Tesi sul tema "Nation"
Segui questo link per vedere altri tipi di pubblicazioni sul tema: Nation.
Cita una fonte nei formati APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard e in molti altri stili
Vedi i top-50 saggi (tesi di laurea o di dottorato) per l'attività di ricerca sul tema "Nation".
Accanto a ogni fonte nell'elenco di riferimenti c'è un pulsante "Aggiungi alla bibliografia". Premilo e genereremo automaticamente la citazione bibliografica dell'opera scelta nello stile citazionale di cui hai bisogno: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver ecc.
Puoi anche scaricare il testo completo della pubblicazione scientifica nel formato .pdf e leggere online l'abstract (il sommario) dell'opera se è presente nei metadati.
Vedi le tesi di molte aree scientifiche e compila una bibliografia corretta.
1
Peristianis, Nicos. "Between nation and state : nation, nationalism, state, and national identity in Cyprus". Thesis, Middlesex University, 2008. http://eprints.mdx.ac.uk/6485/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis is a study of the emergence and diachronic development of Greek-Cypriot nationalism, and its relation to nation, state, and national identities. The broad perspective of historical sociology is used, and the more specific neo-Weberian analytic framework of cultural transformation and social closure, as developed by A. Wimmer, to demonstrate how nationalism, as the 'axial principle' along which modem societies structure inclusion and exclusion, did not lead to the development of a Cypriot nation state, but to a bi-ethnic national state instead; this was mainly because closure took place along ethnic and not national lines, for socio-historical reasons which the study examines. The study first explores the hotly debated issue 'when is the nation', of whether there was a Greek nation in antiquity, of which Greek-Cypriots were a part, or whether the nation's roots are traceable in Medieval times. Next, the development of national consciousness and nationalism is considered, under three different types of regime: During Ottoman rule, a religious community was gradually transformed into an ethnic community; toward the end of this period, Ottoman reforms did not manage to forge a common new (Ottomanist) identity, for social closure had already progressed along ethnic lines. In early British colonial years, ethnicity was politicized and ethnic consciousness gradually turned into a nationalist mass movement for enosis; despite the overall unity of the movement, two variants of nationalism developed, a more traditional ethnic version, characterizing the Right, and another version, imbued with territorial/civic elements (derived from the Internationalist outlook of the communist party), characterizing the Left The anti-colonial struggle for enosis was led by the Right, and excluded the Left and the Turkish-Cypriots. The fragile consociational regime established at independence collapsed after a brief period of cohabitation between the Greeks and Turks of the island in the bi-ethnic / bi-communal Republic of Cyprus - the study analyses the causes leading to the breakdown. Between 1964 and 67, the Greek-Cypriots turned to enosis again, but after realizing the difficulties and dangers involved in its pursuance, Makarios sought to strengthen independence instead, while limiting the powers of Turkish-Cypriots - in effect, aiming for a majoritarian regime with minority rights for the latter. The clash between pro-independence and pro-enosis versions of nationalism was to characterize this period, leading to the coup and invasion of 1974. With the death of enosis in 1974, Hellenocentric nationalism would give more emphasis to Greek culture and identity, whereas Cyprocentric nationalism would stress the priority of Cyprus, the state, and of rapprochement with the Turkish-Cypriots. The study utilizes data from two surveys coordinated by the author, to analyze in more depth the attitudes and discourses of Greek-Cypriots as regards their relations to the Greek nation and the Cypriot state. The gradual strengthening of Cypriot identity is seen to be connected with a new social compromise, which seems to have prevailed within the Greek-Cypriot community, stressing the importance of the Greek-Cypriot state, and which seems to be the primary explanation of why the Greek-Cypriots rejected the federal solution suggested by the UN sponsored Annan Plan, in 2004. In the same year, Cyprus became a member of the European Union, and the study considers some of the implications of this development for the future of nationalism in Cyprus.
2
Fernandez, Nichole Marie. "Visualizing the nation : national identity, tourism advertising, and nation branding in Croatia". Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/25678.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
in many daily forms of media we see the nation being represented by or alongside images. These images of the nation inform the way we see both others and ourselves. This thesis attempts to understand the way the nation is visualized, a topic that has been largely overlooked by theorists of nationalism. The visualization of the nation is explored by researching two national tourism campaigns in Croatia. Croatia was chosen as a case study in which to examine the visualization of the nation due to its recent accession into the European Union alongside the country’s economic dependence on tourism and its current attempts at rebranding. In order to achieve the aims of this research I ask two main research questions: 1. How is the nation visualized in Croatia through tourism advertising and by whom?, 2. How is this visualization received by members of the nation? These questions were answered by combining three methodological steps which consisted of a visual analysis of the images of the campaigns, interviewing those involved in creating the campaigns and other members of the design or tourism community, and finally photo elicitation interviews with members of the Croatian public. This research found that Croatia is often peripheral within these tourism campaigns. The nation is represented passively with the main focus of the advertisements being the experience of tourism. Croatia is merely the backdrop that these tourism activities are being advertised through. This passive representation of Croatia is a consequence of an industry that is focused on increasing tourism numbers and that relies heavily on marketing data. The representation of Croatia is not the aim of these tourism campaigns. The passive image of the nation is additionally the consequence of Croatia’s uneasy relationship with presenting something as national. National pride is often equated with violent forms of nationalism and therefore visual representations of the nation are often eliminated from the positive marketing images of the tourism campaigns. Both members of the nation and the industry downplay the importance of tourism advertising arguing that these images are solely for the tourist and therefore they are largely insignificant. However, I use du Gay’s (1997) concept of the ‘circuit of culture’ to argue that tourism advertising is not just influenced by national identity but rather it is also influencing national identity. These tourism campaigns contribute to the construction of national identity. Therefore, this passive image of the nation is not just for tourists, it is part of a circuit of identity construction that reaches far beyond the target audience. Overall, these tourism images are simplistic and reductive imitations of the nation while national identity is complex, inconsistent, and often contradictory. Branding and design often aims to condense identity into easily recognizable and quickly communicated images making any attempt to brand the nation inherently lacking. While this reductive identity is useful when branding a company or product, when applied to the nation ethical questions emerge about who has the right to construct the nation’s image. I argue that this new phenomenon of commercialized branding that is now a responsibility of the nation is evidence of the changing role of the nation from a modern construction to a postmodern brander. This opens up questions about the democratic nature of these tourism images and consequences of nation branding efforts that continue to represent the nation in reductive and passive terms.
3
Preece, Jennifer Jackson. "National minorities and the European nation-states system /". Oxford (GB) : Clarendon press, 1998. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37320939s.
Testo completo
4
Jeong, Jaehyeon. "Imagining National Cuisine: Food, Media, and the Nation". Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2018. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/510291.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Media & CommunicationPh.D.
By reading food television as a cultural text, through which the nation is narrated and envisioned, this dissertation examines the evolution of Korean food television and its articulation of Koreanness in contemporary globalization. Theoretically, I suggests understanding the nation as a discourse or a regime of truth from the Foucauldian perspective. In order to bring Foucault’s relativistic notion of truth into play, this dissertation employs Fairclough’s three-dimensional approach for critical discourse analysis (CDA). Through this multi-dimensional approach, I aimed to conduct a thick description of Korean food television’s discursive practice with regard to national cuisine and the Korean nation. My historical analysis of food television shows that an increased awareness of cultural others enhances a struggle for nation-ness. By unveiling the “Janus-faced” characteristic of the nation, which is constructed both against and through differences, this dissertation identifies the inextricable relationship between the nation and globalization, and the hierarchical integration processes inherent in cultural hybridization. Moreover, this research project reveals how the nation-state actively appropriates the banality of food and is involved in the production practices of the television industry in order to produce and disseminate hegemonic discourses on the nation, and to keep nationhood near the surface of everyday life. Through an investigation of the interplay between television texts and social conditions, my dissertation also explicates the socially-constructed and the socially-constitutive nature of media discourse, and enriches the discussion regarding the production cultures of the global television industries.
