Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Neoliberalism"
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Articoli di riviste sul tema "Neoliberalism"
1
Anderson, Ben. "Neoliberal affects." Progress in Human Geography 40, no. 6 (July 10, 2016): 734–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309132515613167.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Claims about neoliberalism and its geographies frequently involve assumptions about the affective life of neoliberalism and/or neoliberal societies. However, existing cultural approaches to neoliberalism as a discursive formation, an ideology or governmentality collapse a concern with affect into a focus on the operation of signifying-subjectfying processes that make ‘neoliberal subjects’. Political economy approaches only make implicit claims about the ‘mood’ of neoliberal societies. In this paper, I argue that collective affects are part of the conditions of formation for particular neoliberalisms and therefore understanding the affective life of neoliberalism is critical to explaining how it emerges, forms and changes. Through examples including The Mont Pelerin Society, the Chicago School of Economics and Thatcherism, I propose a vocabulary that supplements existing approaches by focusing on the affective conditions for neoliberalism, specifically the atmospheres that are part of the formation of neoliberal reason and the structures of feeling that condition how particular neoliberalisms actualize in the midst of other things. The result is a way of discerning neoliberalisms as both conditioned by affects and ‘actually existing’ affectively – as dispersed affective ‘qualities’ or ‘senses’.
2
Gruschka, Andreas. "Neoliberalismus, Bildungsreform, Halbbildung (Neoliberalism, Educational Reform, Semiformation)." Revista Eletrônica de Educação 14 (May 14, 2020): 3989088. http://dx.doi.org/10.14244/198271993989.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This essay takes up the concept of Halbbildung (semiformation), which had been used by Theodor Adorno in 1959 in the article "Theory of Semiformation". Such a concept, although current and widely used in Brazil, would need to be used with due care, above all, because in times of Neoliberalism and successive educational reforms, it would be appropriate to say that we live more in a context of generalized socialization of pseudocompetencies than semiformation.ZusammenfassungDieser Aufsatz greift das Konzept der Halbbildung auf, das Theodor Adorno 1959 im Artikel "Theorie der Halbbildung" verwendet hatte. Obwohl ein solches Konzept in Brasilien gegenwärtig und weit verbreitet ist, müsste es mit der gebotenen Sorgfalt angewendet werden, vor allem, weil es in Zeiten des Neoliberalismus und sukzessiver Bildungsreformen angebracht wäre zu sagen, dass wir mehr in einem Kontext der allgemeinen Sozialisierung von Pseudokompetenzen als Halbbildung leben.ResumoEsse ensaio retoma o conceito de Halbbildung (semiformação), que fora utilizado por Theodor Adorno em 1959 no artigo "Teoria da Semiformação". Tal conceito, apesar de atual e muito utilizado no Brasil, precisaria ser empregado com o devido cuidado, sobretudo, porque em tempos de Neoliberalismo e de sucessivas reformas educacionais, seria mais apropriado dizer que vivemos mais em um contexto de socialização generalizada das pseudocompetências, do que da semiformação.Palavras-chave: Semiformação, Neoliberalismo, Educação, Pseudocompetências.Keywords: Semiformation, Neoliberalism, Education, Pseudocompetence.Schlüsselwörter: Halbbildung, Neoliberalismus, Bildung, Pseudokompetenz.ReferencesADORNO, Theodor W. Theorie der Halbbildung. Schriften 8, Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 1972.ADORNO, Theodor W. Erziehung zur Mündigkeit. Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 1970;HEYDORN, H. J. Über den Widerspruch in Bildung und Herrschaft. Frankfurt: Bildungstheoretische Schriften, 1970.HUMBOLDT, W. von. Theorie der Bildung des Menschen in: Werke Band I. Darmstadt, 1960.KERSCHENSTEINER, G. Berufs oder Allgemeinbildung? In: Berufsbildung und Berufsschule Band I, Paderborn, 1966.PAULSEN, F. Bildung in Pädagogische Korrespondenz - Heft 9, 1991.TISCHER, M. Veraltet di Halbbildung? In: Pädagogische Korrespondenz - Heft 11, 1992.e3989088
3
Spanakos, Anthony Petros, and Dimitris Pantoulas. "The Contribution of Hugo Chávez to an Understanding of Post-Neoliberalism." Latin American Perspectives 44, no. 1 (July 9, 2016): 37–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x16658242.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
When Hugo Chávez was president, he pronounced the death of many things—the constitution, the old “partyarchy,” Venezuela’s “Fourth Republic,” and the Free Trade Area of the Americas, among others. Since his own death in 2013, scholars, activists, and citizens have contributed to a rich discussion of his legacy. Part of that legacy is an understanding of post-neoliberalism that recognizes its competing and contradictory components, some of them seeking to complement, improve, and reverse neoliberal policies or overcome neoliberal logics and others constituting important remnants of neoliberalism. Durante su presidencia, Hugo Chávez declaró la muerte de muchas cosas: la constitución, el viejo “partidocracia,” la Cuarta República de Venezuela y el Tratado de Libre Comercio de las Américas, entre otros. Desde su muerte en 2013, un grupo variado de estudiosos, activistas y ciudadanos ha llevado a cabo una rica discusión sobre su legado. Una parte importante de su legado es el entender que el post-neoliberalismo tiene componentes contrapuestos y contradictorios, y reconocer que algunos de ellos buscan complementar, mejorar y revertir las políticas neoliberales o superar la lógica neoliberal y otros importantes vestigios constituyentes del neoliberalismo.
