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Articoli di riviste sul tema "National identity"

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Autore: Grafiati

Pubblicato: 4 giugno 2021

Ultima modifica: 22 giugno 2024

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1

Velut, Sébastien. "L'Argentine : identité nationale et mondialisation // Argentine : national identity and globalization". Annales de Géographie 113, n. 638 (2004): 489–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/geo.2004.21635.

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2

Liu, Qiang, e David Turner. "Identity and national identity". Educational Philosophy and Theory 50, n. 12 (19 febbraio 2018): 1080–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00131857.2018.1434076.

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3

Robbins, Keith. "National identity". International Affairs 68, n. 2 (aprile 1992): 339–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2623249.

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4

Allchin, Arthur Macdonald. "National Identity". Grundtvig-Studier 44, n. 1 (1 gennaio 1993): 9–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/grs.v44i1.16094.

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National identitet og internationalt fællesskabAf Arthur Macdonald AllchinI sin redegørelse inddrager Allchin personligt farvede betragtninger over, hvad han som englænder har lært ved at stifte bekendtskab med Grundtvig og hans betydning for Danmark i historie og nutid. I fortsættelsen skitserer Allchin, hvordan vigtige perspektiver hos Grundtvig først bliver anskuet i deres virkelige rækkevidde, nr. deres aktuelle relevans langt ud over Danmarks grænser bliver taget med i betragtning.Alt for ofte har det været således, at 'national identitet' er blevet anskuet som et sæt af værdier, der ligger i strid med det pågældende lands plads i det internationale fællesskab. For Grundtvig var det ikke således. Selv om han undertiden kunne give anledning til nationalistiske forestillinger og også. siden hen er blevet brugt i samme retning, var Grundtvigs egentlige overbevisning knyttet til, at han forstod sig selv og sin virksomhed inden for danskhedens rammer og p. samme tid understregede Danmarks plads i universalhistorien. Således var han alt andet end isolationist.Grundtvigs forståelse af national identitet bygger på tre ting: et folk, der bebor et afgrænset geografisk omr.de, som endvidere har et modersmål og en digtning, og som endelig har en fælles historisk arv.De indsigter, der rummes heri, har på afgørende punkter relevans i lyset af dagens internationale situation. Men netop ved at gennemføre en afbalanceret vurdering af Grundtvigs tanker, kan vi opnå et frugtbart grundlag for bestræbelser, der rækker fra kultur- og samfundspolitik til undervisning, fra kirkeliv og teologi til bestræbelserne p. at virkeligg.re en højere grad af fællesskab mellem kristenhedens kirkesamfund.Med denne omfattende målsætning som sin ledetråd udtrykker Allchin for sit eget vedkommende taknemmelighed over at kunne deltage i et samarbejde med kolleger fra Det teologiske Fakultet ved Aarhus Universitet og i særdeleshed Center for Grundtvig Studier.

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5

Pierre, Andrew J., Anthony D. Smith e Julia Kristeva. "National Identity". Foreign Affairs 72, n. 4 (1993): 152. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20045725.

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6

Johnston, Hank, e Anthony D. Smith. "National Identity." Contemporary Sociology 24, n. 4 (luglio 1995): 363. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2077662.

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7

Tevzadze, Natia. "National identity and national consciousness". History of European Ideas 19, n. 1-3 (dicembre 1994): 437–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(94)90245-3.

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8

Cohen, Anthony P. "Understanding National Identity". Scottish Affairs 25, n. 4 (novembre 2016): 551–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2016.0159.

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9

Bechhofer, Frank, e David McCrone. "Choosing National Identity". Sociological Research Online 15, n. 3 (agosto 2010): 13–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.2191.

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This paper examines national identity in England and Scotland, arguing that it is necessary to understand how people construe it instead of simply assuming that it is constructed from above by the state. It adds to qualitative data on this issue by discussing recent survey data, from the British and Scottish Social Attitudes surveys 2006, in which for the first time people are asked about their reasons for making a specific choice of national identity. In so doing it fleshes out the responses given to a well known survey question (the so-called ‘Moreno’ question) providing a greater understanding of what a large sample of people are saying when they make these territorial identity choices. The English and the Scots handle ‘national’ and ‘state’ identities differently, but the paper shows there is considerable similarity as regards reasons for choosing national identity. Both English and Scottish ‘nationals’, those placing greater weight on their ‘national’ as opposed to their ‘state’ identities, choose to do so mainly for cultural and institutional reasons. They are not making a ‘political’ statement about the break-up of Britain. At the British end of the scale, there are patterns in the English data which throw into doubt easy assertions about ‘being British’. Simply assuming, as some politicians and commentators do, that ‘British’ has singular meanings is unfounded. The future of the United Kingdom as presently constituted may lie in the hands of those who describe themselves as equally national (English or Scottish) and British. Devolution influences which national identity people choose in all three sets of national identity categories but these effects are sociologically most interesting in this group. Devolution seems to have encouraged them to stress the equality of the two nations in the British state, recognising that they are equal partners, that one can be equally proud of a national and a British identity, and that it is not necessary to choose one over the other.