Temple University--Theses
5
Kubisiak, Maximilian. "Bigfoot Nation". Digital Commons at Loyola Marymount University and Loyola Law School, 2021. https://digitalcommons.lmu.edu/etd/964.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
An outcast Bigfoot and amateur “expert” in the study of humans, a Ted Kaczynski conspiracy theorist, and a bored Gen Z-er are all unwittingly drawn into a ring of political, corporate, and international conspiracies in a small Rocky Mountain town. The trio bumbles through the absurdities of a classic western conspiracy.
6
Konokh, Polina. "Mule Nation". TopSCHOLAR®, 2019. https://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/3129.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis project is a TV pilot and the second episode of the show. There is also a critical essay that serves as an explanation of the creative work.
There are multiple problems addressed in the text, such as growing up, living in the modern world, countries not working properly for their citizens and other important issues of our modern life, with a thorough explanation of some of them in the critical essay.
The screenplays are formatted according to the current industry standards.
The result of this thesis is two first episodes of a potential TV show.
7
Lagergren, Robin. "“Whose nation?” : A study of nation-building in Namibia". Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för samhälls- och välfärdsstudier, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-81646.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Using a critical discourse analysis this study focuses on the Namibian nation-building process. The former colony gained its independence in 1990 from the South African apartheid administration. It was this oppressing social structure that gave the people a common enemy to unite against. It was from this unity that the Namibian identity sprung. This study took place during three month in Namibia where nine people were interviewed. They all had contributed, or still contribute to the nation-building process in different ways. Some for example active in the liberation struggle, active in government or in political youth organizations. To further contextualize the Namibian society three local newspapers was followed during this time. The material is here discussed and analysed along with theories on nations and nationhood, identity and nationality as well as with post-colonialism and globalization. The results show that the colonial history has affected many social structures of today. Both on an individual level as well as on an intergroup and a society level. The empirical material show tribalistic tendencies in the sense that tribal heritage sometimes is considered more important than a uniting Namibian identity. To put this in a wider perspective there is a discussion on how this relates to a global capitalist system.
8
La, Spada Alberto <1989>. "From nation-states to nation-regions: the evolution of national identities facing the dawn of the global era". Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/4484.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Aujourd’hui la mondialisation est arrivée à un niveau de progrès indéniablement important pour les relations internationales. Dans le même temps, on peut voir la multiplication des mouvements, aussi bien politiques que sociaux, empruntés au nationalisme. Est-il possible que la réaffirmation de l’identité nationale dans un monde global soit causée par l’échec dans la construction d’autres identités à un niveau super-national?
Mon analyse va se dérouler en partant de la première création de la nation au XVIII siècle, à l’aide de deux études de cas. L’Europe, avec la rivalité entre France et Allemagne, et l’Asie Orientale, où les relations entre la Chine et le Japon sont autant délicates. Dans le premier cas, on verra comme la construction d’une identité nouvelle, l’identité européenne, a permis la création de l’Union Européenne; dans le second cas, au contraire, l’échec de la même tentative mena à la division permanente de la péninsule coréenne.
De quelle manière les identités nationales vont se modifier face aux défis de la mondialisation?
9
Cook, Danielle N. "Public space and nation| Constructing national culture after independence". Thesis, California State University, Long Beach, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1527908.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In this thesis, I use the cities of Yamoussoukro, Cote d'Ivoire; Phnom Penh, Cambodia; and Montreal, Canada as case studies to analyze the connection between architecture, nationalism, and the influence of colonialism. Each of these cities was directly influenced by French urban development as these cities were reshaped in order to change the people, history, or culture of specific geographies. As these countries gained independence from France they used architecture as a way to express national identity to local populations in order to collectivize them, as well as a way to express this "unified" identity to the international community. This is rooted in the urban policies of the European colonizers which focused on teaching indigenous populations European morality, aesthetics, and rational use of space, but also in the creation of maps, drawings, and other material to express the colonial identity of these territories.
10
Harris, Claire Elizabeth. "Conservative Party strategy, 1997-2001 : nation and national identity". Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2006. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/10282/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This research is a detailed analysis of the Conservative Party leadership's understanding of British nationhood and national identity and its use of those concepts as part of its strategy during the 1997-2001 parliament. The evolution of Hague's strategy will be examined and both the leadership's conception of British nationhood and national identity and its utilisation of those concepts as part of its strategy will be analysed. Why did Hague use those concepts and why did he believe an appeal to the electorate's sense of national identity was an important part of his overall strategy? Was the leadership united in its understanding of nationhood and national identity and in agreement as to the role that those concepts should play within the party's strategy? Did the strategic role played by those concepts change during the parliament? Why did those concepts fail to adapt the party to being in Opposition and enable it to maximise its electoral support? Amongst the most important findings is that when conceptualising national identity, the leadership can be split into two groups, modernisers and traditionalists and both believed they were appealing to the majority of British people. As the 2001 General Election approached, Hague abandoned a long-term modernising approach to party renewal and emphasised policies which he believed would shore up the party's core support base, whilst also broadening its support. The politics of nationhood were central to this traditionalist approach. The issues that Hague emphasised were not salient and succeeded only in deepening, not broadening, the party's support.
11
Zhu, Lianbi. "National holidays and minority festivals in Canadian nation-building". Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2012. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/2598/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This study of Canadian national holidays examines their role as a complex and dynamic instrument of nation-building from 1867 to the early 2000s. It indentifies three phases of nation-building, labelled assimilation, transformation and multiculturalism. It takes the ideological change in Canada in 1971, namely the proclamation of Official Multiculturalism, as the momentous turning point which motivated the pioneering changes and creation of Canadian national holidays based on negotiations in the government and the interventions of varied ethnic groups, focusing on the relationship between the commemorative and recreational functions of these holidays. Specific holidays considered including Dominion Day (Canada Day), Labour Day, Victoria Day and Remembrance Day, as well as National Aboriginal Day, Canadian Multiculturalism Day and one minority festival – Chinese New Year. Counterparts in France and the United Kingdom are presented to contrast with Canadian practices, putting Canada in the global context of nation-building and decolonisation. It argues that debates surrounding national holidays are a good measure of underlying national ideology, which underwent a real change in Canada across the period studied.
12
Kinnwall, Adam. "The Differentiation of a Nation : The Swedish Nation Brand Management". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-339554.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This paper aims to highlight how the recent developments in international relations has created a environment with increased competition between countries for attention and assets and how these changes has promoted the increased use of public diplomacy to reach out to new actors. The study will focus on the public diplomacy sub-discipline of nation branding. The paper will analyze reputation management in international relations through the lens of corporate branding. This approach will help bridge the gap between marketing and international relations and expand the analytical toolkit for public diplomacy. While many studies have focused on branding campaigns this study will focus on the brand management to see whether it is capable of creating distinction and relevance for a nation brand or national reputation. The paper aims to give an descriptive analysis of the strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats the Swedish reputation management faces in order to assess how the management can improve but also provide an analytical framework for researchers interested in studying reputation management. The paper will employ a qualitative method consisting of text analysis and interviews to connect the theoretical models with business practice to then present the results using a SWOT-analysis. The data gathered from the Swedish Institute serves to provide empirical data on the business conduct in relation to brand management and several indexes will be used to assess the Swedish brand. Results show that the Swedish nation brand management have adopted a wide range of methods to strengthen the distinctiveness and relevance for the Swedish brand and that the weaknesses are mostly connected to communication failures. The brand management has also good opportunities to further project a strong image of Sweden and the threats towards it are only marginal. The brand management should continue its current work while developing new methods and solutions to overcome the communication problems towards certain target groups. While the study have made contributions to understand how reputation management could be analyzed through corporate brand management, further research should look into whether a nation brand or reputation has been used as a power asset that is capable of actually acquiring global assets.
