay McInerney, Haruki Murakami and Alejandro González Iñárritu - I argue that Carver's afterlife is best viewed as being a social phenomenon, born out of the social relations, historical circumstances and economic forms that resulted from the US's move to neoliberalism in the late-1970s. My introduction historicizes this transition and argues that while Carver may have struggled to make productive sense of his socioeconomic circumstance, it affected his life in very pointed and particular ways, trapping him between the conventional American dream of individual freedom and equal opportunity and the reality of inequality and social immobility. For those who claim Carver as an influence, his fiction represents a zone where the difference between hegemonic narratives and lived experience is explored and embodies a model of how to negotiate, for better or worse, the complex and shifting foundations of this recent political transition. My introduction then continues to argue that of equal importance to Carver's afterlife is the fact that, in his late-writing in particular, Carver's work represents a 'retreat' from the shortterm, competition-based notions of neoliberal labour towards a non-incorporated residual alternative that has particular artisanal tenets associated with craftsmanship. Carver's texts operate beyond their initial cultural and historical moment by becoming distinctive sites of resistance to the hegemonic norms of late-capitalism. In this way, I argue, Carver's 'authenticity' combines with a consolatory craftsmanship to become a coping mechanism that offers other writers and artists working in neoliberalism a way of navigating a world which seems to exceed the frame of conceptual mapping. By working through a series of short case studies on Stuart Evers, Denis Johnson and Ray Lawrence, and then moving on to more detailed explorations in my three central chapters, this thesis will consider how this is the case in relation to a number of important artists who claim Carver as an influence. Chapter one utilises my archival research to historicize the relationship between Carver and McInerney and argues that Carver's pedagogy pushed McInerney towards the idea that the writing process is connected to residual narratives of American craft. It also contends that many of the orthodox ideas that Carver held about literature proved particularly enabling for McInerney's novel Brightness Falls, which, through parody and satire, signals a retreat from postmodern experimentation towards a more 'Carveresque' realism. Chapter two similarly chronicles Carver's relationship with Murakami and argues that, for Murakami, Carver's fiction is an important example of writing that explores the difference between hegemonic narratives and lived experience. The chapter moves on to argue that what some critics view as Carver's reformed post-alcoholic fiction helped facilitate Murakami's own unorthodox spiritual response to the twin tragedies of the Kobe earthquake and Tokyo gas attack in 1995. Chapter three proceeds on slightly different lines in that it considers Iñárritu's Birdman or (The Unexpected Virtue of Ignorance) and argues that while Iñárritu uses Carver as the foundation for his film, the film is particularly interesting because it is, itself, a study of Carver's afterlife. My final chapter suggests that while there is merit in viewing Carver as an 'authentic' artist (a kind of model for negotiating neoliberal culture), the totality of that solution is more ambivalent than his advocates might initially suggest.
35

Büscher-Ulbrich, Dennis. "The New Right, Neoliberalism, and the Real of Capital". Universität Leipzig, 2018. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A21111.

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36

Steffy, Kathryn Marie. "Neoliberalism, the Environmental Protection Agency, and the Chesapeake Bay". Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/71680.

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Neoliberalism, as the influence of economic considerations within the political process, has impacted environmentalism on a variety of levels. Without regulation, the neoliberal capitalist drive to maximize production, consumption, and profits is antagonistic to environmental sustainability. The influences that corporations and economic elites have within modern democracies holds substantial implications for the rigor and enforcement of environmental policies. Particular to the United States, the Environmental Protection Agency offers numerous illustrations of neoliberal influence within its history and policy practices. These influences inevitably impact the Agency's ability to accomplish the goals of their mission and purpose statements. As seen through regulations such as the Clean Water Act, neoliberal pressure has altered the priorities of government on a federal level to prioritize economic well-being over that of other social goods, such as environmental protection. The Clean Water Act prioritizes economic profitability over environmental protection through cap and trade policies, such as NPDES permits, and legitimizes pollution-causing behavior through TMDLs. Further, the act was weakened by neoliberal forces with the non-point source exemption created for the sake of avoiding economic harm to large industries and its shortcomings are visible within many of the nation's waterways, including the Chesapeake Bay. Through a case study, this project demonstrates how the neoliberal influences impacting the Environmental Protection Agency has resonated in its policies, like in the abilities of the Clean Water Act to sufficiently clean-up the Chesapeake Bay within its proposed timeline.
Master of Arts
37

Marroquin, Melissa. "The New Dystopian Trend: Neoliberalism and the YA text". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1624.