4
Salinas Araya, Adán. "Debates Neoliberales en 1938. El Coloquio Lippmann." Hermenéutica Intercultural, no. 26 (March 30, 2017): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.29344/07196504.26.505.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Resumen:Se tratan algunas de las discusiones vertidas en el coloquio Lippmann de 1938, evento que puede considerarse con los datos actuales como la escena inaugural del neoliberalismo. Se muestra tanto la heterogenei- dad de dos grupos de pensadores que marcarán posteriormente la línea alemana y norteamericana de pensadores neoliberales. Al mismo tiempo se muestran algunas de sus coincidencias principales en torno a una idea de democracia para el mercado.Palabras clave: neoliberalismo - Lippmann - Mises - Rougier - Hayek - ordoliberalismoAbstract:This work addresses some of the discussions that took place in the Lippmann Colloquium of 1938, an event that can be considered with the current data as the inaugural scene of neoliberalism. It shows both the heterogeneity of two groups of thinkers who will later mark the German and American line of neoliberal thinkers and at the same time, it addresses some of their main coincidences around an idea of democracy for the market.Keywords: neoliberalism - Lippmann - Mises - Rougier - Hayek - ordo- liberalismResumo:Este artigo trata de alguma das discussões lançadas no colóquio Lipp- mann 1938, evento que pode ser visto com os dados atuais como a cena inaugural do neoliberalismo. Mostra-se tanto a heterogeneidade de dois grupos de pensadores neoliberais que vão marcar posteriormente a linha alemã e americana de pensadores neoliberais. Ao mesmo tempo, se mostram algumas de suas coincidências principais em torno de uma ideia de democracia para o mercado.Palavras-chave: neoliberalismo - Lippmann - Mises - Rougier - Hayek - ordoliberalismo.
5
Fariñas Dulce, María José. "Neoliberalismo versus democracia = Neoliberalism versus democracy." EUNOMÍA. Revista en Cultura de la Legalidad, no. 14 (March 19, 2018): 342. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/eunomia.2018.4174.
Testo completo
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Christiaens, Tim. "On the Limitations of Michel Foucault’s Genealogy of Neoliberalism." Journal of French and Francophone Philosophy 31, no. 1/2 (April 12, 2024): 24–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jffp.2023.1033.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Michel Foucault's genealogy of neoliberalism in Naissance de la biopolitique is surprisingly lacking in critical acumen vis-à-vis neoliberal rationality. Several interpretations explain Foucault's appreciative tone by hypothesising about Foucault's supposed conversion to neoliberalism. In this article, I argue that the problem lies not in Foucault's personal politics but in a disappointing application of the genealogical method. Compared to previous works, Foucault's lectures on neoliberalism focus exclusively on neoliberalism's self-presentation by the likes of Hayek, Becker, and Friedman. It does not explore the subjective effects of neoliberalism on the governed, which would have been impossible for Foucault in 1979. I argue that, by taking into consideration the negative effects of actually-existing neoliberalism, one reveals an immanent critique of neoliberalism at the heart of genealogy. Neoliberalism promises a post-disciplinary order conducive to subjective freedom, but actually requires subjects to adapt to the discipline of free market competition.
7
Maisuria, Alpesh. "Neoliberal Development and Struggle Against It: The Importance of Social Class, Mystification and Feasibility." Aula Abierta 47, no. 4 (October 30, 2018): 433. http://dx.doi.org/10.17811/aula_abierta.47.4.2018.433-440.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
ABSTRACTIn this article I introduce and develop neoliberalism through a discussion of Marxism and the way that classed mystification and feasibility are crucial concepts for understanding the maintenance of neoliberalism, and revolutionary possibilities. The starting point for this article is an essential explication of the Marxism, which is argued as the most efficacious theoretical framework for understanding the current historical conjuncture. Then, I provide an understanding of the development of capitalism into its current neoliberal form and its core features. Doing this work is important because while scholars regularly refer to capitalism/neoliberalism, they rarely explicate its fundamentals. Having this specification will provide a referent for the analysis for the discussion in the article. This incorporates the question: what mechanisms generate the tendency for most people to acquiesce (or even assent) to neoliberalism, despite the inequality and inequality it creates? To address this, I suggest the critical importance of mystification. While exposing neoliberalism is important I argue that analysis and critique alone is not sufficient. I draw the article to a close by presenting a discussion about the importance of the feasibility of an alternative to neoliberalism to be promoted by critical educators and Marxists. The possibility of resistance and revolution emerges through constructing, what Gramsci called, a new conception of the world.Keywords: Neoliberalism, Marxism, Marx, Social Class, Revolution.RESUMENEn este artículo, presento y desarrollo el neoliberalismo a través de una discusión sobre el marxismo y la forma en que la mistificación y la factibilidad clasificadas son conceptos cruciales para comprender el mantenimiento del neoliberalismo y también las posibilidades revolucionarias. El punto de partida de este artículo es una explicación esencial del marxismo, que se argumenta como el marco teórico más eficaz para comprender la coyuntura histórica actual. A continuación, proporciono una comprensión del desarrollo del capitalismo en su forma neoliberal actual y sus características principales. Hacer este trabajo es importante porque a menudo, cuando los académicos se refieren al capitalismo / neoliberalismo, rara vez explican sus fundamentos. Tener esta especificación proporcionará una referencia para el análisis de la discusión en el artículo. Esto incorpora la pregunta: ¿qué mecanismos generan la tendencia de la mayoría de las personas a aceptar el neoliberalismo a pesar de la desigualdad que crea? Para abordar esto, sugiero dotar de mayor importancia la crítica de la mistificación. A este respecto considero que si bien la exposición al neoliberalismo es importante, sostengo que el análisis y la crítica por sí solos no son suficientes. Concluyo el artículo presentando una discusión sobre la importancia de la viabilidad de una alternativa al neoliberalismo para ser promovida por educadores críticos y marxistas. La posibilidad de resistencia y revolución emerge a través de la construcción, lo que Gramsci llamó, una nueva concepción del mundo.Palabras Clave: Neoliberalismo, Marxismo, Marx, Clase Social, Revolución.