13
Harty, Siobhán. "Disputed state, contested nation : republic and nation in interwar Catalonia". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0027/NQ50182.pdf.
Testo completo
14
Beaudin, Hervé. "L'idée de Nation". Thesis, Paris 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA040006.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
L’idée de nation est l’un des sujets les plus sensibles de l’histoire de la philosophie politique. Après avoir distingué, parmi les doctrines politiques et sociales, les doctrines concentriques des doctrines transversales, et ayant classé l’idée de nation parmi les premières, nous étudions les rapports qu’elle entretient avec les secondes. Puis, abordant la place de l’idée de nation dans le champ des seules doctrines concentriques, nous observons que deux écoles traditionnelles se sont opposées en Europe depuis le XVIIIème siècle, l’école « allemande » (ou objective) et l’école « française » (ou subjective). La première s’organise autour des notions de peuple (Herder et Hegel), de territoire ancestral (Barrès et Maurras) et de langue (Fichte). La deuxième participe de la théorie du contrat (Rousseau et Renan), que sont venues compléter les théories de l’ethnicité (Barth et Connor) et les thèses de l’école constructiviste (Gellner, Hobsbawm, Anderson, Smith). Derrière cette opposition structurante, qui recouvre en réalité l’opposition entre déterminisme et électivité, se cache une affinité plus profonde qu’il ne paraît au premier abord, d'une part, parce que plusieurs éléments de la conception objective sont présupposés dans la conception subjective, et, d'autre part, parce qu’elles ont en commun de s’opposer frontalement au couple Fédéralisme/Multiculturalisme. Il nous appartient dès lors, après avoir pris soin d’en analyser les limites intrinsèques et les maladies historiques, d’en discuter les conditions de survie dans un monde qui prétend, en poursuivant les vues cosmopolites d’un Kant, faire vivre la démocratie en transcendant des frontières forgées par mille cinq cents ans d’histoire européenneThe idea of nation is one of the most sensitive subjects of the history of the political philosophy. Having distinguished, among the political and social doctrines, the concentric doctrines from the transverse doctrines, and having classified the idea of nation among the first ones, we study the relationships which it maintains with seconds. Then, approaching the place of the idea of nation on the field of the only concentric doctrines, we observe that two traditional schools opposed in Europe for the 18th century, the “German” (or objective) school and the “French” (or subjective) school. The first one gets organized around the notions of people (Herder and Hegel), around ancestral territory (Barrès and Maurras) and of language (Fichte). The second participates of the theory of the contract (Rousseau and Renan), that came to complete the theories of the ethnicity (Barth and Connor) and the theses of the constructivist school (Gellner, Hobsbawm, Anderson, Smith). Behind this structuring opposition, which recovers in reality the opposition between determinism and electivity, is hiding a deeper affinity than it appears at first sight, on one hand, because several elements of the objective conception are presupposed in the subjective conception, and, on the other hand, because they have in common to oppose frontally to the couple Federalism/Multiculturalism. We have to then, having taken care of analyzing the intrinsic limits and the historic diseases, to discuss the conditions of its survival in a world which claims, by pursuing the cosmopolitan views of Kant, to make live the democracy by transcending borders forged by one thousand five hundred years of European history
15
Stefanovic, Svetlana. "Nation und Geschlecht". Doctoral thesis, Universitätsbibliothek Leipzig, 2016. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:15-qucosa-203559.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Diese Dissertation bietet eine Darstellung und Analyse der Handlungsfelder serbischer Frauen. Dabei werden die Frauenbildung, das Engagement von Frauen in sozialkaritativen und patriotischen Frauenvereinen, sowie ihre Teilnahme an den zwischen 1876 und 1918 geführten „Befreiungskriegen“ thematisiert. Das Problemfeld von Nation und Geschlecht ist für Serbien fast völlig unbearbeitet. Die vorliegende Untersuchung geht den folgenden Fragen nach: Wie partizipierten Serbinnen am Prozess der Nations- und Nationalstaatsbildung? Welche Weiblichkeits- und Männlichkeitsbilder wurden im Nationsbildungsprozess verwendet? Auf welche Art und Weise partizipierten sie an den Kriegen und unterstützten das Militär? Wie wirkte sich der „Große Krieg“ auf die Geschlechterordnung in Serbien bzw. Jugoslawien aus?
Da die für Frauen zentralen politischen, kulturellen und ökonomischen Wandlungsprozesse im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert in der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft der Städte stattgefunden haben, konzentriert sich auch diese Darstellung auf den städtischen Raum und seine Bewohnerinnen. Das bäuerlich-ländliche Frauenleben wird nur kurz angerissen.
Die Arbeit nimmt den weiblichen Gruppenbildungsprozess in den Blick, der innerhalb einer schmalen bürgerlichen Schicht stattfand. In den westeuropäischen Ländern entstanden die ersten Frauenvereinigungen am Ende des 18. bzw. zu Beginn des 19. Jahrhunderts. Serbien, dessen Bevölkerung mehrheitlich lese- und schreibunkundig war und von einer ländlichen Subsistenzwirtschaft lebte, folgte mit einer zeitlichen Verzögerung von mehreren Jahrzehnten. Um 1900 war in allen diesen Ländern ein dichtes Netz unterschiedlichster Frauenvereine anzutreffen. Anfang des 20. Jahrhunderts stieg auch in Serbien die Zahl der Frauenvereine, die sich in einem Dachverband zusammenschlossen. Dieser Bund trat den internationalen Frauenorganisationen bei.
16
Lewinski, John Scott. "Nation of Cowards". Digital Commons at Loyola Marymount University and Loyola Law School, 1994. https://digitalcommons.lmu.edu/etd/857.
