Bibliografie tematiche / Nationalism – Africa, Central

Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Nationalism – Africa, Central"

Autore: Grafiati
Pubblicato: 26 luglio 2024

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Articoli di riviste sul tema "Nationalism – Africa, Central"

1

Ndlovu-Gatsheni, Sabelo J. "Africa for Africans or Africa for “Natives” Only? “New Nationalism” and Nativism in Zimbabwe and South Africa". Africa Spectrum 44, n. 1 (aprile 2009): 61–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203970904400105.

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This article makes historical sense of the recent signs of the metamorphosis of nationalism into nativism in Zimbabwe and South Africa. The central thesis of the article is that the resurgence of Afro-radicalism and nativism in post-settler and post-apartheid societies partly reflected deep-rooted antinomies of black liberation thought and partly current ideological conundrums linked to the limits of both the African national project and global liberal democracy. Dismissals and sententious approaches towards nativism do not help in understanding the current issues in Zimbabwe and South Africa. There is the need to revisit the issues of imaginings of the African liberation agenda together with issues of the resolution of the national question, teleology of the liberation, ownership of strategic resources, knowledge production, control of public discourse, imaginations of the nation and visions of citizenship and democracy. Making sense of nativism provides an oblique entry into an interrogation of the current status of the African national project in Zimbabwe and South Africa.
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2

West, M. O. "Indians, India, and Race and Nationalism in British Central Africa". Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 14, n. 2 (1 settembre 1994): 86–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07323867-14-2-86.

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Stephens, Carla R. "Complementary Tools for Studying the Cold War in Africa". Journal of Black Studies 43, n. 1 (2 settembre 2011): 95–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934711420259.

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This review of Piero Gleijeses’ monumental historical text, Conflicting Missions: Havana, Washington and Africa, 1959-1976, and Jihan El-Tahri’s award-winning documentary, Cuba: An African Odyssey, not only examines the strengths and weaknesses of these powerful complementary texts regarding Cuban internationalism in Africa but also provides pedagogical guidance for their use in teaching about the Cold War in Africa. These texts demonstrate how central Africa was to the history of the period and provide a means for educators to undermine students’ preconceived notions of the power of the West, African insignificance, and the major actors in the Cold War. This review offers suggestions for how instructors might use the two media to stimulate students’ critical thinking about such broad historical and political themes as race and culture, imperialism and anticolonialism, nationalism, revolution, and nation building foundational to the discourse. Additionally, it suggests other resources—books, newspaper articles, and primary documents—that might also be used when examining this tumultuous historical moment.
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4

Toit, André Du. "Puritans in Africa? Afrikaner “Calvinism” and Kuyperian Neo-Calvinism in Late Nineteenth-Century South Africa". Comparative Studies in Society and History 27, n. 2 (aprile 1985): 209–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500011336.

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Accounts of South African history and politics have been much influenced by what might be termed the Calvinist paradigm of Afrikaner history. As a model for the historical understanding of modern Afrikaner nationalism and of the ideology of apartheid it has proved persuasive to historians and social scientists alike. In outline, it amounts to the view that the “seventeenth-century Calvinism” which the Afrikaner founding fathers derived from their countries of origin became fixed in the isolated frontier conditions of trekboer society and survived for generations in the form of a kind of “primitive Calvinism”; that in the first part of the nineteenth century, this gave rise to a nascent chosen people ideology among early Afrikaners, which provided much of the motivation for, as well as the self-understanding of, that central event in Afrikaner history, the Great Trek, while simultaneously serving to legitimate the conquest and subordination of indigenous peoples; and that, mediated in this way, an authentic tradition of Afrikaner Calvinism thus constitutes the root source of modern Afrikaner nationalism and the ideology of apartheid. In fact, very little of this purported historical explanation will stand up to rigorous critical scrutiny: in vain will one look for hard evidence, either in the primary sources of early Afrikaner political thinking or in the contemporary secondary literature, of a set of popular beliefs that might be recognised as “primitive Calvinism” or as an ideology of a chosen people with a national mission.
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McCRACKEN, JOHN. "BLANTYRE TRANSFORMED: CLASS, CONFLICT AND NATIONALISM IN URBAN MALAWI". Journal of African History 39, n. 2 (luglio 1998): 247–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853797007093.