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Phillips, Rupert. "Jamaicans’ National Identity". International Journal of Religion and Spirituality in Society 4, n. 2 (2014): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/2154-8633/cgp/v04i02/51086.

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11

Banting, Keith. "Understanding national identity". Ethnic and Racial Studies 40, n. 8 (15 novembre 2016): 1348–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2016.1257820.

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12

McCrone, David, e Frank Bechhofer. "Claiming national identity". Ethnic and Racial Studies 33, n. 6 (giugno 2010): 921–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870903457199.

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13

Young, Christabel. "Australian National Identity". Population Studies 46, n. 3 (1 novembre 1992): 557–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0032472031000146656.

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14

Goscilo, Helena. "Stacking National Identity". Experiment 25, n. 1 (30 settembre 2019): 227–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2211730x-12341340.

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Abstract The matreshka designed by Sergei Maliutin and turned by Vasilii Zvezdochkin has fulfilled a precisely defined function from its inception in the late 1890s until today. Conceived as a material embodiment of national identity amid Abramtsevo’s revival of endemic Russian traditions, the stacking doll symbolized robust national fecundity. Produced and sold in the workshop Detskoe vospitanie [Children’s Upbringing] established by the Mamontov family, it promoted Russianness in a range of stacked dolls garbed in the ethnic dress of the country’s various regions. During the Soviet era the matreshka became standardized and promoted as the quintessential emblem of a vital Russia, above all to foreigners. The demise of the Soviet Union witnessed the spectacular rise of the author’s matreshka, one indelibly stamped with the creative imagination of its individual creator under new economic and cultural conditions. Political figures, American sports heroes, British rock groups, TV characters, and Hollywood stars all appeared as increasingly decorative stacked dolls. In short, the fate and the appearance of the matreshka accurately reflect Russia’s ideological biases and shifts. If early twentieth-century exploration of diverse national images yielded to a monochromatic defensiveness materialized as the unyielding, stoic child-bearer of Cold War Sovietism, then the post-Soviet matreshka conveys the chameleon-like, cosmetic veneers adopted and discarded by the consumerist society of the 1990s and subsequent decades. My article analyzes the vagaries of the matreshka’s legacy under Soviet and post-Soviet rule, during which the stacked doll has never lost its status as a unique symbol of national identity, though the terms of that symbolism have evolved.

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15

Kaneva, Nadia, e Delia Popescu. "National identity lite". International Journal of Cultural Studies 14, n. 2 (25 febbraio 2011): 191–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367877910382181.

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16

Atkin, Muriel. "Tajik national identity". Iranian Studies 26, n. 1-2 (marzo 1993): 151–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00210869308701794.

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17

Carlson, Brian G. "Minting National Identity". SAIS Review of International Affairs 25, n. 2 (2005): 81–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sais.2005.0030.

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18

Razina, Tatiana V. "National identity VS Russian civic identity". Вестник Сыктывкарского университета. Серия 2: Биология. Геология. Химия. Экология, n. 2 (2022): 7–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.34130/2306-6229-2022-2-7.

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19

Granhenat, Mehdi, e Ain Nadzimah Abdullah. "USING NATIONAL IDENTITY MEASURE AS AN INDICATOR OF MALAYSIAN NATIONAL IDENTITY". Journal of Nusantara Studies (JONUS) 2, n. 2 (31 dicembre 2017): 214. http://dx.doi.org/10.24200/jonus.vol2iss2pp214-223.

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Conducting research about individuals’ feelings of belonging to a society comprising different social strata is of interest to researchers. National identity as a collective identity has gained salient attention in Malaysia because the country’s social structure is made up of different ethnic groups. To shed light on this topic, this study investigated national identity among undergraduate students of a public university in Malaysia. A survey questionnaire (the National Identity Measure or NIM) was utilized as the data collection instrument. Using a random proportional stratified sampling strategy, a total of 498 undergraduates studying in the University’s 15 different faculties were selected as respondents. The results of the study confirmed that, in a society that embraces various ethnic groups, a collective national identity can be measured.Keywords: Feeling of belonging, Malaysia, measurement, national identity, national identity measure.Cite as: Granhenat, M. & Abdullah, A.N. (2017). Using national identity measure as an indicator of Malaysian national identity. Journal of Nusantara Studies, 2(2), 214-223.