Testo completo
17
Hansson, Käll Ida. "Möjligheternas nation? : En kvalitativ studie om Norrlands nations image och positionering". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Medier och kommunikation, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-124509.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Möjligheternas nation? Ida Hansson KällAbstractTitle: A Student Nation of Possibilities? A qualitative study of the image and the positioningof Norrlands nation (Möjligheternas nation? En kvalitativ studie av Norrlands nations imageoch positionering)Number of pages: 41 (43 including enclosures)Author: Ida Hansson KällTutor: Peder Hård af SegerstadCourse: Media and Communication Studies 30hpPeriod: Fall 2008University: Division of Media and Communication, Department of Information Science,Uppsala UniversityPurpose/Aim: The purpose of this essay is to identify what students in Uppsala and themanagement of Norrlands nation think of the activities at the nation's daily schedule. Theimage of Norrlands nation will be compared to the nation's profile and identity, its currentlyprofile and position in Uppsala. Proposals of preventive measures will also be presented.Material/Method: I've done two interviews with the management of Norrlands nation andtwo focus group interviews with three students in each group. During the interviews I havefocused on the image, profile and identity of Norrlands nation and its strengths, weaknesses,threats and opportunities to compare in a SWOT-analysis. I've used a semantic differential tocompare Norrlands nation to the two second biggest nations in Uppsala.Main results: Norrlands nation is mostly aware of its strengths and weaknesses that thestudents accentuated during the interviews. The results also show that the nation should try toget stronger at making sure the information about its activities reaches out to the students.Keywords: Image, profile, identity, positioning, student, nation2
18
Lyszkiewicz, Bartosz. "The construction of national identity in post-1918 Poland". Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/3374.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis analyses the construction of the modern national identity in Poland following the state’s creation in 1918. Its central aim is to argue that although much of Poland’s national identity was, in fact, the product of the revolutionary eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, in the twentieth century, ethnocultural foundations proved essential in the process of nation building. In order to offer a novel approach to this issue this thesis will evaluate the programmes of the émigré organizations and political parties to demonstrate the role of the two national currents: ethnic/organic and civic/territorial, which developed during the nineteenth century and shaped competing definitions of Polish nation. Furthermore, this study will analyse the role of the pre-modern and early modern symbols in shaping the political currents in modern Poland. Locating and examining elements central to the definition of the nation will allow demonstration of how the distinctive national programmes were defined under successive administrations. This research argues that the rise of competing national identities in East-Central Europe, at the turn of the century, accelerated the dissolution of the common trait or national identity, shared by the elites across the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Deprived of legitimacy the authorities were unable to maintain the democratic system, gradually introducing authoritarianism, and by the late 1930s replacing the inclusive state model with the organic definition of the nation. This exclusive programme resurfaced following the Second World War and became a justification for the construction of an ethnically homogenous Poland. The Communist regime aimed to eradicate the pillars of national identity and to diminish the role of society in the state’s functioning; however, the nucleus of civil society which survived the period of persecution continued to grow in strength outside of the official channels. Effectively, this created a popular definition of the Polish nation in opposition to that of the regime. The competition between the ethnocultural and political definition of the nation remained a central issue over more than two decades following the collapse of the Communist regime.
19
McIntosh, David. "Nation, nation-state, national cinema and free trade, shifting Canadian and Mexican film cultures since 1989 under FTA and NAFTA". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape7/PQDD_0001/MQ43392.pdf.
Testo completo
20
Mişcoiu, Sergiu. "Métamorphoses de l'"État-nation" : une étude actuelle du paradigme national". Université de Marne-la-Vallée, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006MARN0272.
Testo completo
21
Congdon, Venetia. "Nourishing the nation : manifestations of Catalan national identity through food". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1c07c9a3-3351-46ef-aa02-833dddde375f.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In this thesis I ask whether food can be used to express Catalan national identity, and if so, in what ways this occurs. In doing so, I consider the lived realities of nationalist movements, rather than simply the ideas and political claims that inform such movements. The Catalan Autonomous Community in northeast Spain is an ideal place to research this issue, due to the strengthening of nationalist sentiments there in light of the rise in support for independence from Spain. I wished to see whether this had any effect on the connections between food and national identity (or gastronationalism). National identity and food are connected in many diverse and varied ways. Food culture allows us to reflect on national identity as a whole. Themes which commonly appear in nationalist discourse, such as cultural specificity, historicism, or landscape (to name but a few), also inform discussions of national food identity. In the present case, while other markers of identity (e.g. language) are also important, ideals of Catalan nationalism may take the guise of Catalan gastronationalism as well. The current pro-independence movement has had the effect of making Catalans more aware of their cultural symbols, including cuisine, which is now one of many such symbols that can be mobilized for the expression of national identity.
22
Stinson, Andrew Todd. "National identity and nation-building in post-apartheid South Africa". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003042.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Throughout South Africa’s post-Apartheid history, the ANC-led government has undertaken a distinct nation-building program in pursuit of “a truly united, democratic and prosperous South Africa” (ANC, 2007). This is reflected in a two-pronged approach, coupling political and socioeconomic transformation with the social-psychological aspect of forging a broad and inclusive national consciousness. The ANC’s “rainbow nation” approach embraces cultural diversity through what I shall call the practice of “interculturalism”. Interculturalism is a way of recognizing commonalities, reducing tensions and promoting the formation of social partnerships among different cultural groups. The ANC has also promoted a civic culture based on the principles of liberal democracy, non-racism, equality and the protection of individual rights. Interculturalism and civic nationalism are critically important factors to South African nation-building since together they foster a shared public culture and support meaningful participation in the creation of a truly just and democratic South Africa. Unfortunately, in many ways South African society remains deeply divided by race, ethnicity and economic inequality. This thesis analyses various theoretical approaches to national identity and nationbuilding with the aim of identifying several concepts which arguably throw light on the problems of South African nation-building and national identity formation. It is argued that interculturalism and civic nationalism are context appropriate approaches which have been adopted by the ANC to further an inclusive sense of shared public culture and promote participation in the creation of a shared public future. These approaches have led to the limited emergence of a broad South African national identity. However, South Africa’s commitment to socio-economic transformation has been less successful in generating widespread support for a broad national identity. While some of those previously disadvantaged under Apartheid have benefited from poverty alleviation schemes, service delivery initiatives and black economic empowerment programs, many continue to suffer from homelessness, unemployment and worsening economic conditions. Increasing economic marginalization has caused growing discontent among South Africa’s poor and constitutes the biggest threat to the formation of a cohesive national identity in South African society. Ultimately, it is argued that while interculturalism and civic nationalism have played an important role in fostering the growth of a broad national identity, true South African social cohesion will fail to emerge without a massive and sustained commitment to wide-ranging socio-economic transformation.
23
Nestingen, Andrew K. "Why nation? : globalization and national culture in Finland, 1980-2001 /". Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/6585.
Testo completo
24
Cheney, Kristen E. "Pillars of the nation : child citizens and Ugandan national development /". Diss., Digital Dissertations Database. Restricted to UC campuses, 2004. http://uclibs.org/PID/11984.
Testo completo
25
Prucpairojkul, Piyada, e Supatana Triamsiriworakul. "Thailand’s Nation Branding : A study of Thai nation-brand equity and capabilities". Thesis, Mälardalen University, School of Sustainable Development of Society and Technology, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mdh:diva-4315.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Problem:
Which of Thailand’s four main sectors that nation brands compete including tourism, FDI, export promotion, and talent attraction that should be develop a main focus in developing a stronger Nation Brand for the country comparing to other four countries in South East Asia including Singapore, Malaysia, Indonesia, and the Philippines?
Purpose:
The purpose of this paper are 1) to study and analyze the current status of Thailand’s nation brand equity and 2) to examine the feasibility in each of Thailand’s four main sectors that nation brands compete including tourism, FDI, export promotion, and talent attraction by comparing to other four countries in ASEAN including Singapore, Malaysia, the Philippines, and Indonesia in order to generate recommendations for the country in developing a stronger nation branding strategy in the future.
Method:
In order to achieve our purpose, firstly, we chose ‘Asset-based Nation brand equity’ model to collect the information and perform analysis on the contribution of both nation internal and external assets towards nation brand equity. Secondly, ‘Nation brand internal analysis’ model was chosen in order to be a guideline for gathering data and performing analysis on Thailand’s nation brand capability in each of the 4 main sectors comparing to the other four countries. In addition, due to our research topic and limited time frame, we would rely on secondary sources as our main source of information with some guidance from our primary source. After the analysis had been performed, we had reached the conclusion and generated recommendation for our target group
Conclusion:
For the analysis of Nation brand equity, Thailand has equipped relatively strong internal assets both innate and nurtured as the country is rich with beautiful landscape and fascinating culture together with a strong support for the art from both governmental and private sectors. However, as for external assets, both disseminated and vicarious assets of Thailand still weakly contribute to the strength of the nation equity. Due to these reasons, we have recommended Thai governmental units to set up the organizations to improve the quality of disseminated asset and also start cooperation with private sector in order to come up with external portrayal in popular culture that can effective represent and enhance the country’s image.