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There are good reasons why the remarkable outpouring of work on Southern African urban history that has taken place over the last twenty years has largely bypassed Malawi. To the overwhelmingly rural character of the Malawi economy must be added the weak impact of settler colonialism in the interwar period and hence the failure of Blantyre, one of the oldest colonial settlements in Central Africa, with a history going back to the foundation of the Blantyre mission in 1876, to develop as a substantial commercial centre. This feature was reinforced in turn by Sir Harry Johnston's decision, taken in 1891, to site the colonial capital at Zomba and by the construction in 1907 at Limbe, five miles from Blantyre, of the railway terminus for the protectorate.Urban development in Malawi was therefore not concentrated on a single dominant commercial and administrative centre, as was the case in neighbouring Tanganyika. Rather it was split between three equally impoverished settlements, containing small populations ranging in size in 1945 from approximately 4,600 in Blantyre and Zomba to 7,100 in Limbe. Far more Malawians, in consequence, experienced urban culture as labour migrants in Johannesburg or Salisbury, where an estimated 10,000 Malawians were living in 1938, than they did working at home.
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Müller, Retief. "Traversing a Tightrope between Ecumenism and Exclusivism: The Intertwined History of South Africa’s Dutch Reformed Church and the Church of Central Africa Presbyterian in Nyasaland (Malawi)". Religions 12, n. 3 (9 marzo 2021): 176. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12030176.

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During the first few decades of the 20th century, the Nkhoma mission of the Dutch Reformed Church of South Africa became involved in an ecumenical venture that was initiated by the Church of Scotland’s Blantyre mission, and the Free Church of Scotland’s Livingstonia mission in central Africa. Geographically sandwiched between these two Scots missions in Nyasaland (presently Malawi) was Nkhoma in the central region of the country. During a period of history when the DRC in South Africa had begun to regressively disengage from ecumenical entanglements in order to focus on its developing discourse of Afrikaner Christian nationalism, this venture in ecumenism by one of its foreign missions was a remarkable anomaly. Yet, as this article illustrates, the ecumenical project as finalized at a conference in 1924 was characterized by controversy and nearly became derailed as a result of the intransigence of white DRC missionaries on the subject of eating together with black colleagues at a communal table. Negotiations proceeded and somehow ended in church unity despite the DRC’s missionaries’ objection to communal eating. After the merger of the synods of Blantyre, Nkhoma and Livingstonia into the unified CCAP, distinct regional differences remained, long after the colonial missionaries departed. In terms of its theological predisposition, especially on the hierarchy of social relations, the Nkhoma synod remains much more conservative than both of its neighboring synods in the CCAP to the south and north. Race is no longer a matter of division. More recently, it has been gender, and especially the issue of women’s ordination to ministry, which has been affirmed by both Blantyre and Livingstonia, but resisted by the Nkhoma synod. Back in South Africa, these events similarly had an impact on church history and theological debate, but in a completely different direction. As the theology of Afrikaner Christian nationalism and eventually apartheid came into positions of power in the 1940s, the DRC’s Nkhoma mission in Malawi found itself in a position of vulnerability and suspicion. The very fact of its participation in an ecumenical project involving ‘liberal’ Scots in the formation of an indigenous black church was an intolerable digression from the normative separatism that was the hallmark of the DRC under apartheid. Hence, this article focuses on the variegated entanglements of Reformed Church history, mission history, theology and politics in two different 20th-century African contexts, Malawi and South Africa.
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Mndolwa, Maimbo, e Philippe Denis. "Anglicanism, Uhuru and Ujamaa: Anglicans in Tanzania and the Movement for Independence". Journal of Anglican Studies 14, n. 2 (9 settembre 2016): 192–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740355316000206.

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AbstractThe Anglican Church in Tanzania emerged from the work of the Universities’ Mission to Central Africa (UMCA) and the Australian Church Missionary Society (CMSA). The Anglican missions had goals which stood against colonialism and supported the victory of nationalism. Using archives and interviews as sources, this article considers the roles and reaction of the Anglican missions in the struggle for political independence in Tanganyika and Zanzibar, the effects of independence on the missions and the Church more broadly, and the responses of the missions to ujamaa in Tanzania.
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Chevannes, Barry. "Forging a Black identity". New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 66, n. 3-4 (1 gennaio 1992): 241–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90001999.