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Maisuria, Alpesh. "Neoliberal Development and Struggle Against It: The Importance of Social Class, Mystification and Feasibility." Aula Abierta 47, no. 4 (October 30, 2018): 433. http://dx.doi.org/10.17811/rifie.47.4.2018.433-440.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
ABSTRACTIn this article I introduce and develop neoliberalism through a discussion of Marxism and the way that classed mystification and feasibility are crucial concepts for understanding the maintenance of neoliberalism, and revolutionary possibilities. The starting point for this article is an essential explication of the Marxism, which is argued as the most efficacious theoretical framework for understanding the current historical conjuncture. Then, I provide an understanding of the development of capitalism into its current neoliberal form and its core features. Doing this work is important because while scholars regularly refer to capitalism/neoliberalism, they rarely explicate its fundamentals. Having this specification will provide a referent for the analysis for the discussion in the article. This incorporates the question: what mechanisms generate the tendency for most people to acquiesce (or even assent) to neoliberalism, despite the inequality and inequality it creates? To address this, I suggest the critical importance of mystification. While exposing neoliberalism is important I argue that analysis and critique alone is not sufficient. I draw the article to a close by presenting a discussion about the importance of the feasibility of an alternative to neoliberalism to be promoted by critical educators and Marxists. The possibility of resistance and revolution emerges through constructing, what Gramsci called, a new conception of the world.Keywords: Neoliberalism, Marxism, Marx, Social Class, Revolution.RESUMENEn este artículo, presento y desarrollo el neoliberalismo a través de una discusión sobre el marxismo y la forma en que la mistificación y la factibilidad clasificadas son conceptos cruciales para comprender el mantenimiento del neoliberalismo y también las posibilidades revolucionarias. El punto de partida de este artículo es una explicación esencial del marxismo, que se argumenta como el marco teórico más eficaz para comprender la coyuntura histórica actual. A continuación, proporciono una comprensión del desarrollo del capitalismo en su forma neoliberal actual y sus características principales. Hacer este trabajo es importante porque a menudo, cuando los académicos se refieren al capitalismo / neoliberalismo, rara vez explican sus fundamentos. Tener esta especificación proporcionará una referencia para el análisis de la discusión en el artículo. Esto incorpora la pregunta: ¿qué mecanismos generan la tendencia de la mayoría de las personas a aceptar el neoliberalismo a pesar de la desigualdad que crea? Para abordar esto, sugiero dotar de mayor importancia la crítica de la mistificación. A este respecto considero que si bien la exposición al neoliberalismo es importante, sostengo que el análisis y la crítica por sí solos no son suficientes. Concluyo el artículo presentando una discusión sobre la importancia de la viabilidad de una alternativa al neoliberalismo para ser promovida por educadores críticos y marxistas. La posibilidad de resistencia y revolución emerge a través de la construcción, lo que Gramsci llamó, una nueva concepción del mundo.Palabras Clave: Neoliberalismo, Marxismo, Marx, Clase Social, Revolución.
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McKean, Benjamin. "Populism and Global Justice: A Sibling Rivalry?" Global Justice : Theory Practice Rhetoric 12, no. 02 (November 15, 2020): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/gjn.12.02.207.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
As academic literatures and political demands, global justice and populism look like competing ways of diagnosing and addressing neoliberal inequality. But both misunderstand neoliberalism and consequently risk reinforcing rather than undermining it. Neoliberalism does not just break down political and social hierarchies, but also relies on and sustains them. Unless populists recognize this, they will find that assertions of sovereignty do more to reinforce neoliberalism and reproduce its hierarchies than to resist them. Recognizing neoliberalism as not simply corrosive of solidarity but also producing its own affective ties suggests that global justice advocates need to develop a critique of individual attitudes that egalitarian liberals have often seen as private and been hesitant to judge. In short, if either populism or global justice hope to take advantage of neoliberalism’s failures to advance an egalitarian politics, they need to reckon more carefully with their own entanglement with neoliberalism’s hopes and hierarchies.
10
Saad-Filho, Alfredo. "Varieties of Neoliberalism in Brazil (2003–2019)." Latin American Perspectives 47, no. 1 (November 13, 2019): 9–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x19881968.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The main feature of capital accumulation in Brazil during the administrations led by Luís Inácio Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers’ Party—PT) was the continuity of neoliberalism of two varieties: inclusive (2003–2006) and developmental (2006–2013). The PT’s attachment to neoliberalism was mitigated by the party’s (shifting) commitment to (mild) developmental outcomes, redistribution of income (at the margin), social inclusion (within narrow limits), and democratization of the state (bounded by the 1988 Constitution). Achievements in these areas were further constrained by the inability or unwillingness of the PT to confront the institutionalization of neoliberalism in the fields of economics, politics, ideology, the media, and class relations. The political crisis unfolding in Brazil since 2013 and the imposition of authoritarian neoliberalism after Rousseff’s impeachment can be examined from the perspective of the contradictions in the dominant varieties of neoliberalism under the PT and the limitations of the party’s political ambitions. A principal característica da acumulação de capital no Brasil durante os governos ûiderados por Luís Inácio Lula da Silva e Dilma Rousseff do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) foi a continuidade do neoliberalismo de duas variedades: inclusiva (2003–2006) e desenvolvimentista (2006–2013). O apego do PT ao neoliberalismo foi mitigado pelo compromisso (inconstante) do partido com resultados de desenvolvimento (moderados), redistribuição de renda (na margem), inclusão social (dentro de limites estreitos) e democratização do estado (limitado pela Constituição de 1988). As realizações nessas áreas foram ainda mais limitadas pela incapacidade ou falta de vontade do PT em enfrentar a institucionalização do neoliberalismo nos campos da economia, política, ideologia, mídia e relações de classe. A crise política que se desenrola no Brasil desde 2013 e a imposição do neoliberalismo autoritário após o impeachment de Dilma podem ser examinadas sob a perspectiva das contradições nas variedades dominantes de neoliberalismo sob o PT e as limitações das ambições políticas do partido.
Tesi sul tema "Neoliberalism"
1
Zini, Alessandra <1992>. "Neoliberalism: sustainable?" Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/10175.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
L’analisi presente nell’elaborato parte dalla pubblicazione di un articolo avvenuta a Giugno 2016 sul sito del Fondo Monetario Internazionale, in cui viene sostenuta la tesi per cui le politiche messe in atto dallo stesso e dalla Banca Mondiale, dagli anni ottanta fino ad oggi, non siano più sostenibili a lungo termine. L’articolo si sofferma particolarmente sulle politiche di austerità, privatizzazione e libertà di circolazione di capitali, che si inseriscono nel raggio delle cosiddette politiche “neoliberiste”, sottolineandone gli effetti negativi sulla società odierna in materia di iniqua distribuzione della ricchezza e di rischio di sempre più frequenti crisi economiche, da cui ne deriva la consapevolezza di un sistema diventato insostenibile a livello mondiale. L’elaborato si focalizza principalmente sul tema dell’insostenibilità delle politiche neoliberiste e per dimostrarne l’effettiva veridicità si concentra nella prima parte sulla spiegazione di ciò che si intende per “neoliberismo”, descrivendone il percorso di sviluppo storico e culturale per poi analizzare nel dettaglio ciò che è contenuto nell’agenda neoliberista, definendone infine la diretta conseguenza della sua implementazione: la società odierna dominata dal fenomeno della globalizzazione. La tesi si focalizzerà poi sul caso concreto della crisi del debito greco all’interno dell’unione monetaria e delle successive implementazioni di politiche di austerità, rivelatesi inefficaci. Verranno poi descritte le conseguenze di queste politiche, principalmente riprendendo quelle citate dall’articolo iniziale: l’iniquità della distribuzione della ricchezza e la stratificazione sociale come cause di insostenibilità del sistema mondo in cui oggi viviamo.