As for the result of ‘Nation brand internal analysis’, Thailand has shown moderate to high capability in the Export Promotion sector which was the highest among the other 3 sectors. However, based on the data in the analysis part, there are still lots of things needed to be done both by Thai governmental units and private sector in order to boost the country’s nation brand capability to achieve competitive advantage in the international market in the long run. According to this point, we had listed some recommendations for the governmental units to use as a general guideline in obtaining a strong nation brand that could help the country become more competitive in the global market.
26
Berggren, Evelina. "Narrating Scotland: in pursuit of a nation : A case study of nation and nationalism as utilized in the Scottish National Party". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-104297.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The nationalist party in Scotland, the Scottish National Party (SNP), has attracted attention through the years for its election successes as a party and as a movement utilizing a modern type of nationalist approach. This thesis seeks an answer to the research question “How does the leader of the Scottish National Party depict the nation of Scotland?” to explore what nation of Scotland this modern nationalist party depicts. The answer lies in what is called “civic nationalism”, an approach void of ethnocentrism. The depiction revealed a nation of Scotland where anyone can belong, and where an approach of openness and inclusion in civic interests from democratic concerns, social issues, economy, business, immigration to the outside world ruled the narration. The great aims driving this approach is the vision of realizing Scotland’s “great potential” and role as an equal partner in the world arena.
27
Kacar, Ayse Duygu. "Cultivating The Nation: Ataturk". Phd thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12612702/index.pdf.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Atatürk Forest Farm is a unique spatial practice representing the main philosophy of the Turkish Republic to create a new society by holding together modern agricultural and industrial production techniques, combining them with leisure activities and developing an urban farm. Eventually it is neither simply a land problem nor a heritage issue. Its being is evaluated as a conscious contribution for the cultural transformation of the Turkish nation. Therefore, its genesis is discussed in relation to the main definitions of culture in history: 1) cultivating nature with the idea of increasing the efficiency in products and lands
2) cultivation of minds in relation to the education of human beings
3) the process of social development
4) meanings, values, ways of life
5) practices which produce meanings and finally 6) the meshing of anthropological views linking the two definitions of &lsquo
a way of life&rsquo
and &lsquo
the production of meaning&rsquo
as a network of representations. The research has proved that there are very few experiments that might have some resemblance with Atatü
rk Forest Farm, however, its stance as a culture transformation agent is unique.
28
Famich, Maiya. "Nation-building In Belarus". Master's thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12614194/index.pdf.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The purpose of this thesis is to examine the process of nation-building in the Republic of Belarus from 1991 till the present time. The focus is made on two main projects of nation-building presented by the official authorities and the political opposition. The main concern of this thesis is to make a comparative analysis of these two projects of Belarussian national identity. Also, the thesis examines the views of the official authorities and the political opposition on the history of Belarus, which is used as a tool of national identity construction in their projects of nation-building. Concepts of ethnic and civic nationalisms are discussed aiming at understanding the nature of nationalism in Belarus together with different theoretical approaches to ethnicity.
29
Lai, Yi-Peng. "EcoUlysses : nature, nation, consumption". Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2016. https://pure.qub.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/ecoulysses-nature-nation-consumption(5f957f07-9797-4ff7-9bea-73b49b413626).html.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This study focuses on the relationship between environment, history, politics, and rhetorical discourses in James Joyce’s Ulysses. Delving into different aspects of Joyce’s use of nature and linguistic discourses in orchestrating a specific dynamic of eco-politics, this thesis adopts an interdisciplinary approach that includes cultural politics, historiographical poetics, genetic criticism along with close reading of the text. The project is thematically divided into two main sections. The first section addresses the environmental questions of land and consumption through discussions on co-operative politics, garden city movement, and the eco-politics of waste. The second section of the thesis moves to examine the diverse ways in which nature and nation are (re)imagined exemplarily in Joyce’s composition of the tree wedding ceremony (in Chapter 12 of Ulysses) and the marketplace. I argue that, composed intertextually with a wide range of literary, historical, and contemporary resources, Joyce’s writing of nature deserves an interdisciplinary eco- political reading to be more appropriately comprehended in ecocriticism and Joycean studies. By looking closely into several thematic environmental issues addressed in Ulysses with the evidence of historical and archival resources, this study has demonstrated that Joyce is after all a writer with the environment in mind, and that the imagination of nature in Ulysses is inseparable from that of the emergent nation of fin-de-siecle Ireland.
30
Yu, Kwok-hung, e 庾國雄. "To save the nation". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1997. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31951594.
Testo completo
31
Pollock, Graham Ian Kirk. "Civil society and nation". Thesis, University of Sussex, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.250141.
Testo completo
32
Slabý, Adam. "Nation als politischer Argumentationsgegenstand". Doctoral thesis, Universitätsbibliothek Chemnitz, 2017. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:ch1-qucosa-217118.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Gegenstand der vorliegenden Dissertation ist die Untersuchung der Verwendung nationaler Kategorien in der Programmatik tschechischer Parlamentsparteien in den Jahren 2004 bis 2010. Zugrunde liegt hierbei ein wertungsfreies, analyseorientiertes Verständnis des Begriffs „Nationalismus“ vor, der als Prozess verstanden wird, durch den nationale Kategorien entstehen und gesellschaftliche Wirkung entfalten.
Der erste Abschnitt der Arbeit dient der theoretischen Erörterung des zugrunde liegenden Verständnisses von Nationalismus und einer entsprechenden Ableitung der zu erfassenden Stellen in dem Untersuchungsgegenstand der Arbeit. Das Analyseinstrumentarium ist an die Wissenssoziologische Diskursanalyse angelehnt. Im zweiten Abschnitt der Dissertation werden die primären Begriffe und Methoden erläutert, in die Operationalisierung des Nationalismus-Begriffs und somit in das Forschungsdesign integriert.
Nach einem historischen Überblick der nationalrelevanten Diskurse erfolgen die Auswertung der Parteiprogramme und die Interpretation der Befunde. In die Evaluation gehen die historische Einordnung und die Kontextualisierung der erhobenen Aussagen unter Einbeziehung weiterer Diskursfelder ein.
In der Arbeit wird eine Präsenz nationalbezogener Kommunikation und Inhalte in den Programmdokumenten festgestellt, die sich vorrangig auf die Geschichte und Nationalkonstituenten bezieht. Zugleich wird konstatiert, dass dabei die politische Mobilisierung und Instrumentalisierung eine vordergründige Rolle spielt, die oft den Zweck des Erhalts der betreffenden nationalen Kategorien überragt.
33
Poland, Kristofer P. "A NATION OF GAMERS". Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1180537228.