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[First paragraph]The Rastafarians: sounds of cultural dissonance [revised and updated editionj. LEONARD E. BARRETT, SR. Boston: Beacon Press, 1988. xviii + 302 pp. (Paper US$ 11.95)Rasta and resistance: from Marcus Garvey to Walter Rodney. HORACE CAMPBELL. Trenton NJ: Africa World Press, 1987. xiii + 236 pp. (Cloth US$32.95, Paper US$ 10.95)Garvey's children: the legacy of Marcus Garvey. TONY SEWELL. London: Macmillan Caribbean, 1990. 128 pp. (Paper £ 17.95)The central theme linking these three titles is the evolution of a black identity among English-speaking Caribbean peoples, in particular Jamaicans. Consequently all three authors cover the two most important historical phenomena in Caribbean black nationalism, namely Garveyism and Rastafari, one focusing on the former and the other two focusing on the latter.
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Beinin, Joel. "MERIP and Political Economy in Middle East Studies". Review of Middle East Studies 55, n. 2 (dicembre 2021): 241–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rms.2022.7.

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AbstractThe Middle East Research and Information Project (MERIP) was founded in 1971 as a project of the American New Left in solidarity with and drawing inspiration from the Beirut-centered Arab New Left and anti-imperialist struggles for national liberation in the Middle East and North Africa. The question of Palestine was a central, but certainly not exclusive, concern. From its origins MERIP was committed to political economy as a key method to understanding the Middle East and North Africa. It highlighted the importance of oil in the regional power structure and to the emergent U.S. empire. Many of its articles featured analyses of the social relationships of class and capital. MERIP was wary of “Arab socialism” and pan-Arab nationalism as official state ideologies. Its analysis of the 1979 Iranian revolution won MERIP and its emphasis on the importance of political economy a respected place in Anglo-American academia. Political economy never disappeared from MERIP's orientation, although its salience declined from the mid-1980s to the mid-2000s. The financial crisis of 2008 drew renewed attention to the structure of global capitalism. MERIP's history positioned it to participate in the renewed attention to class, capital, markets with more attention to the racialized and gendered character of these relationships.
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Dahl, Adam. "Self-Determination between World and Nation". Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 40, n. 3 (1 dicembre 2020): 613–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-8747581.

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Abstract Rejecting the rigid dichotomy between anticolonial nationalism and postnational solidarity, Adom Getachew's Worldmaking after Empire argues that anticolonial leaders in the Caribbean and Africa did not outright reject the nation-state in their quest for self-determination. Instead, they internationalized the nation-state through the construction of new constituted powers that linked national sovereignties together in global juridical, political, and economic bodies. This essay explores a neglected question in this account: What were the constituent powers—the underlying sources of authority —that corresponded to these new global institutions? What, in other words, was the constituency of self-determination? Focusing on C. L. R. James and W. E. B. Du Bois, Dahl shows how anticolonial constituencies are at once the referent and effect of claims for self-determination. For James and Du Bois, politically delineating the constituency of self-determination is central to the institutional project of securing nondomination against international hierarchies of empire and enslavement.
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Tesi sul tema "Nationalism – Africa, Central"

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Cohen, Andrew Peter. "Settler power, African nationalism and British interests in the Central African Federation, 1957-1963". Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.734447.

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Bounda, Sosthène. "Le Comité international de la Croix-Rouge en Afrique centrale à la fin du XXe siècle : cas du Cameroun, du Congo Brazzaville, du Congo Kinshasa et du Gabon de 1960 à 1999". Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015BOR30053/document.