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Since the success of J.K. Rowling’s Harry Potter series, the young adult text has functioned as a potential gold mine both in publishing and in commercial film. Within the YA realm, a trend has surfaced which features a formulaic narrative located within a dystopian society. This research closely analyzes two popular works of the YA dystopian boom, The Hunger Games and the Divergent series, in order to outline the vast appeal of such a trend. Once examined, it becomes evident that the trend is one consistently tied to neoliberal ideals of individual achievement. Using neoliberalism as a lens of investigation, broader connections to youth culture within the contemporary cultural landscape are revealed. Investigating two mainstream favorites of the young adult dystopia has uncovered the notion of individualism that feeds the logic of consumer capitalism. Exploring a range of topics from the role of romance to government intervention, this work highlights the ways in which the trend reinforces the importance of the individual and her freedoms.
38

Carroll, Toby James. "The politics of the world bank's socio-institutional neoliberalism". Thesis, Carroll, Toby James (2007) The politics of the world bank's socio-institutional neoliberalism. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2007. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/506/.

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This thesis analyses the so called post-Washington consensus (PWC) and the role of the World Bank in its promotion and implementation. It argues that the PWC represents the promotion of a new form of neoliberalism - socio-institutional neoliberalism (SIN) - which stems from the conflict and contradiction associated with the Washington consensus based around earlier neoliberal prescriptions such as fiscal discipline, trade liberalisation and privatisation. While seeking the continued extension of liberal markets attempted by proponents of the Washington consensus, SIN rigorously specifies the institutional elements that neoliberals now see markets requiring. It stipulates a particular state form and even allocates roles to specific social institutions. Vitally, SIN is not just about policy content. Indeed, it is an attempt to shape the very environment through which policy can be contested. To this end, SIN includes important delivery devices and political technologies to aid with embedding reform, in an attempt to resolve one of the major problems for the Washington consensus: insufficient progress in reform implementation. SIN is highly political in terms of its ideological commitments, the policy matrices that these commitments generate and the processes by which the implementation of reform is attempted. As a political programme, SIN seeks nothing less than the embedding of a form of governance that attempts to contain the inevitable clashes associated with the extension of market relations. While this attempt at extending market relations inextricably links the Washington consensus with the PWC, it is the substantive efforts and new methods associated with the latter to deliver and deeply embed policy which make it distinct. Yet SIN continues to face differing degrees of acceptance and resistance in the underdeveloped world. Here it is essential to consider internal Bank dynamics, relations between the Bank and member countries, and the various alliances and conflicts within these countries and their involvement in either promoting or resisting SIN reform. A feature of this thesis is the analytical framework that allows systematic consideration of these diverse political dynamics. Crucially, the reality of such political dynamics means that there is often a significant gap between what the World Bank promotes and what occurs on the ground.
39

Carroll, Toby James. "The politics of the world bank's socio-institutional neoliberalism". Carroll, Toby James (2007) The politics of the world bank's socio-institutional neoliberalism. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2007. http://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/506/.

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Abstract (sommario):
This thesis analyses the so called post-Washington consensus (PWC) and the role of the World Bank in its promotion and implementation. It argues that the PWC represents the promotion of a new form of neoliberalism - socio-institutional neoliberalism (SIN) - which stems from the conflict and contradiction associated with the Washington consensus based around earlier neoliberal prescriptions such as fiscal discipline, trade liberalisation and privatisation. While seeking the continued extension of liberal markets attempted by proponents of the Washington consensus, SIN rigorously specifies the institutional elements that neoliberals now see markets requiring. It stipulates a particular state form and even allocates roles to specific social institutions. Vitally, SIN is not just about policy content. Indeed, it is an attempt to shape the very environment through which policy can be contested. To this end, SIN includes important delivery devices and political technologies to aid with embedding reform, in an attempt to resolve one of the major problems for the Washington consensus: insufficient progress in reform implementation. SIN is highly political in terms of its ideological commitments, the policy matrices that these commitments generate and the processes by which the implementation of reform is attempted. As a political programme, SIN seeks nothing less than the embedding of a form of governance that attempts to contain the inevitable clashes associated with the extension of market relations. While this attempt at extending market relations inextricably links the Washington consensus with the PWC, it is the substantive efforts and new methods associated with the latter to deliver and deeply embed policy which make it distinct. Yet SIN continues to face differing degrees of acceptance and resistance in the underdeveloped world. Here it is essential to consider internal Bank dynamics, relations between the Bank and member countries, and the various alliances and conflicts within these countries and their involvement in either promoting or resisting SIN reform. A feature of this thesis is the analytical framework that allows systematic consideration of these diverse political dynamics. Crucially, the reality of such political dynamics means that there is often a significant gap between what the World Bank promotes and what occurs on the ground.
40

Pearce, Anthony Joseph. "Affect, Neoliberalism and Forgiveness in Alonso Cueto's 'Redención' Trilogy". BYU ScholarsArchive, 2018. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/6895.