Testo completo
34
Soulié, Rémi. "Aragon et la nation". Toulouse 2, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996TOU20021.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
En ce qui concerne la nation francaise, les ecrits d'aragon presentent un double aspect: denigrement systematique d'une part, apologie tous azimuts de l'autre pourquoi? comment? dans un premier temps, l'ancien combattant de 1914-1918 rejette le nationalisme, toujours "etroit", fauteur de guerre, paravent des interets de la classe dominante. Approfondissant sa lecture de marx et de barres, aragon prend peu a peu conscience des realites qui determinent les individus et, parmi elles, le paysage sur lequel ils ouvrent les yeux a la naissance (natio). De plus, l'histoire de france est grande de la revolution de 1789, de la commune, de sa tradition litteraire et picturale. Dans un second temps, a partir de 1934 l'ecrivain est philosophiquement prepare a accepter la totalite de l'heritage francais et a le chanter sur le mode epique et lyrique, en particulier lorsque la patrie se trouve menacee (lors de la deuxieme guerre mondiale puis au moment de l'hegemonie americaine qui s'en suivit ainsi que de la construction de l'europe). A cette fin, aragon mobilise les heros de la legende et de l'epinal, de vercingetorix a jeanne d'arc, s'inspire de michelet et de peguy, renoue avec la versification classique, participe a l'elaboration de la politique nationale communiste, regarde avec amour la geographie francaise. Il se dessine une france profonde, eternelle, merveilleuse qui ne ressemble autant a elle-meme que lorsqu'elle s'ouvre a l'universelWith regard to the french nation, aragon's works show a twoofold aspect: a systematic discredit on the one hand and an absolute song of praise on the other hand. Why? how? the world war i veteran first rejected nationalism which he always thought narrow, responsible for wars, meant to concedl the interests of the dominating class. Reading marx and barres more throughfly, aragon gradually realized what really makes up people and he then considered the land which they first see on the day they were born (natio). Moreover, the history of france is rich with the french revolution (1789), the commune and literary and pictorial traditions. By 1934, the writer was then philosophically ready to accept the french heritage as a whole and to praise it epically and lyrcally especially when the country was in danger (during world war ii, the americain hegemony which followed and the building of europe). He then used the heroes of legends and epinal printings from vercingetorix to joan d7arc, he drew his inspiration from michelet and peguy, he went back to classical versification, he participated in working out of communist national politics, he looked at the geography of france with love in the eyes. Finally he designed an original and eternal and wonderful france which is never so much itself as when it opens up to universality
35
Mngomezulu, Nosipho Sthabiso Thandiwe. "Re-imagining the nation". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1019999.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis examines young people’s constructions of nationhood in Mauritius. In 2008, the Mauritian government instituted a Truth and Justice Commission (TJC), set up to investigate the consequences of slavery and indentured labour. Through the Truth and Justice Commission, the Mauritian government indicated its desire to achieve social justice and national unity. Drawing on developments in studies of national identification practices in the 21st Century, this thesis addresses the question of young Mauritian’s locally and globally informed identification practices and asks how their unofficial narratives of nationhood challenge, or divert, or relate to official state narratives of nationhood. The basis of the study emerges from data collected from 132 participants during fieldwork in multiple fieldsites from May to September 2010 as well as research on Mauritian youth on-line from 2011-2014. The advent of the TJC offers an ideal moment to evaluate the dynamics of post-colonial nation-building and nationhood in a selfstyled multi-cultural state. Nationhood, does not exist apriori to the constructions of narratives of the nation, thus the stories told about the nation, imagine the nation into being. By situating the Truth and Justice Commission and other official state narratives alongside young people’s narratives, I argue that contemporary narratives of nationhood in Mauritius represent an intergenerational struggle to define the meaning of the past in the present and consequently outline the future. Reflecting on the ideas and socio-economic and political processes that induce national consciousness, I argue that young people’s narratives of everyday lived experiences are vital for an interpretation of how nationhood is produced in everyday life. The cultural projects of young people – often rendered as liminal or marginal – offer a critical vantage point from where to read constructions of nationhood. Far from being growing pains or childish games, young people’s identity making practices are what Sherry B. Ortner has called “serious games.” This research suggests that official state government narratives of multicultural nationhood in Mauritius narrowly define national identification along communal loyalties, overlooking the dynamism of interculturality and transnationalism in daily practice on the island. Although communalism and rigid colonial interpretations of ethnicity attempt to police and limit the possibilities of alternative modes of being in Mauritius, young people’s identification practices question, challenge, and threaten to disrupt official discourses of ethnic identification in Mauritius Scholarly investigations of young peoples’ lived experiences of nationhood extend theoretical and methodological frames for the study of nationalized subjects and deepen the understanding of the construction of national consciousness. The construction of nationhood always involves narratives of some sort – scholarship on this area has usually focused on official state narratives from social theorists, state governments, and state elites. I argue for the importance of considering subjectivity and lived experience in conceptions of nationhood. In contemporary post-colonial societies, young people are the numerical majority, however, their voices are seldom represented in theories and narratives of nationhood. Whilst young people may appear in state policies (especially education) and official narratives about the future of the nation, their creative imagining and reimagining of narratives of selfhood is often ignored. I examine how young people increasingly are aware of their transnational connections, through participation in transnational youth cultures, and they are consequently increasingly multi-lingual and multicultural. Fixed notions of ethnic identification and discourses of trauma are not at the forefront of young people’s identification of selfhood, rather their ability to take advantage of their multiply situated identification processes allows them new means to evade and transform these narratives. Their identification of selfhood is characterised by a greater degree of dynamism than previous generations had access to, and thus they do not only identify themselves through officially sanctioned national forms of identification. Loyalty to nationhood is thus less predictable, and young people represent a potential threat to the continuation of older forms of nationhood. While official narratives of nationhood may manipulate ethnic and racial cleavages to secure old loyalties, not all young people are persuaded by these notions
36
Merlin, Christian. "La Nation dans l'austromarxisme". Grenoble 2 : ANRT, 1987. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37599833d.
Testo completo
37
Tann, Ken. "Semogenesis of a nation". Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/7611.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The aim of this thesis is to model the discursive construction of identity in a way that retains its multifaceted dynamics within a coherent framework. It focuses on a key aspect of the linguistic construction of collective identity known as identity icons, and proposes a model of iconography for the study of the mechanisms underlying the discursive tropes in identity discourses. The study seeks to map out the potential space of this iconography, drawing on both the identity theories in social sciences and the analytical tools developed in linguistic frameworks. The data is drawn from a well established tradition of discourse on Japanese identity known as Nihonjinron, and four representative texts from different phases of its development are selected for analysis in this exploratory study. The thesis takes the social construction of national identity (Anderson 2006 [1983]; Hall 1997) as its point of departure, and is informed by critical readings of Nihonjinron (Dale 1986; Yoshino 1992; Befu 1992; Aoki 1999). The present study contributes to the current debates in identity research by providing a detailed, empirical account of the process of identity construction in actual texts, to make a case for bringing concepts even as seemingly slippery and intractable as identity into a rational and systematic linguistic inquiry. The present study draws on the framework of discourse analysis developed within Systemic Functional Linguistics (Martin 1992; Martina and Rose 2003; Martin and White 2005) and the methodology of Membership Categorization Analysis (Jayyusi 1984; Antaki and Widdicombe 1998) for the analysis of the data. It is part of the growing interest in identity and bonding icons within SFL, and has been developed to bring these two current threads of research together. The proposed iconography therefore represents an initial step in mapping out this space, by building on some of the latest research in SFL, including bonding icons (Martin and Stenglin 2006; Maton 2008), legitimation (van Leeuwen 2007) and commitment theory (Hood 2008), and provides an integrated model for further linguistic research into identity. This thesis also addresses the methodological problems that discourse analysis must face to engage responsibly with identity as an object of study, and provides a rigorous linguistic approach that both acknowledges and is informed by the insights gained from the debates within identity studies. It thereby contributes to the development of the Systemic theory by engaging it in dialogue with the current understanding in the field of identity research.