2
Schleusener, Simon. "Deleuze and Neoliberalism." Universität Leipzig, 2020. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A72860.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The following essay takes the topic of this special issue as an opportunity to not just investigate Deleuze’s “Postscript on Control Societies,” but to look more generally at the text’s place within his work as a whole. Indeed, as various authors have observed, there are a number of aspects that clearly distinguish the essay from the bulk of Deleuze’s other writings. First, what the Postscript aims at is a very direct and immediate “diagnosis of the present” (Foucault 1999: 91). Despite its brevity, the essay therefore entails a wide-ranging account of the (social, economic, cultural, and technological) ‘system’ which was about to take hold when Deleuze wrote the essay (1990) – and which still seems pervasive today. Second, the Postscript represents one of the few instances where Deleuze addresses new media, the digital, cyberspace, and computers: technologies, that is, which in the last few decades have thoroughly transformed the world we live in (cf. Galloway 2012). Third, while Deleuze is usually considered to be a thinker of affirmative creation and a joyous politics of difference and becoming, the Postscript may be the text that most evidently lends itself to discovering not only a more contemporary, but also a somewhat ‘darker’ Deleuze (cf. Culp 2016). For although it underlines the necessity of “finding new weapons” and developing “new forms of resistance” – pointing out that the question is not “whether the old or new system is harsher or more bearable” (Deleuze 1995: 178) – one can argue that the Postscript’s general perspective and tone is in fact more bleak and pessimistic than most of Deleuze’s other writings.
3
Zadra, Chiara <1987>. "Neoliberalism and Development." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/9416.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Despite the stifling financial crises and the always more frequently increasing criticisms, Neoliberalism is still enduring. Nevertheless, it has hitherto proven to be inadequate and irredeemable; global vulnerability and uncertainty, angst and widespread economic disparities demonstrate the unreliability of the beforehand promised outcomes of the globalized neoliberal society. Hence, neoliberalism interferes with the welfare of the majority; as a matter of fact, just a handful of certain persons definitely achieve economic prosperity. With neoliberalism, unnatural laws and practises typical of the market ideology, for instance, the logic of competition, have progressively penetrated in the everyday life of individuals. Moreover, the process of neoliberalization, in order to effectively implement democracy and mulishly boost economic growth in developing countries, has frequently been characterized by violence and coercive brutality.
So, despite all of this, why is neoliberalism still regulating our logic when dealing with our idea of future? How is it possible to modify it or, alternatively, replace it, finding a new way to conceive the government of human beings?
In this thesis we will firstly try to provide a comprehensive analysis of the theories, historical evolution and application of the neoliberal doctrine. Secondly, a focus on the geographical development of this phenomenon will be unpretentiously introduced, in attain to describe the consequences of the controversial application of neoliberal policies in developing countries in different parts of the world.
Finally, a more detailed attention will be devoted to the specific case of Malaysia. Precisely, we will investigate the last fifty years of the country's economic growth, to understand the effects and consequences due to the neoliberalization process which involved the country.
4
Sotomayor, Hector. "He_rtland: The Violence of Neoliberalism." Scholar Commons, 2015. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/6027.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Perhaps, under the consciousness of today, “neoliberalism” has defined our world during the previous and current centuries more than any other socioeconomic system. But the evolution of this ideology, which initially aimed to enhance, or rather, reinvent capitalism and individual freedom, has, in essence, induced an unrecognized problem. I argue that neoliberalism is the catalyst for much of the hostility in this globalized society where tensions and poverty are casualties of individual and corporate prosperity. Because of this revelation, I argue that neoliberalism inadvertently instills violence that is both unseen and gendered. In order to formulate my argument, I introduce a historical chronology to the ideological origins of neoliberalism and how it manifested its way to its socioeconomic prominence. I then concentrate my attention to neoconservatism, most notably, Reaganism, with the year 1984, which I feel is the official christening of neoliberalism. From that year, I bring forth, three films about the crisis of farming in the 20th century, Country, Places in the Heart, and The River. Through these “farm crisis films,”which centers their themes around pastoral virtues, I argue that the violence conveyed in these films critiques neoliberalism. On the surface, these films demonstrate violence through an invisible and unrecognizable antagonist. But at the heart of this violence is a gendered angle that has much more to do with neoliberalism than with feminist debates. The gendered violence of neoliberalism is, in actuality, linked to the characters’ struggle to maintain some sense of autonomy, but this possibility is always uncertain because of their failure to recognize their inevitable interdependencies.
5
Brideson, A. M. "Neoliberalism and the New Republic /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1988. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09ARM/09armb851.pdf.
Testo completo
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Cavalcanti, Aline de Andrade Ramos. "La economía del nuevo parto y nacimiento. Discursos, biopolíticas y feminismos por un parto humanizado." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/669414.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Esta tesis investiga las relaciones entre feminismo y el movimiento por la humanización
del parto y sus articulaciones con las políticas neoliberales a partir de un recorte
histórico y etnográfico. El movimiento por la humanización del parto y nacimiento es
una organización social de mujeres que vindica la identidad feminista y lucha por el
derecho a decidir cómo, dónde y con quien quieren tener sus partos. La emergencia de
una organización de mujeres que vindican políticas no intervencionistas en los partos
alrededor de los años 70 sugiere la necesidad de comprender como se ha producido y
introducido el repertorio discursivo neoliberal en el interior del movimiento de mujeres,
más precisamente, este feminismo por la humanización del parto. El avance inquietante
del movimiento por la humanización hacia el mercado y toda la serie de ambigüedades
de sus prácticas discursivas impulsaron una pregunta: ¿Cómo es posible que un
movimiento históricamente crítico del orden social, cultural y económico puede haber
sustentado o apoyado (consciente o inconscientemente) la construcción de políticas que
amenazan la supervivencia, la liberación y la lucha política de las mujeres? Esta
investigación intenta, así, aclarar conceptual e históricamente lo que se ha gestado hasta
el momento para reivindicar el parto humanizado, evidenciando el mapa actual de tal
reivindicación. Este trabajo concluye con una reflexión teórica sobre los resultados que
defiende dos tesis: la de que el parto humanizado es una de las múltiples necropolíticas
reproductivas del poder neoliberal, y la que el feminismo por el parto humanizado es
una de las tecnologías del poder neoliberal.<br>This dissertation studies the relations between feminism and the movement for the humanization of
childbirth and its articulations with neoliberal policies through a historical and ethnographic approach.