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Le comité international de la Croix-Rouge en abrégé CICR est une organisation humanitaire fondée en 1863 par le Comité de cinq citoyens suisses: Gustave Moynier, Henri Dunant, Guillaume Dufour, Louis Appia, Théodore Maunoir. Crée à la base pour secourir et venir en aide aux victimes de guerre, sur une initiative d'Henri Dunant d'après un souvenir de la Guerre de Solferino, le CICR élargira son champ d'action après la Convention de Genève de 1949. En effet, le CICR est l'ONG la plus représentée dans le monde et c'est à juste titre qu'elle fut Prix-Nobel de la paix en 1901 remis à Henri Dunant, en 1917, 1944, 1963, pour son effort lors des différents conflits, mais aussi le prix Balzan pour l'humanité, la paix et la fraternité entre les peuples en 1996. Elle s'est établie progressivement dans tous les continents après la seconde Guerre Mondiale. Avant cela, elle n'était qu'une ONG essentiellement européenne. En Afrique Centrale, la délégation de la Croix-Rouge Internationale était basée à Yaoundé au Cameroun et comprenait les pays d'Afrique Centrale tels que le Congo, la RD Congo, le Gabon, la Guinée Equatoriale et le Sao-Tomé. Dans ces pays l'oeuvre du CICR varie selon les besoins Humanitaires des uns et des autres. En effet, plus un Etat est en guerre, plus l’intervention du CICR est importante. Cette intervention se fait dans le respect des règles établies lors des différentes Conventions de Genève, de la Haye et bien d’autres encore. De ces différentes conférences est né le Droit international humanitaire qui codifie l’action du CICR sur le terrain, surtout en temps de guerre, mais aussi celles des autres ONG, y compris les entités onusiennes. Le Droit international est le respect des Droits de l’homme et son environnement en période de conflit armé. Ainsi l’action du CICR en Afrique Centrale a été plus importante en République Démocratique du Congo qu’au Gabon qui est resté sans conflits guerriers depuis 1960, date de départ de notre borne chronologique. Les pays qui font l’objet de notre étude ont connu diverses péripéties : la guerre de Bakassi pour le Cameroun, la guerre civile du Congo Brazzaville et la guerre à multiples facettes interminable en République Démocratique du Congo. L’intervention du CICR en temps de paix est souvent confiée aux Sociétés nationales qui doivent former les secouristes, diffuser le Droit international humanitaire, entre autres de leurs activités quotidiennes de supplier les gouvernements dans leurs missions de santé, d’hygiène. Même cette mission du CICR en temps de paix vise la limitation des dégâts en temps de guerre
The International Committee of the Red Cross ICRC abstract is a humanitarian organization founded in 1863 by the Committee of five Swiss citizens: Moynier, Henry Dunant, Guillaume Dufour, Louis Appia, ThéodoreMaunoir. Creates the basis for the relief and assistance to victims of war, an initiative of Henry Dunant from a memory of the War of Solferino, the ICRC will extend its scope after the Geneva Convention of 1949. In Indeed, the ICRC is the NGO most represented in the world and it is appropriate that it was price-Nobel Peace Prize in 1901 awarded to Henri Dunant, in 1917, 1944, 1963 for his effort during the different conflicts, but also the Balzan Prize for humanity, peace and brotherhood among peoples in 1996. It was established gradually in all continents after the Second World War. Before that, she was a mostly European NGOs. In Central Africa, the delegation of the International Red Cross is based in Yaounde, Cameroon and includes the Central African countries such as Congo, DR Congo, Gabon, Equatorial Guinea and Sao Tome. In these countries the work of the ICRC varies Humanitarian needs of each other. The more a country is at war, most of the ICRC's intervention is important. This procedure is done in accordance with the rules established in the various Geneva Conventions, the Hague and many others. Of these conferences was born on international humanitarian law that codifies the ICRC's work in the field, especially in time of war, but also those of other NGOs, including UN entities. International law is respect for human rights and the environment in times of armed conflict. Thus the ICRC's work in Central Africa was greater in Democratic Republic of Congo and Gabon, which remained without military conflicts since 1960, starting date of our chronological terminal. The countries that are the subject of our study experienced various vicissitudes: Bakassi war for Cameroon, the civil war in Congo Brazzaville and war multifaceted ending in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The intervention of the ICRC in time of peace is often left to National Societies must train rescuers dissemination of international humanitarian law, including their daily activities to beg governments in their health missions, hygiene. Even the ICRC mission in peacetime is damage limitation in time of war
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Van, der Merwe Anna Susanna Petronella. "Postkolonialiteit in die twintigste- en een-en-twintigste-eeuse Afrikaanse drama met klem op die na-sestigers". Thesis, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/1219.