38
Hille, Jochen. "Gute Nation oder Europa?" Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät III, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/15381.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Norwegen und die Schweiz sind keine EU-Mitgliedstaaten, weil die Bevölkerungen die Integration mehrheitlich in Referenden ablehnte. Die enorme Mobilisierung und Emotionalisierung in den nationalen Integrationsdebatten kann weder durch ökonomische noch durch politische Umstände hinreichend erklärt werden, zumal die Eliten beider Länder mehrheitlich die Integration unterstützen. Die Hauptmobilisierungsressource von Euroskeptikern liegt vielmehr darin, tief verwurzelte nationale Selbst- und Fremdbilder zu reaktivieren. Diese Diskursanalyse beschreibt vergleichend, auf welche Art und Weise die größten euroskeptischen Akteure der Schweiz und Norwegens diesen Rückgriff auf das Nationale in Integrationsdebatten herstellen. Gefragt wird, wie die „Aktion für eine Unabhängige und Neutrale Schweiz“ (AUNS) und die eng mit ihr verbundene „Schweizerische Volkspartei“ (SVP) einerseits, und die norwegische Bewegung „Nein zur EU“ (norwegisch: Nei Til EU) andererseits, ihren Integrationswiderstand mittels nationaler Narrationen und Bildersprachen als sinnvoll darstellen. Hierzu werden umfangreiche euroskeptische Bild- und Textquellen referiert und gedeutet. Damit wird ein Beitrag zur Forschung über das Selbstverständnis, die Denkweise, die Rhetorik und das Tugendsystem anti-integratorischer Bewegungen geleistet. Denn Euroskeptiker verstehen sich primär als Verteidiger der guten nationalen Gemeinschaft. Diese Gemeinschaft und dessen Nationalstaat beschreiben sie als wärmer, natürlicher, näher, gerechter, effizienter, friedlicher und demokratischer als das integrierte Europa, welches als ferner, kalter, bürokratischer Superstaat EU dargestellt wird.Norway and Switzerland are not member states of the EU, since the majority of the people rejected integration in several referenda. The emotionality and the enormous mobilisation in national debates on integration cannot sufficiently be explained by economic and political reasons, since the majority of the elites are supporting integration. Instead, the main resource of mobilisation for Eurosceptics lies in reactivating deeply rooted descriptions of national self and other. For carving out these collective images, this discourse-analysis compares how the major Eurosceptical actors of Switzerland, the “Action for an Independent and Neutral Switzerland” (AUNS) together with the tightly connected “Swiss People’s Party” (SVP), on one hand, and the Norwegian movement “No To EU” (NEI TIL EU), on the other hand, describe their actions as meaningful in their iconography and narrations. In doing so, the study refers to and interprets extensive material from Eurosceptical actors and contributes to the understanding of Eurosceptical self-perception, ways of thinking, rhetoric and virtue system. Here Eurosceptics perceive themselves mainly as defenders of the national community and its nation-state, which are regarded as warm, natural, close, justified, efficient, peaceful and democratic, while Europe is perceived as the cold, distant, bureaucratic superstate EU.
39
Gagné, Marie-Anik Tyna. "A nation within a nation: The Dependency Theory and the James Bay Cree". Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/6511.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis analyses the conditions of the James Bay Cree using the Dependency Theory. The first chapter consists of a discussion surrounding the theory. This is followed by a look at how the Cree became a periphery through the years. The third chapter highlights the effects of dependency on the mental and physical health of First Nations Citizens across the country. The James Bay Hydroelectric Project is then given as an example of how the centre exploits the peripheries. Finally the possible solutions to the problem of dependency are discussed in the conclusion.
40
Zetterblom, Susanne. "Women as Nation Builders : Strategically invested aid in Uganda for nation-building processes". Thesis, Högskolan på Gotland, Institutionen för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hgo:diva-734.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Former colonized countries, especially in Africa, have suffered a tough political climate, often under the leadership of a dictator. The process of implementing democracy has, in many states, often been violent and terrifying. Under these circumstances, it has been hard to build institutions where people feel united as one nation. Poverty, corruption, old cultural and religious boarders and expressions among other circumstances are factors that you have to consider when developing a strong economic and democratic nation. Women often have a marginalized role within these states. In order to achieve the right to get education, or to be a part of the political arena, they have had to struggle both against men and other women. Most of Uganda’s income comes from the agriculture. Within this sector there are mostly women working under poor circumstances. To develop female self-employment some of the Swedish aid is given within micro-financial and cooperation projects to improve the economy for the nation and the women’s status within society. This study could be of importance to see if or how strategically invested aid actually improves the role of women as good recourses for building the nation Uganda. The answers and the conclusions given could also give clues, important for nation building processes in general and for women as nation builders in particular, in the continuing work in building the nation Uganda. The purpose for this dissertation is to interview women that are participating in two different projects that are supported by Swedish NGOs, in order to see if their own experiences of being part of the projects correspond to the project plans aims. This dissertation has been made possible through a Minor Field Study Scholarship, financed by SIDA, handled by The International Programme Office for Education and Training, which is a government agency that promotes academic exchanges and cooperation across national borders.
41
Jordan, Paul Thomas. "The Eurovision Song Contest : nation branding and nation building in Estonia and Ukraine". Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2011. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2972/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Studies focussing on Europeanisation and in particular on the return to Europe of postcommunist states have come to the fore in political science research since the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe. The way in which many states of the former Eastern Bloc have engaged with European geopolitical power structures such as the European Union and Council of Europe has been well-documented. Europe is a contested construct and its boundaries are still subject to redefinition. This study examines issues of Europeanisation, national identity and nation branding through the lens of popular culture. In particular the role that events such as the Eurovision Song Contest (ESC) play in illuminating the more salient issues of European identity politics has until recently been an area which has lacked scholarly attention. Although the volume of literature on the event is steadily increasing, there has to date, been no in-depth study conducted on a Former Soviet Republic. This study aims to fill this gap. This thesis comprises a case study of the role of the Eurovision Song Contest in Estonia and Ukraine. The empirical findings highlight the contested nature of the construction of national identities in the post-Soviet region and in particular, this study has drawn out some of the more salient aspects of identity politics. By exploring these issues through the prism of the Eurovision Song Contest, I argue that the event is significant in terms of nation branding and image building, particularly in the context of the return to Europe of post-communist countries. The Eurovision Song Contest is often an event which is dismissed as musically and culturally inferior. However, this study shows that different nation states attribute different meanings to the ESC and as such there is a need to go beyond the dominant (western) view of the contest in order to explore the diversity of issues that this event illuminates in wider socio-political debates in Europe today.
42
Villavicencio, Susana. "Citoyenneté et philosophies de la nation en Argentine : Sarmiento et la nation civique". Paris 8, 2005. http://octaviana.fr/document/181394154#?c=0&m=0&s=0&cv=0.