This movement a social organization of women that claims the feminist identity and fights for the right
to decide how, where, and with whom they want to have their births. The emergence of an organization
of women who vindicate non-interventionist policies in childbirth around the 1970s suggests the need
to understand how the neoliberal discursive repertoire has been produced and introduced within that
women’s movement, a feminism for the humanization of childbirth. The unsettling advance of the
movement for humanization towards the market and the whole series of ambiguities of its discursive
practices prompted a question: How is it possible that a historically critical movement of the social,
cultural, and economic order may have sustained or supported (consciously or unconsciously) the
construction of policies that threaten the survival, liberation, and political struggle of women? This
investigation tries, thus, to clarify conceptually and historically what has been developed so far to
claim the humanized birth, evidencing the current map of such claim. This work concludes defending
two theses: the humanized childbirth is one of the multiple reproductive necropolitics of neoliberal
power, and that the feminism by humanized childbirth is one of the technologies of neoliberal power.
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Oncan, Mehmet Onur. "Neoliberalism And The Alternative Globalization Movement." Master's thesis, METU, 2009. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12610743/index.pdf.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis aims to analyze the social reactions against neoliberalism by using the Polanyian concept of double movement. The goal is to first to understand the nature of alternative globalization movement and provide a better framework of analysis for theorizing these social reactions. The criticisms of the alternative globalization movement against the World Trade Organization will be analyzed in order to provide a specific case example for the concerns and goals of the movement regarding the global political economy. It has been found out that the alternative globalization movement, which signalled a growing concern over the implications of the efforts to form a global free market on the state-society-market relations since the 1980s, forms the second counter-movement that resists the expansion of contemporary self-regulating market.
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Greentree, Jacqueline M. "Wrestling with neoliberalism in Christian schools." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2021. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/225974/1/Jacqueline_Greentree_Thesis.pdf.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This research investigated intersections between Christian schooling and neoliberal policy environments by interrogating how values and purposes of schooling are articulated within the public-facing self-authored digital texts of Christian schools. The findings show how discourses such as excellence, choice and vocation can reflect a range of underlying values when communicating to a broad audience through public websites. Texts and visual representations were analysed using Gee’s discourse analysis tools and an Order of Worth framework. Methodological insights and practical support for Australian Christian Schools are provided.
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Cota, Hortensia Meg, and Hortensia Meg Cota. "Mobility, Choice and Motivations: Parental Use of Open Enrollment in Arizona Title I Schools." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/626660.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Inequities in education have long been the driving force behind school reform movements. In efforts to desegregate schools and offer more equitable education opportunities, more privatized and marketized school systems have emerged. This movement has been referred to as neoliberalism. This term encompasses the individual’s right to make school selections based on their personal preferences or desires. Current school choice research suggests parents seek schools with better resources or curriculum, desire the social connections certain schools can offer them, or select schools based on right fit for their families. Neoliberals argue that schools will be reformed or transformed as a result of changing to meet the needs of their customers. They believe competitive school markets will lead to better education systems. However, outcomes of choice movements have been inconsistent and have not demonstrated that choice has impacted achievement or addressed educational disparities. Some argue that it has further segregated schools and has led to greater inequities, particularly for minority or disadvantaged students. Furthermore, the research suggests that access may be facilitated or hindered by an individual’s cultural or social capital. Conversely, the research on student mobility suggests that minority and disadvantaged student populations are often highly mobile students. Frequent school moves for these student groups are detrimental to their academic success and can affect their school experience on multiple levels. The result is two opposing views on how to best ensure student achievement. One view encourages movement, the other does not. This study examined the use of open-enrollment in highly-mobile, high poverty schools. The findings suggest that a connection between student mobility and use of open-enrollment exists. Additionally, the findings revealed that barriers continue to hinder true choice access and motivations for school choice differs in parents at high-poverty, high-mobility schools. The parents in this study did not exercise choice to improve academic outcomes. This is counter to the intent of school choice. Factors such as safety, happiness and relationships were more valued and sought. Moreover, school movement was often prompted by negative events resulting in situational movement. In these instances, open enrollment was utilized to facilitate a reactionary response instead of being utilized to improve achievement outcomes. Based on the results of this study, an evaluation of current school choice practices, legislation and funding may be necessary to ensure the future success of students when exercising choice opportunities.