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20

Zoidovna, Shokirova Ddilfuza, e Ochilova Nilufar Kabilovna. "Issues Of National Methodological Identity And Expression Of National Color In Translation". American Journal of Social Science and Education Innovations 03, n. 02 (28 febbraio 2021): 383–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/tajssei/volume03issue02-60.

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Style is a unique feature of each author, which implies that each artist has his own style - the ideological direction of his work, the artistic means used in the text, lexical and phraseological elements and specific components related to the artistic form. Re-creation of each author's own "language", ie style, is one of the important conditions of literary translation and requires great artistic skill from the translator. The stylistic diversity, the charm of form and meaning is a great treasure of every national literature. Were it not for the variety of styles and colors, there would have been a single stylistic ambiguity, ambiguity, ambiguity. Such a situation would have led to intellectual bluntness, artistic poverty.

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21

Park, Jee-Kwang. "National Identity in the Eastern and Southern Ukraine in 2022: a National Survey Analysis". East European and Balkan Institute 46, n. 3 (31 agosto 2022): 179–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.19170/eebs.2022.46.3.179.

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The Russia-Ukraine conflict over territory is rekindled by the Russia’s military invasion into Ukraine in February 2022. Russia takes it as the pretext of this invasion to protect the Russian-speaking population in Ukraine which accounts for about one-third of the Ukraine population. Russia has insisted that Ukraine does not have a separate and independent national identity distinct from Russia. Russia further insists that Ukraine was historic allyl a part of Russia and should be incorporated into the Russian civilization world. Radical Russian nationalists believe that it is their duty to reclaim the Eastern Ukraine which rightfully belongs to Russia but is mistakenly given to Ukraine. Ukrainian politicians and scholars deny any of these claims made by Russian nationalists. This debate between Russia and Ukraine over Ukraine’s identity largely depends on the definition of national identity. national identity can be defined as ethnical or civic one. Ethnically, Ukraine has a national identity close to Russia’s. However, in terms of civic identity, Ukraine has a distinct identity from Russia’s. Ukrainian scholars emphasize that most residents in Ukraine have Ukraine civic identity and have fortified it in the wake of the Crimean Peninsula annexation and the Donbass war in 2014. On the other hand, Russian nationalists deny this argument. To answer the questions, this article conducts a nationally representative telephone survey in Ukraine in February, 2022. The survey shows that about 70% of the respondents identify themselves as entirely Ukrainian citizen. Even in the East Ukraine, over 50% of the respondents do so. Thus, the Russian nationalists claim that the Russian-speaking people in the East feel Russian national identity is not empirically supported by our survey. However, the Ukrainization of Russian-speaking people in the East has not occurred as widely as some scholars assert although there is clear evidence for the phenomenon.

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22

Wallace, William. "Personal identity, national identity and international relations". International Affairs 68, n. 2 (aprile 1992): 326. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2623224.

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23

Fenwick, Rudy, e William Bloom. "Personal Identity, National Identity and International Relations." Contemporary Sociology 20, n. 4 (luglio 1991): 581. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2071826.

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24

Chenavier, Robert. "Personal Identity and National Identity: An Analogy". Philosophical Investigations 43, n. 1-2 (gennaio 2020): 158–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/phin.12266.

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25

Shedenova, N., e R. Ahmadi. "Social, cultural and political aspects of national identity". Journal of Psychology and Sociology 60, n. 1 (2017): 247–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.26577/jpss-2017-1-579.

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26

Glassner, Martin. "Geography and national identity". International Affairs 71, n. 3 (luglio 1995): 605–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2624864.

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27

Bond, Ross. "Review: English National Identity". Scottish Affairs 48 (First Serie, n. 1 (agosto 2004): 50–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2004.0038.

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28

Byung-Jin, Lee. "Education and National Identity". Policy Futures in Education 1, n. 2 (giugno 2003): 332–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/pfie.2003.1.2.9.

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Mankind experienced a tremendous vortex of changes during the last century, and the world changed toward a knowledge-based society. It is also true that the eagerness for constant improvement and growth has deprived us of time to reflect and to judge whether we are moving in the right direction. There are many educational problems in Asia, and considerable parts of the problems are also common in many countries of the world. What should be taken into account here regarding education is that it was established on a strong foundation, and that it should be considered more carefully. The additional points required are a new establishment of the right direction and the provision of a vision about national identity so that the educational boom can make a great contribution toward the mutual prosperity of mankind. In this respect, ‘mutual prosperous globalization’ is the password to the future of education in the twenty-first century. Mutual prosperous globalization is a possibility, where everyone cooperates and prospers mutually to live with equal rights and privileges. The author calls this ‘Symbiotic Globalization’ for the twenty-first century. The future is not something that is taken for granted, but is something that we create. If we really have hopes and desires for an ideal future, we are obliged to make every effort and take every pain to accomplish it. Therefore, it is very important to reexamine education and national identity and to make every effort in the search for a desirable education for the twenty-first century.