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Text in Afrikaans
In this thesis the term post-colonialism in the Afrikaans drama is investigated, focussing on the post-sixties. The term post-colonialism is difficult to define. Not only are theories of post-colonialism in a state of continuous flux and shifting emphasis, but as a result of different colonial dominations, separate identities have been constructed in South-Africa; so that defining the terms colonial, post colonial and post-colonial proves to be even more problematic. The purpose of this study is to determine to what extent the Afrikaans drama fits into these discourses. The basic point of departure is the fact that post-colonialism played a considerable role in the development of the Afrikaans drama, at the same time providing a more varied scope. The research covers several aspects of post-colonialism in Afrikaans drama; each dealt with in a separate chapter. A multitude of perspectives are featured within the broader discourse in order to obtain multiple norms and standards in a phase of self-criticism. The focus falls mainly on themes and not on performance aspects. New perspectives on issues such as canon texts, silence, hero-worship, the portrayal of woman, patriarchy, and neo-colonialism are presented (chapter 1). In chapter 2 focus falls on the period before 1960, and notably the question of nationalism (associated with apartheid) and the portrayal of the Afrikaner. The literary canon, forms of violence and the position of the super-Afrikaner are viewed in a new light during the re-writing of post-colonial history and the resulting paradigm shifts after 1960. Renewed emphasis is placed on discourse concerning land (chapter 3). Contrasting concepts regarding race, class, language, gender and religion are reconsidered in order to contribute towards the heterogeneous nature of post-colonialism (chapter 4). The function of theatre is to re-evaluate in the context of a post-1994 democratic system. Texts now focus especially on empowerment, re-discovery and re-ordering of history, reconciliation, inter-cultural contact and a post-apartheid syndrome (chapter 5). Anti-hegemonic resistance in Afrikaans literature since the sixties has confronted writers with the challenge of depicting or creating a larger post-colonial reality through their texts.
Afrikaans & Theory of Literature
D. Litt. et Phil. (Afrikaans)
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Libri sul tema "Nationalism – Africa, Central"

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Macola, Giacomo. Liberal Nationalism in Central Africa. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230104891.

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Liberal nationalism in Central Africa: A biography of Harry Mwaanga Nkumbula. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.

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Macola, Giacomo. Liberal nationalism in Central Africa: A biography of Harry Mwaanga Nkumbula. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.

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4

Laboratoire "Tiers-Mondes, Afrique" (France). Groupe de recherche sur les sociétés africaines., a cura di. Enjeux nationaux et dynamiques régionales dans l'Afrique des grands lacs: Interventions et communications de la journée d'étude (Lille, 20 juin 1992). Villeneuve d'Ascq: Diffusion, URA "Tiers-Monde/Afrique", Faculté de sciences économiques et sociales, Université des sciences et technologies de Lille, 1992.

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5

Megan, Vaughan, a cura di. Death, belief and politics in Central African history. Lusaka, Zambia: Lembani Trust, 2013.

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6

Europe, United States Congress Commission on Security and Cooperation in. Implementation of the Helsinki accords: Hearing before the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, One Hundred Third Congress, first session, the countries of Central Asia, problems in the transition to independence and the implications for the United States, March 25, 1993. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1993.

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Europe, United States Congress Commission on Security and Cooperation in. Implementation of the Helsinki accords: Hearing before the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, One Hundred Third Congress, first session, the countries of Central Asia, problems in the transition to independence and the implications for the United States, March 25, 1993. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1993.

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Macola, Giacomo. Liberal Nationalism in Central Africa. Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.

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9

Macola, G. Liberal Nationalism in Central Africa: A Biography of Harry Mwaanga Nkumbula. Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.

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Mougoué, Jacqueline-Bethel Tchouta. Gender, Separatist Politics, and Embodied Nationalism in Cameroon. University of Michigan Press, 2019.

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Capitoli di libri sul tema "Nationalism – Africa, Central"

1

Macola, Giacomo. "Introduction: Historical Biography and Rival African Nationalisms". In Liberal Nationalism in Central Africa, 1–8. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230104891_1.

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Macola, Giacomo. "Imagining the Nation: Methodism, History, and Politics in Nkumbula’s Early Years". In Liberal Nationalism in Central Africa, 9–27. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230104891_2.

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Macola, Giacomo. "“The Father of Zambian Politics” between Padmore and Maala". In Liberal Nationalism in Central Africa, 29–51. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230104891_3.

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4

Macola, Giacomo. "The Explosion of Contradictions". In Liberal Nationalism in Central Africa, 53–72. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230104891_4.

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Macola, Giacomo. "Nkumbula, UNIP, and the Roots of Authoritarianism in Nationalist Zambia". In Liberal Nationalism in Central Africa, 73–94. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230104891_5.

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Macola, Giacomo. "Resisting UNIP: Liberal Democracy and Ethnic Politics in the First Republic". In Liberal Nationalism in Central Africa, 95–120. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230104891_6.

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Macola, Giacomo. "“The Last Battle I Will Ever Fight”: Nkumbula and the Drive toward the One-Party State". In Liberal Nationalism in Central Africa, 121–44. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230104891_7.

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Macola, Giacomo. "Epilogue: Nkumbula’s Last Initiatives and Legacy". In Liberal Nationalism in Central Africa, 145–55. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230104891_8.