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Rifo, Melo Mauricio Esteban. "Transformación de las universidades chilenas durante la dictadura cívico-militar." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/669500.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
La present investigació va analitzar els antecedents històrics i els discursos de la reforma a les universitats xilenes de 1981 en el marc de la transformació de l'educació superior durant la dictadura cívic-militar. Per a això es van identificar les principals idees filosòfic-polítiques que van promoure la reforma a les universitats de 1981, es va caracteritzar el rol dels principals actors involucrats en les transformacions a l'educaciósuperior durant la dictadura, es van analitzar continuïtats i ruptures en les polítiques educatives de educació superior durant la dictadura cívic-militar i es van reconèixer les principals conseqüències disciplinàries de les universitats xilenes en dictadura. La metodològic va estar guiat per una estratègia qualitativa de recollida i anàlisi de dades. Es va seguir la proposta de Rodríguez, Gil i García (1999) sobre el procés de recerca qualitativa. Els principals resultats de la investigació són que la reforma a les universitats 1981 es va dissenyar amb una conceptualització de neoliberalisme diferent de la que es va massificar durant fins de la 80 en les polítiques mundials i la literatura especialitzada com un neoliberalisme que promovia la privatització. Finalment, la investigació determina que per a 1983, després de la nominació d'una nova Ministra d'Educació i la crisi econòmica en desenvolupament, la reforma no continua implementant i és paralitzada fins a 1987 en on emergeix amb mesures parcials que no responen al disseny de 1981 dins de les que destaca la desregulació en l'aprovació i creació d'universitats privades el principal desacord amb els principis que proposa la reforma de 1981 són, d'una banda, la creació sense control d'institucions privades i, pel costat, augmentar el nombre d'universitats que era precisament una cosa que el grup reformista veia com un efecte negatiu per a la qualitat de les universitats. Per aquests motius, la principal aportació de la investigació és sostenir que el que s'ha massificat com polítiques neoliberals per a l'educació superior, tant pels organismes internacionals com la literatura especialitzada, no té relació amb les visions que van promoure el disseny de la reforma de 1981.<br>La presente investigación analizó los antecedentes históricos y los discursos de la reforma a las universidades chilenas de 1981 en el marco de la transformación de la educación superior durante la dictadura cívico-militar. Para ello se identificaron las principales ideas filosófico-políticas que promovieron la reforma a las universidades de 1981, se caracterizó el rol de los principales actores involucrados en las transformaciones a la educación superior durante la dictadura, se analizaron continuidades y rupturas en las políticas educativas de educación superior durante la dictadura cívico-militar y se reconocieron las principales consecuencias disciplinares de las universidades chilenas en dictadura. La metodológico estuvo guiado por una estrategia cualitativa de recolección y análisis de datos. Se siguió la propuesta de Rodríguez, Gil y García (1999) sobre el proceso de investigación cualitativa. Los principales resultados de la investigación son que la reforma a las universidades 1981 se diseñó con una conceptualización de neoliberalismo distinta a la que se masifico durante fines de la 80 en las políticas mundiales y la literatura especializada como un neoliberalismo que promovía la privatización. Finalmente, la investigación determina que para 1983, tras la nominación de una nueva Ministra de Educación y la crisis económica en desarrollo, la reforma no continúa implementándose y es paralizada hasta 1987 en donde emerge con medidas parciales que no responden al diseño de 1981 dentro de las que destaca la desregulación en la aprobación y creación de universidades privadas cuyo principal desacuerdo con los principios que propone la reforma de 1981 son, por un lado, la creación sin control de instituciones privadas y, por el lado, aumentar el número de universidades que era precisamente algo que el grupo reformista veía como un efecto negativo para la calidad de las universidades. Por estos motivos, el principal aporte de la investigación es sostener que lo que se ha masificado como políticas neoliberales para la educación superior, tanto por los organismos internacionales como la literatura especializada, no tiene relación con las visiones que promovieron el diseño de la reforma de 1981.<br>The present investigation analyzed the historical antecedents and the discourses of the reform to the Chilean universities of 1981 in the frame of the transformation of the superior education during the civic-military dictatorship. For this, the main philosophical-political ideas that promoted the reform to the universities of 1981 were identified, the role of the main actors involved in the transformations to higher education during the dictatorship was characterized, continuities and ruptures in the educational policies of higher education during the civic-military dictatorship and the main disciplinary consequences of the Chilean universities in dictatorship were recognized. The methodological was guided by a qualitative strategy of data collection and analysis. The proposal of Rodr\u00EDguez, Gil and Garc\u00EDa (1999) on the qualitative research process was followed. The main results of the research are that the 1981 university reform was designed with a conceptualization of neoliberalism different from that which was widespread during the late 1980s in world politics and specialized literature as a neo-liberalism that promoted privatization. Finally, the investigation determines that by 1983, after the nomination of a new Minister of Education and the developing economic crisis, the reform does not continue to be implemented and is paralyzed until 1987 where it emerges with partial measures that do not respond to the 1981 design within those that highlight the deregulation in the approval and creation of private universities whose main disagreement with the principles proposed by the 1981 reform are, on the one hand, the uncontrolled creation of private institutions and, on the one hand, increase the number of universities that It was precisely something that the reformist group saw as a negative effect on the quality of universities. For these reasons, the main contribution of research is to maintain that what has become widespread as neoliberal policies for higher education, both by international organizations and specialized literature, is not related to the visions that promoted the design of the reform of 1981.
Libri sul tema "Neoliberalism"
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1950-, Greenhouse Carol J., ed. Ethnographies of neoliberalism. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2010.
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Wilson, Julie A. Neoliberalism. New York, NY : Routledge, 2017. | Series: Key ideas in media and cultural studies: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315623085.
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Eagleton-Pierce, Matthew. Neoliberalism. New York, NY: Routledge, 2016.|Series: Routledge key guides |: Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203798188.
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Załęski, Paweł Stefan. Neoliberalizm i społeczeństwo obywatelskie: Neoliberalism and civil society. Toruń: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Mikołaja Kopernika, 2012.
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Fraile, Lydia, ed. Blunting Neoliberalism. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230274327.
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Springer, Simon. Violent Neoliberalism. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137485335.
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Whitehead, Philip, and Paul Crawshaw, eds. Organising Neoliberalism. London: Anthem Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.7135/upo9780857285362.
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Schram, Sanford F., and Marianna Pavlovskaya, eds. Rethinking Neoliberalism. New York, NY : Routledge, 2017.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315186238.
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Higgins, Vaughan, and Wendy Larner, eds. Assembling Neoliberalism. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-58204-1.
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Burchardt, Marian, and Gal Kirn, eds. Beyond Neoliberalism. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-45590-7.
Testo completoCapitoli di libri sul tema "Neoliberalism"
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Olsen, Niklas. "Neoliberalism Without Neoliberals." In The Sovereign Consumer, 227–58. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-89584-0_7.
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Carlquist, Erik, and Joshua Phelps. "Neoliberalism." In Encyclopedia of Critical Psychology, 1231–37. New York, NY: Springer New York, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-5583-7_390.
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Byttebier, Koen. "Neoliberalism." In Economic and Financial Law & Policy – Shifting Insights & Values, 65–77. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-24182-7_3.
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Freeman, Carla. "Neoliberalism." In A Companion to the Anthropology of the Body and Embodiment, 353–69. Oxford, UK: Wiley-Blackwell, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781444340488.ch20.
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Cunningham, Frank. "Neoliberalism." In The Political Thought of C.B. Macpherson, 95–115. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-94920-8_6.
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Kolasi, Klevis. "Neoliberalism." In The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Global Security Studies, 1–5. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-74336-3_88-1.