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Ociepka, Beata. "Populism and National Identity". Polish Political Science Yearbook 35, n. 1 (31 marzo 2006): 97–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2006007.

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Populism became a signi! cant factor of political debates in Eastern and Western countries of the EU and a new force in European party systems in the nineties. The frame for the discussion on populism is made by the representative form of democracy and responding to it dual system of media of communication. The popularity of populist parties and movements nowadays reflects the crisis of representative democracy. It is accompanied by the growing role of media in politics, which might be seen as the result of citizens’ dissatisfaction with the existing models of intermediation. The media also play a crucial role in the process of identity creation, at the same moment they illustrate the dificulty of defining identity anew.

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30

Serumaga. "The National Identity Card". Transition, n. 117 (2015): 182. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/transition.117.182.

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31

Haller, Max, e Regina RESSLER. "National and European identity". Revue française de sociologie 47, n. 4 (2006): 817. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rfs.474.0817.

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32

Vukoicic, Jelena. "War and national identity". Politea 2, n. 3 (2012): 177–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/pol1203177v.

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33

Sharp, Joanne P., e David Hooson. "Geography and National Identity". Economic Geography 72, n. 1 (gennaio 1996): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/144511.

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34

Lendvai, Ferenc L. "NATIONAL AND EUROPEAN IDENTITY". CREATIVITY STUDIES 1, n. 2 (31 dicembre 2008): 124–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/2029-0187.2008.1.124-130.

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According to a generally accepted conception, members of a nation foster their national identity through assorting their memories of the past, elaborating and preserving their symbols collectively. We have to look for the original unity forming the basis of national unity either in the cohesive force of common origin and residence, or in the self‐conscious contracts of the individuals, or in both. The European Union as such does not have sovereignty; those of the Member States overrule its legislative and executive institutions. Perhaps we can speak about the European Union as a community on a cultural basis. This will raise the question of multiculturalism. Recently an interesting polemic has been developing on the concept and role of Leitkultur. In antiquity the Imperium Romanum, in the Middle Ages the Republica Christiana seem to have been the multicultural forerunners of the European Union.

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35

Fukuyama, Francis. "Why National Identity Matters". Journal of Democracy 29, n. 4 (2018): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2018.0058.

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36

Rembold, Elfie. "Exhibitions and National Identity". National Identities 1, n. 3 (novembre 1999): 221–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14608944.1999.9728112.

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Pryke, Sam. "National and European identity". National Identities 22, n. 1 (23 maggio 2019): 91–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14608944.2019.1590808.

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Woodward, Calvin A., e Thomas J. Barron. "Constitutions and National Identity". International Journal of African Historical Studies 28, n. 2 (1995): 371. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/221622.

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39

Chung, Hyun Back. "National Identity and Feminism". Trans-Humanities Journal 2, n. 1 (2010): 175–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/trh.2010.0007.

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40

Chi Cui, Charles, e Edward I. Adams. "National identity and NATID". International Marketing Review 19, n. 6 (dicembre 2002): 637–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/02651330210451953.

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41

Andronache, Laura. "A National Identity Republicanism?" European Journal of Political Theory 5, n. 4 (ottobre 2006): 399–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474885106067279.

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Heathorn, Stephen. "National Identity and Justice". National Identities 2, n. 3 (novembre 2000): 221–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713687699.

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43

Ward, Tony. "Sport and national identity". Soccer & Society 10, n. 5 (settembre 2009): 518–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14660970902955455.

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Parekh, Biku. "Defining British National Identity". Political Quarterly 71, n. 1 (gennaio 2000): 4–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.00274.

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BLISHEN, BERNARD. "Perceptions of national identity". Canadian Review of Sociology/Revue canadienne de sociologie 15, n. 2 (14 luglio 2008): 128–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1755-618x.1978.tb00986.x.

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Nedomová, Alena, e Tomáš Kostelecký. "The Czech National Identity". Czech Sociological Review 33, n. 1 (1 marzo 1997): 79–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.13060/00380288.1997.33.11.13.

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47

Whitaker, Robin. "QUESTIONS OF NATIONAL IDENTITY". Identities 12, n. 4 (ottobre 2005): 585–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10702890500332758.

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48

LOWE, ROY. "Education and national identity". History of Education 28, n. 3 (settembre 1999): 231–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/004676099284591.

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PAREKH, BHIKHU. "Defining British National Identity". Political Quarterly 80 (settembre 2009): S251—S262. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923x.2009.02157.x.

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50

Filipová, Marta. "Design and National Identity". Journal of Design History 30, n. 4 (7 settembre 2017): 425–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jdh/epx031.

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