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Giliomee, Hermann. "Afrikaner Politics 1977–87: from Afrikaner Nationalist Rule to Central State Hegemony". In Can South Africa Survive?, 108–35. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19661-6_6.

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Eriksen, Thomas Hylland, e Martina Visentin. "Rage Days". In Acceleration and Cultural Change, 69–78. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-33099-5_6.

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AbstractThere has been a perceptible shift from class politics to identity politics in the last few decades, and this is not just the case in the North Atlantic world – from Trump to Orban, from Brexit to Salvini and more recently Meloni. Unlike in the postwar decades, Indian politics are to a great extent defined through hindutva, Hindu nationalism, as a centre of gravity; contemporary Chinese political rhetoric does not delve into the virtues of Communism as much as it glorifies the history and current achievements of the great Chinese nation; in African societies, conceptualizations of autochthony – first-comers – have become important aspects of rights claims in ways that were unknown until recently, and similar tendencies can be discerned in Latin America as well. Politicized nostalgia and an eagerness to build walls, physical and virtual, against the impurities and contaminations of the outside world, are pitted against an enthusiasm for openness, free trade and cultural exchanges, sometimes aligned with cosmopolitan values and inclusive forms of humanism whereby the rights of migrants and cultural minorities are defended on universalist grounds. In other words, people in otherwise very different societies raise strikingly similar questions about who they are and what that entails. In rapidly changing surroundings, the answers are fraught with controversy, often pitting ambivalence and doubt against withdrawal and reassertions of boundaries. The Overheating approach represents a perspective on identity which aims to take previous theorising a step further. Shifting, multiple, contested and unstable social identities that hold out a promise to form the basis for a meaningful sense of belonging are taken as a starting point, not as a conclusion, and they are viewed through the lens of accelerated change. It is as if modernity shifted to a higher gear towards the end of the twentieth century.
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Rapporti di organizzazioni sul tema "Nationalism – Africa, Central"

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Torre, Costanza. Considérations clés : Mobiliser les « personnes en déplacement » pour promouvoir l’acceptation du vaccin contre la COVID-19 en Italie. SSHAP, maggio 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/sshap.2022.023.

Testo completo
Abstract (sommario):
La présente note stratégique relative aux considérations clés énonce les perceptions, la compréhension et les expériences de la vaccination contre la COVID-19 parmi les « personnes en déplacement » en Italie. Pour un nombre croissant de ces personnes, l’Italie est considérée comme une destination de transit pour atteindre d’autres pays européens. Les considérations exposées dans cette note stratégique sont pertinentes pour les pays situés le long des routes migratoires de la Méditerranée orientale et centrale. Les décideurs de l’UE ont exprimé leur inquiétude quant à la vulnérabilité des populations mobiles – un groupe qui comprend les réfugiés, les demandeurs d’asile et des migrants sans papiers – en ce qui concerne la COVID-19. En raison de l’extrême mobilité de ces populations, associée à la frayeur vis-à-vis des autorités de l’État, les experts en santé publique ont relié les communautés à un risque accru de transmission de la COVID-19 à l’intérieur et au-delà des frontières nationales. Pourtant, les mêmes facteurs reliant les populations mobiles à la transmission de la COVID-19 rendent également ces personnes difficiles à atteindre par le biais de campagnes de vaccination menées par l’État. Cette note stratégique met en évidence les complexités de cette situation humanitaire et fournit des conseils concernant les approches de vaccination qui tiennent compte des vulnérabilités et des priorités spécifiques des populations. Cette note stratégique s’appuie sur des recherches menées le long de la frontière alpine italienne en 2021. Elle a été rédigée pour la SSHAP par Costanza Torre (LSE) en collaboration avec Elizabeth Storer (LSE) et Sara Vallerani (Université de Rome III). En outre, des contributions et des commentaires ont été fournis par Megan Schmidt-Sane (IDS), Eloisa Franchi (Université Paris Saclay – Université de Pavie), et le Professeur Federico Federici (UCL). La responsabilité inhérente à cette note stratégique revient à la SSHAP. La recherche a été financée par le biais du Fonds du G7 (COVG7210058) destiné au programme de reprise après la COVID-19 de l'Académie Britannique. La recherche était basée au Firoz Lalji Institute for Africa, London School of Economics. La responsabilité inhérente à cette note stratégique revient à la SSHAP.
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