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Heberle, Renee. "Neoliberalism." In Critical Terms in Futures Studies, 205–8. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-28987-4_32.
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Roselli, Alessandro. "Neoliberalism." In Economic Philosophies, 191–239. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-53317-5_4.
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O’Toole, Gavin. "Neoliberalism." In Politics Latin America, 473–508. Third edition. | New York, NY : Routledge, 2017.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315276458-16.
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Saad-Filho, Alfredo. "Neoliberalism." In Routledge Handbook of Marxian Economics, 245–54. New York : Routledge, 2017.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315774206-23.
Testo completoAtti di convegni sul tema "Neoliberalism"
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Maton, Rhiannon. "Coming to Terms With Neoliberalism: How Canadian Educator Unions Position and Counter Neoliberalism." In 2024 AERA Annual Meeting. Washington DC: AERA, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/2107949.
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Rojas Concha, Maria. "The Impossibility of Undoing Neoliberalism." In AERA 2024. USA: AERA, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/ip.24.2141850.
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Ding, Juntao, and Dingyu Yang. "Emergence and Development of Contemporary Neoliberalism." In 2021 International Conference on Public Relations and Social Sciences (ICPRSS 2021). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.211020.258.
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Toyibah, Dzuriyatun. "Neoliberalism and Inequality in Higher Education." In International Conference Recent Innovation. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0009932415901597.
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Tsutomu, Hashimoto. "On demarcation problem between libertarianism and neoliberalism." In XXVI World Congress of Philosophy of Law and Social Philosophy. Initia Via, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.17931/ivr2013_wg136_05.
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Macintyre, Ronald. "An Uneasy Relationship: Open Educational Practice and Neoliberalism." In ISIS Summit Vienna 2015—The Information Society at the Crossroads. Basel, Switzerland: MDPI, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/isis-summit-vienna-2015-s3012.
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Panasiuk, Mariia. "THE INCEL PHENOMENON: NEOLIBERALISM, OEDIPAL CRISIS, AND MASCULINITY." In EDUCATION AND SCIENCE OF TODAY: INTERSECTORAL ISSUES AND DEVELOPMENT OF SCIENCES. European Scientific Platform, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.36074/logos-18.10.2024.069.
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Pokrytan, Pavel. "EVOLUTION OF MODERN ECONOMIC POLICY IN LATIN AMERICA AND RUSSIA." In Globalistics-2020: Global issues and the future of humankind. Interregional Social Organization for Assistance of Studying and Promotion the Scientific Heritage of N.D. Kondratieff / ISOASPSH of N.D. Kondratieff, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.46865/978-5-901640-33-3-2020-196-199.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The rapid political and economic changes taking place in Latin America are primarily due to the collision of neoliberalism with its opponents, who have largely managed to determine a new trajectory of development for many countries. The statement in this regard about the end of neoliberalism, according to the author, is premature, although it provides a field for additional observations of the ongoing processes. Interesting are the analogies with Russia and the revealed stages of transition of countries from the left to the right political spectrum.
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Torres Zapata, José Fernando. "Análisis crítico al discurso de mercadeo urbano producido por Invest In Bogota entre 2006-2020: caso Bogotá Smart City." In Seminario Internacional de Investigación en Urbanismo. Bogotá: Universidad Piloto de Colombia, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/siiu.10082.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Through the present critical discourse analysis of Bogota´s main marketing activities scripted by Invest In Bogota - city´s marketing agency which promotes the city since 2006, the author shows how the idea of an “smart city” is being inspired by hegemonic global neoliberalism. The purpose of this marketing is to promote the city internationally as a friendly place to make business and reassure international investors that Bogota is a cosmopolitan and creative city where human resource is available, competent and speak the business language (English). The latter is relevant for current urbanism because urban marketing is now an important force that is transforming the image of the city and therefore shaping it physically, culturally and identitary. This research is part of the current new sociological studies and deepens into the contemporary trend of perceiving the city as a consumerism product, putting in the spotlight urban managers´ belief that economic growth are a safe way to obtain general well-fare for its citizens.
 Keywords: Urban management, neoliberalism, discourse analysis, communicative actions
 Topic: Cities theory and history Mediante un análisis crítico a los discursos promocionales hechos por la agencia público-privada de promoción de Bogotá- Invest In Bogota (IIB), se busca evidenciar cómo la figura de la ciudad inteligente o Smart City, retoma las máximas de un neoliberalismo hegemónico global con el propósito de irradiar al exterior una imagen de ciudad que corresponda con el perfil de una ciudad que sobrepone la confianza en el inversionista como actor de desarrollo de la ciudad: una ciudad cosmopolita, una ciudad creativa, una ciudad amigable al inversionista, una ciudad donde el talento humano es competente y habla en inglés. Para el urbanismo es relevante analizar este proceso de promoción internacional, pues éste repercute en cómo se construye la ciudad tanto física como identitaria y culturalmente. Esta investigación, enmarcada dentro de una línea de estudios sociológicos de ciudad, profundiza en la tendencia contemporánea de percibir la ciudad como un producto de consumo y la creencia ideológica enraizada en los administradores urbanos que el crecimiento económico es camino seguro al bienestar de sus ciudadanos.
 Palabras clave: Marketing urbano, neoliberalismo, análisis del discurso, acciones comunicativas
 Bloque temático: teoría e historia de la ciudad
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Keynan, Irit. "NEOLIBERALISM AND INDIVIDUAL LIBERTY – THE THEORY THAT CONTRADICTS ITSELF." In 23rd International Academic Conference, Venice. International Institute of Social and Economic Sciences, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.20472/iac.2016.023.050.
Testo completoRapporti di organizzazioni sul tema "Neoliberalism"
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Raulet, Gérard. What Happens is Unimaginable! About the „Yellow Vests“. Association Inter-University Centre Dubrovnik, February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.53099/ntkd4303.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The French ‘yellow vests’ movement is anything but an episodic protest movement. It questions both the liberal and the republican conception of political representation. The reason for this radicalism is that it shakes the foundations of a neo-capitalist order, for which shortterm financial sales have become more important than the long-term maintenance of the system itself. From the financial crisis of 2008, neoliberalism only seems to have learned that,despite everything, the model on which it is based holds up. This creates a profound crisis of legitimacy that reveals a break in political culture that no policy of consensus or even recognition can remedy. This essay examines the theoretical approaches that can take this phenomenon into account.