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In the aftermath of the bloody twenty-year internal conflict in Peru, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación, or CVR) documented the massive human rights violations by Sendero Luminoso and the Peruvian state. The CVR contextualized these abuses by producing a broad historical narrative which has fomented the creation of a new discourse in Peruvian cultural production. This thesis is concerned with how the CVR and the post-conflict search for reconciliation have influenced contemporary Peruvian literature. This paper will focus on the ‘Redención' trilogy by novelist Alonso Cueto. The three novels explore notions of forgiveness and reconciliation between perpetrators and victims of the conflict. Beginning with La hora azul (2005), the first chapter investigates the reliance on neoliberal reconciliation logic in the CVR (monetary reparations, etc.) as well as the gestures towards affective exchanges. It also explores the ways in which La hora azul stages these reliances within restitution discourse in Peru. In the second chapter, I examine La pasajera (2015) and further explore the ways in which reconciliation is tied to both affect and neoliberal logic. This leads to a discussion on how affect and the free-market work together, rather than as competing systems of exchange and how Cueto emphasizes the proximity of the victim and the perpetrator in the novel. Finally, I conclude by analyzing La viajera del viento (2016). This chapter continues to focus on the proximity of the victim and the perpetrator and how this ethically uncomfortable discourse may actually make way for new modes of forgiveness between victims and perpetrators.
41

AMIN, M. AL. "Development for Whom? Neoliberalism, Microcredit and Women in Bangladesh". Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/517881.

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This study investigates the following questions: How do microcredit programs contribute to the formation of social capital, poverty alleviation, and empowerment of women in market rationality? What particular kinds of norms and values do microcredit programs nurture through the operation and management of credit? How do microcredit programs maximize the recovery of loans from the poor clients? How and under what contexts do rural women get involved in microcredit programs, and how do they negotiate the changes to traditions and values in coping with these interventions? Following the ethnographic research approach, this study explores these fundamental questions by employing in-depth interviews, case studies, and direct observations as data collection tools. The Foucaultian notions of disciplinary technologies (Foucault, 1977a) and governmentality (1991) have been applied as a theoretical framework to analyze the policies and strategies of microcredit programs of Grameen Bank and BRAC—two leading NGOs in Bangladesh—against the background of neoliberalism. This study reveals that Grameen Bank and BRAC offer credit by getting poor client women to form self-selected groups, which is a governmental strategy to reduce the transaction cost. Moreover, microcredit programs have reinforced the existing social relationships and utilized the social capital generated by the poor women themselves in order to check the moral hazards of the clients. The loan delivery and operational mechanism appears to have reinforced the existing social inequality along class and gendered lines rather than bridging the gap through the productive management of credit. It is also evident that microcredit programs have disciplined poor clients through the imposition of stringent rules and regulations, which subordinate them to the NGO mandates – in which processes groups, deposit books, and permanent residents act as surveillance for the timely repayment of loan from the poor clients. It also indicates that discipline is more effective on women than men, given the social and cultural contexts of the poor women in rural Bangladesh. Microcredit has even reached untapped rural areas, where NGOs have come to compete between themselves with their ‘home service’ loan, hoping to cash-in on the poverty of poor women. Thus, the commercialization of microcredit programs reflects the stark reality of the social context in rural Bangladesh due to longstanding poverty and a lack of organizations offering financial services to the poor without the so-called collateral free concept. As a result, the commercial nature of the programs has failed to function as an effective empowering mechanism for women, and has also failed to challenge the patriarchal social structure. Furthermore, microcredit programs appear to have no significant effect in elevating women’s social, economic and political agency to a level that could be effective for improving the intra-household gender relations and raising their status in the community and in broader society. Rather, the conjugal bliss has turned into conflicting relations due to repayment pressure. Moreover, most of the women belonging to different income groups are found to have not used credit money in productive activities. Therefore, misallocation of credit appears to have been detrimental to the alleviation of poverty of the clients. The only positive effects have been found in the smoothing of consumption for some groups in the upper- and middle- income poor. Credit is found to have been effective in addition to the existing asset base as well as investing credit in income generation projects. It is therefore debt-burden and risk that binds the clients into a vicious loan-and-repayment cycle rather than alleviating their poverty. However, microcredit has been a political strategy of neoliberal governmentality that subordinates poor women into NGO discipline and fosters the global agenda of neoliberalism at the grassroots level in Bangladesh by ensnaring poor women into formal credit practices through their entry into financial market.
42

Pepoli, Giulia <1991&gt. "Il fallimento del neoliberismo in Marocco e Cile: movimenti sindacalisti e lotte operaie". Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/9723.

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L’obbiettivo della tesi è quello di analizzare due casi studio, ovvero Marocco e Cile, considerati come modelli di successo del neoliberismo, ed evidenziare i fattori che li rendono al contrario dei fallimenti. La scelta dei due paesi non è casuale, infatti lo scopo è quello di evidenziare come due paesi collocati così lontani geograficamente e con storie e trascorsi totalmente diversi abbiano ugualmente subito le conseguenze di politiche errate e siano, in tal senso, parte dello stesso sistema di capitalismo globale. La tesi sarà suddivisa in 3 capitoli. Il primo capitolo fornirà un’introduzione storica del modo in cui la teoria neoliberista è nata e si è diffusa in maniera esponenziale, diventando improvvisamente la “cura” a tutti i mali del mondo. In secondo luogo verranno analizzati i passaggi che hanno indotto il Sud America e il Nord Africa ad adottare queste politiche attraverso piani di aggiustamento strutturali imposti rispettivamente dagli USA e dall’UE. I seguenti due capitoli saranno dedicati all’analisi dei due paesi, Cile e Marocco. In un cappello introduttivo verrà analizzata la situazione economica e le riforme imposte dalle potenze mondiali e dalle istituzioni internazionali a partire dagli anni ’60. In secondo luogo ci si concentrerà su un aspetto in particolare della situazione socio- economica del paese: il mercato del lavoro. Si porrà particolare attenzione sulle caratteristiche dei sindacati e di come essi siano mutati nel corso degli anni per adattarsi a politiche economiche imposte dall’alto, attraverso metodi non democratici, i cui risultati sono andati a vantaggio solo delle classi sociali più agiate. Verrà fornita una panoramica sulla storia dei sindacati di entrambi i paesi: chi sono, come sono organizzati, quali sono le loro rivendicazioni, le caratteristiche interne e le loro condizioni strutturali. A questo seguirà un’analisi dell’impatto delle riforme neoliberiste sui sindacati stessi e sui movimenti operai che ne sono scaturiti. Lo scopo della tesi sarà quello di mettere in evidenza le tendenze globali che si ritrovano in entrambi i casi di studio. E’ importante tener sempre presente il modo in cui l’economia, la politica e la società si influenzano tra loro, questa relazione intercorrente fra le tre dimensioni pende spesso a favore dell’aspetto economico che tende a essere considerato prioritario rispetto ai bisogni dei singoli e della società in generale. Le politiche economiche neoliberiste hanno dimostrato in più occasioni di non essere adatte a risolvere le crisi, i governi dovrebbero essere liberi di seguire le politiche più adatte al loro contesto senza risentire dell’influenza delle potenze esterne. I due casi presi in considerazione servono come spunto per una riflessione sugli obiettivi delle politiche economiche che dovrebbero essere orientate allo sviluppo della società in modo equo anche sacrificando le esigenze di mercato.
43

Bowling, Jeremy. "Deconstructing liberalism : are the criticisms associated with neoliberal economic policies universal? /". View online, 2009. http://repository.eiu.edu/theses/docs/32211131565112.pdf.

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44

Walsh, Shannon. "Ethnography-in-motion: neoliberalism and health in Durban's shack settlements". Thesis, McGill University, 2010. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=86700.