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Grados Bueno, Maria del Pilar. Rapid Scoping Review 2025: Mexico. Institute of Development Studies, April 2025. https://doi.org/10.19088/ids.2025.029.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In Mexico, significant progress has been made in promoting gender equality. This includes the enactment of national laws, increased public funding for gender equality, and the strengthening of gender-focused institutions. Mexico has implemented key policies and legal frameworks to protect the rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, intersex, and more (LGBTQI+) individuals. Despite these advances, organisations operate in an environment that remains adverse for women and LGBTQI+ people, especially in the face of increased polarisation, neoliberalism, and austerity measures. Conservative and religious groups, under the banner of the ‘blue wave’, have also mobilised to challenge progress on reproductive rights. They organised protests during key political debates aimed at expanding access to abortion at both national and local levels. Neo-conservative groups have also mobilised against the nationwide inclusion of SRHR in school curricula. Given this context, this document examines the strategies employed by eight collectives to counter rollback against women’s rights and LGBTQI+ rights. It explores the context of rollback, the landscape of anti-rollback actors, counter-rollback strategies, and gaps and areas for future research and work.
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Leslie, Jean, and William Pasmore. Leading Beyond Barriers: Creating Impact in an Age of Polycrisis. Center for Creative Leadership, February 2025. https://doi.org/10.35613/ccl.2025.2060.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This paper examines the structural impediments to addressing systemic global challenges in what scholars term a “polycrisis” environment—where multiple crises interact and amplify each other through interconnected systems. The analysis identifies two primary categories of barriers: belief systems that disconnect individuals from systemic issues and social barriers that hinder collective action. Drawing on successful historical interventions like smallpox eradication and polio elimination, the authors establish four essential components for systemic change: technological capability, cross-boundary collaboration, sustained engagement, and scalable resources. However, they argue that human-centered obstacles, particularly entrenched belief systems and social barriers, often determine success or failure despite technical feasibility. The paper systematically analyzes eleven belief barriers across three categories: ideological (including neoliberalism and human exceptionalism), awareness-related (such as apathy and information overload), and confidence-related (including distrust in science and issue complexity). Additionally, it examines three critical collective action barriers: vested interests, disagreement on solutions, and lack of collective will. To address these challenges, the authors propose an integrated framework combining Direction-Alignment-Commitment (DAC) theory with the Gleicher/Dannemiller Change Formula (D × V × F > R). They advocate for four high-leverage strategies: fostering personal ownership of systemic issues, driving continuous experiential learning, scaling small wins into broader change, and transforming individual stakes into collective will. The research particularly emphasizes leadership development as a critical force multiplier, serving as a bridge between theoretical frameworks and practical application. The authors conclude that successful intervention in systemic crises requires not only technical solutions but also transformation of human belief systems and social barriers through sustained, collaborative engagement.
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Kulfas, Matías. Proyectos económicos y gestión de la política económica y productiva: experiencias recientes de gobiernos progresistas en América Latina. Fundación Carolina, November 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/ac_15.2023.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Este artículo analiza los enfoques y rasgos centrales de política económica y productiva de seis gobiernos progresistas en América Latina: Argentina, Brasil, Bolivia, Chile, Colombia y México. El análisis atraviesa seis grandes ejes: la gestión macroeconómica, el posicionamiento en el escenario internacional, la articulación entre Estado y mercado, la gestión de los recursos naturales, la ampliación de la matriz productiva y las nuevas agendas de ambiente, género e igualdad. El estudio muestra que, si bien existen algunos puntos en común, también es posible hallar divergencias importantes, dificultades técnicas y políticas para avanzar en las agendas de reformas y logros parciales en las agendas productivas. De manera llamativa, las fuerzas que se autoperciben progresistas han tenido dificultades para estructurar un abordaje neodesarrollista, acorde con los desafíos del siglo XXI, con una prudente distancia tanto de los enfoques neoliberales como de los sesgos estatistas, persistiendo formas híbridas con resultados ambiguos y limitaciones.
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Savedoff, William D. ¿Alguien está escuchando?: Omisión de datos en los debates sobre la reforma de la salud en América Latina. Inter-American Development Bank, October 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0009815.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
En toda América Latina y el Caribe, de hecho en todo el mundo, los países están realizando debates sobre sus sistemas de salud. Con frecuencia, las características de las reformas en un país se utilizan para promover o criticar propuestas específicas en otro. A pesar de la gran importancia y el potencial de aprendizaje de modelos externos, los datos a menudo no marcan una gran diferencia con respecto a la manera en que se perciben y describen los modelos en los ámbitos político y social. A fin de ilustrar este punto, el autor toma como ejemplo el caso de Chile, un país cuya reforma de la salud se ha desacreditado ampliamente como la más horrible de las reformas de salud neoliberales. Sin embargo, el autor afirma que Chile tiene uno de los sistemas de salud más progresivos en el mundo cuando se lo mide por la combinación de la incidencia fiscal y el gasto en salud pública.
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Wanschelbaum, Cinthia. El proyecto educativo conservador del gobierno de Macri y los vínculos con actores privados. Maria Sibylla Merian Centre Conviviality-Inequality in Latin America, July 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.46877/wanschelbaum.2022.47.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
La reacción conservadora latinoamericana pretende cambiar y reformar la educación siguiendo preceptos neoliberales y neoconservadores fuertemente apoyados por poderosos grupos sociales. Para los gobiernos conservadores la educación es una de las herramientas más importantes para producir consenso y conformidad social. A través de la transmisión de conocimientos, valores e ideas construyen relaciones específicas de hegemonía y convivencia. Como parte de los objetivos del grupo de investigación temática de Mecila “Los proyectos educativos conservadores y sus configuraciones de convivencia-desigualdad en Argentina y Chile: los gobiernos de Macri y Piñera (2010-2020)”, este working paper examina el proyecto educativo del gobierno de Macri y los vínculos con actores privados, como empresas, fundaciones, y Organizaciones No Gubernamentales (ONGs). A partir de un trabajo empírico, intentamos realizar aportes teóricos para la comprensión de cómo el gobierno de Macri reguló formas de conviavilidad a través de sus políticas educativas y las interacciones cotidianas que estas buscan producir y reproducir en el sistema educativo, en un contexto caracterizado por profundas desigualdades de clase, de género y étnicas.