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AIDS in the shack settlements of Durban, South Africa, takes on all kinds of forms. In this thesis I tell the stories of a mother facing her death from AIDS-related illnesses, an HIV-positive orphan left to die in the shacks, a group of young women documenting their lives on video, a social worker overwhelmed by the lack of resources to do her job, a student under fear of arrest, a volunteer home-based care giver knitting together the meaning of community resistance, and an emergent social movement full of contradictions, all who try in different ways to navigate their lives in the face of the increasing disparities between the rich and poor in post-apartheid South Africa and the relentless AIDS pandemic.
Throughout, this research investigates the barriers, frictions, collaborations and agencies that are formed in response to HIV and AIDS in shack settlements in Durban. What are the 'life strategies' people living in the settlements use to access health - thought of in a broad sense which includes socio-economic health- and how do these strategies intersect with the rise of neoliberalism in post-apartheid South Africa?
While this research has not attempted to draw conclusions, it is clear that the deepening of the AIDS crisis is inextricably tied to the complex links between health, liberalism, the market and everyday practices. Using an ethnography-in-motion, I hope the research will contribute insights into the limitations and successes of approaches to AIDS programs, prevention and treatment. The study has further implications for opening up new avenues of thinking around praxis in areas such as anthropology, critical pedagogy, visual methodologies and activist ethnography, through taking seriously knowledge produced by people living through, and against, the impacts of neoliberalism.
Dans les bidonvilles à Durban, en Afrique du Sud, le Sida prend toutes sortes de formes. Dans cette thèse, je raconte le récit d'une mère confrontant sa propre mort suite à des maladies provoquées par le Sida, celui d'une orpheline porteuse du virus VIH que l'on laisse mourir dans les cabanes, celui d'un groupe de jeunes femmes qui documentent leurs vies sur vidéo, celui d'un travailleur social dépassé par le manque de ressources pour effectuer son travail correctement, celui d'un étudiant ayant peur d'être arrêté par les autorités, celui d'un soignant volontaire qui visite les maisons privées et la signification tissée serrée qu'il donne de la résistance communautaire, celui d'un mouvement social émergent dominé par les contradictions, tous des récits de tentatives diverses de survie dans des conditions difficiles où les inégalités augmentent en importance entre les riches et les pauvres de l'Afrique du Sud post-apartheid où la pandémie du Sida ne ralentit pas.
Cette recherche identifie tout au long les barrières, les frictions, les collaborations et les organismes formés en réponse au VIH et au Sida dans les bidonville de Durban. Quelles sont les «stratégies de survie» adoptées par les habitants des villages pour avoir accès à la santé - celle-ci étant pensée dans un sens large incluant la santé socio-économique - et comment ces stratégies s'entrecroisent avec la montée du néolibéralisme dans l'Afrique du Sud post-apartheid ?
Bien que cette enquête ne tente pas d'établir des conclusions, il est évident que l'aggravement de la crise du Sida est inextricablement liée aux relations complexes entre la santé, le libéralisme, le marché et les pratiques du quotidien. En passant par une ethnographie du mouvement, j'espère que cette recherché permettra de donner un aperçu des limites et des succès de différentes approches des programmes de prévention et de traitement du Sida. L'étude possède des implications plus grandes en ouvrant des voies de pensée autour de la praxis de domaines comme l'anthropologie, la pédagogie critique, les méthodologies visuelles et l'ethnographie activiste, tout en prenant au sérieux la connaissance produite par les personnes les plus concernées, et en allant contre les conséquences du néolibéralisme.
45

Sanchez, Orlando J. "Surviving neoliberalism : the welfare state in Chile and Costa Rica". Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 1997. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/15.

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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.
Bachelors
Arts and Sciences
Political Sciences
46

Fraser, Gary. "Neoliberalism, new managerialism and the new professionalism in community development". Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/25813.

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This thesis explores the ways in which community development in the context of local government in Scotland has been transformed by new managerialism and neoliberalisation. Community development has traditionally been understood in Scottish local authorities as an approach to working within those sections of local government responsible for Community Education (CE) and Community Learning and Development (CLD) and consequently this thesis also considers the impact of new managerialism and neoliberalisation on CE/CLD. Methodologically, this work is informed by ethnographic research undertaken in three local authorities. In addition, it draws upon a theoretical approach to neoliberalism and new managerialism influenced by Michel Foucault (1926-1984) and governmentality theory. The concept of neoliberalism is at the heart of this work and in the context of local government neoliberalism is based upon a number of themes; first it is interconnected with an economic policy of austerity which has resulted in unprecedented cuts to local government budgets. In addition, private sector and civil society organisations take on a greater role in providing public goods and services and in this context the role of local government becomes that of purchaser rather than provider of services. Neoliberalisation also involves the introduction of techniques and practices associated with new public management or new managerialism. Moreover, these techniques are influenced by practices and values drawn from the world of business and they have been introduced in local government in order to make local authorities more entrepreneurial and competitive. I argue that the impact of neoliberalisation and new managerialism on community development has been transformative. In particular, reforms related to austerity have hollowed out community development as an ‘approach to working’ within integrated CE/CLD services. In this changing context practice is increasingly defined by the priorities of government and new fields of work have emerged with youth work and adult education shaped by employability and community development framed as an approach to working within those sections of local government responsible for Community Planning and Economic Regeneration. Community development emerges in this new environment as a way of working which can (in theory) reduce public expenditure and this has resulted in its methodologies – participation and community engagement, being used by local states as a means to involve communities in the everyday management of local austerity programmes. In addition, community development approaches are also drawn upon to encourage community based organisations to acquire public assets and become new players in the burgeoning public services delivery market. New public management techniques have been introduced across the field which include computerised management information systems, workplans and team plans with quantifiable targets and measurable outcomes, audits and appraisals. The introduction of these techniques correlate well with austerity and I suggest that their aim is twofold; decrease public expenditure whilst making professionals more productive in terms of delivering government policy. I argue that traditional professionals are being de-professionalised especially as their roles become bureaucratised as a consequence of new managerialism. Yet, rather than the death of a profession I suggest that professional practices have also been reconfigured and adapted to meet the requirements of the new times. From this perspective professionals are re-professionalised by new managerialism and neoliberalisation and one of the main propositions I put forward is that a neoliberal model of community development has emerged which has produced a new professional subject who has learned to think and acts in ways shaped by neoliberalisation. This analysis is indebted to Foucault who saw in neoliberalism not only an economic policy but also a new rationality for governing human beings.
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Crano, Ricky D'Andrea. "Posthuman Capital: Neoliberalism, Telematics, and the Project of Self-Control". The Ohio State University, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1405531247.

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Lyle, Gina R. "Los Zetas, Neoliberalism, and Popular Opposition: A Study in Linkages". DigitalCommons@CalPoly, 2021. https://digitalcommons.calpoly.edu/theses/2300.

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Los Zetas are considered by security analysts to be a transformative force within transnational criminal organizations (TCO), exporting their unique model throughout Mexico. Los Zetas’ idiosyncratic interventions include their diversification of criminal operations, professionalization of TCO security, sophisticated use of media and technology, extreme forms of violent coercion, and decentralized command structure. This project aims to complicate the narrative that Los Zetas emerged because of top leaders’ sadistic tendencies or due to an inherently violent culture in Mexico by reframing the group’s evolution within historical processes. Moving beyond Los Zetas, this project examines how persons affected by Los Zetas’ indiscriminate use of violence are forces of activism and social change, connecting opposition culture in Mexico to criminal impunity and resistance movements in Guerrero. Examining Los Zetas in connection with Cold War militarization in Latin America, processes of democratization in Mexico, and the neoliberal order, this analysis views Los Zetas as products and agents of structural inequities, destroying spaces of community cohesion to create spaces of elite economic growth.
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Madiya, Sisanda Bongiswa. "Neoliberalism and rural exclusion in South Africa: Xolobeni case study". Master's thesis, Faculty of Humanities, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/33770.

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This study investigates the exclusion of rural communities from the postcolonial South African nation state as a result of the neoliberal agenda of the democratic government. This is a qualitative study that was conducted using a desktop analysis of literature and information on the case of the rural Xolobeni community and their resistance to mining. The secondary sources analysed included books, journal articles, news articles and online court documents. The study was also guided by the postcolonial concepts of the nation state and neoliberalism, which have both contributed to the conceptualisation of citizenship in the postcolonial world. The study found that economic growth-centred development in South Africa is often at the expense of those living in the poor communities of the country, such as in the rural areas (Capps & Mnwana, 2015; Kunnie, 2000). Rural communities, such as the former Bantustans, are often stripped of their land rights and livelihood strategies without their consent, at the hands of the democratic government of South Africa under the guise of development. This study argues that this is an injustice that results in the exclusion of rural communities from the postcolonial nation state. This exclusion is not only undemocratic – it resembles the oppression of these communities that characterised apartheid in South Africa.
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Dreher, Sabine. "Neoliberalism and migration : an inquiry into the politics of globalization /". Münster, Westf : LIT, 2007. http://swbplus.bsz-bw.de/bsz261020153inh.htm.

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