Testo completo
43
Bernal, Heredia Sandra Vanessa. "The Third Nation: A Project of National Identity Formation in Bolivia". Scholarly Repository, 2009. http://scholarlyrepository.miami.edu/oa_theses/221.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Over the past decade, well-organized mobilizations have brought groups of Bolivian miners, urban workers, farmers, and especially indigenous peoples together in identification with and response to the rhetoric of indigenous self-recognition. These events culminated in the election of Evo Morales in 2005 as the country's first indigenous president. The contemporary resurgence of indigeneity has been perceived by many as either revolutionary or apocalyptic. My thesis examines why a country with an indigenous population of some 80%, has now decided to politically voice their indigeneity after years of silence. My paper begins with an analysis of the history of indigenous peoples in Latin America and shows that since colonization, Bolivia, like other countries in the region, has struggled with the question of how to "incorporate" indigeneity into the project of national identity formation. I argue that there is no one concept to identify clearly or unequivocally what being "indigenous" means. Indigeneity is therefore not something set; its meaning changes according to personal identification, the perceptions of others, and the social, cultural, political, and economic circumstances at hand. This conceptual problem makes it difficult to determine who is authentically indigenous, or what the demands of indigenous people really are. Within this complex scenario, Evo Morales has laid out a political strategy and agenda organized around the concepts of ethnicity and identity. To analyze Morales' platform and examine its relative success among indigenous Bolivians, I compare and contrast his work with that of another indigenous leader, Felipe Quispe. Quispe, who is a well-known figure across Bolivia, became involved with the indigenous cause in 1978, when he joined Indianist Movimiento Indio Tupak Katari. Quispe is not only an activist but also a prolific scholar who has written several works on issues related to indigenous oppression. Since beginning his career as an activist, Quispe has put forth a well-defined ideological project to form a separate indigenous nation and identity. However, the comparatively radical understanding of indigenous identity and the exclusiveness of his project (which only included self-identifying indigenous peoples and aimed to "indianize" non-Indians) limited his support among the general Bolivian electorate. In contrast, Morales' agenda as President of Bolivia has drawn on a diverse and pluri-cultural national identity in which "Indian element" can be incorporated and represented alongside whites, mestizos, blacks, and other historically marginalized groups. Morales' model breaks with previous understandings of Bolivian and indigenous identities as mutually exclusive and recognizes that these identities can be inclusive and in fact complementary. I argue that the project proposed and developed by Morales is compatible with the project of building a democratic society in Bolivia and consider the viability of that project in light of the many social, political, and economic challenges now being faced by his administration.
44
Portnoy, Elliott I. "States in the nation : West Virginia in national politics, 1952-1988". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.296092.
Testo completo
45
Davies, P. J. "Threats to the nation : the theoretical framework of Front National discourse". Thesis, Swansea University, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.636420.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis explains and analyses the theoretical structure of the Front National's political discourse - a discourse that revolves around the concept of the nation. The major features and the internal framework of the FN's nationalism will be examined. The study begins with a historical survey of French nationalist thought and moves on to consider the FN's conceptualisation of the nation and national identity. The component elements of the FN's nationalism are then analysed, in particular the party's attachment to the regions and to "une Europe des patries". The use of symbols is an important part of FN discourse on the nation, and the way in which the party exploits the images of "le peuple", "la terre" and "Jeanne d'Arc" is explained in Chapter III. The following chapter considers the ongoing conflict between nationalism and cosmopolitanism in France - a battle of ideas between the FN and the PS. More specifically, the FN's hostility to what it perceives as "anti-French racism" and lax nationality legislation is discussed. Throughout Chapters V-VIII it is the dangers to the nation, as perceived by the FN, that are considered. In Chapter V the FN's discourse on "dénatalité" is examined. The FN argues that population stagnation is a huge threat to France and condemns what it views as the unhealthy social trends that produce it: family breakdown, divorce, cohabitation, abortion, contraception, homosexuality and AIDS. The FN's theory of exclusion is detailed in Chapter VI - a theory that determines the party's attitude to all foreign or non-French elements within the French nation. The final two chapters of the study explain and analyse the FN's discourse on immigration, a major concern and an area in which the party's exclusionist philosophy is most clearly evident. Here the FN's hostility to Islam and the socio-political implications of a large Third World immigrant population emerge as crucial elements of FN doctrine.
46
Yong, Benjamin. "Becoming national : contextualising the construction of the New Zealand nation-state". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2008. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2185/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Much legal literature on constitutional change in New Zealand presumes that the NZ state has been transformed from a dependent British colony into an independent, liberal nation-state. However, this nationalist narrative is a recent development, and is only one of three narratives of constitutional change, the other two being a 'Britannic' (or pan-British) narrative and a Maori narrative. All three suggest and justify a particular form of the NZ state. All three give an incomplete picture of NZ's constitutional history, separating 'law' from its various contexts. This thesis focuses mostly on the nationalist narrative, how it emerged and how the liberal nation-state became the only acceptable form for the NZ state to take. It attempts to provide a more nuanced approach to constitutional history. This is done by a broad examination of a number of subject areas: constitutional historiography, the economy, citizenship, NZ's relationship with the Privy Council, the Crown, and various constitutional developments (in particular, proposals for bills of rights) in the periods 1950-1970 and 1970-2005, and placing legal signposts in economic, historical and political context. Greater contextualisation suggests that asserting that the NZ nation-state is inevitable is a response to the fragility of NZ's present, brought on by the collapse of empire, the emergence of a community of nation-states, and domestic change. The emergence of the liberal constitutional nation-state in NZ is better seen as the contingent product of both various structures (international, British and domestic) and choices made by New Zealanders themselves. To treat this transformation as inevitable ignores that there were other alternatives possible. Moreover, it is wrong to see changes in NZ's constitutional arrangements as a shift from dependency to liberty: rather, there has been a reconfiguration of constraints and enablements.
47
Reed, Donald J. "An Examination of Tribal Nation Integration in Homeland Security National Preparedness". ScholarWorks, 2015. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/598.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Research has established that national homeland security policy requires a whole community or all-of-nation approach to national security preparedness. What is less clear is whether all stakeholders are integrated into or benefit from this collective effort. This narrative policy analysis examined the relationship between a federally-recognized group of Native American tribal nations and homeland security national preparedness to explore whether tribal nations are effectively integrated with the collective effort for national preparedness. The theoretical framework stemmed from a convergence of social contract theory and conflict theory. Interviews (n = 21) were conducted with preparedness authorities from government agencies, and from tribal nations and nongovernmental organizations that advocate on behalf of tribal nations. Data were analyzed using Roe's narrative policy analysis technique. Results revealed areas of convergence of the government and tribal narratives on the historical disenfranchisement of tribal nations; findings also showed areas of divergence on how to better integrate tribal nations in homeland security national preparedness. The study concludes with a number of recommendations highlighting the manner in which national interests and tribal nation preparedness interests are intertwined. This study suggests that the nation's homeland security may be better served by greater inclusion of tribal nations in national preparedness efforts. The results of this study contribute to positive social change by giving voice to a heretofore disenfranchised social group, Native Americans, and by allowing them to strengthen the metanarrative of homeland security national preparedness.
48
Holliday, Brian. "For the term of its national life : the Australian (imagi)nation". Thesis, Curtin University, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11937/1484.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis is divided into two sections; a theoretical section which looks at the analytic construction of collective identities, and a section which applies the theory to two Australian novels. The first four chapters use the theories of Roy Wagner, Benedict Anderson, Jacques Lacan and Homi Bhabha to look at the often unconscious construction of culture and national, and at the process of hybridity to which those constructions are continually subject.The next three chapters examine Glenda Adamss Games of the Strong and Nicholas Haslucks The Bellarmine Jug showing how an unconscious development of Australian themes runs through the novels, regardless of a lack of Australian characters and setting. The novels show the complex, unique and frequently misunderstood position Australia holds between the cultures, nations and civilisations of the East and the West.The conclusion draws together the principal arguments of the thesis and highlights some concerns which they imply for Australian and its national imagination.
49
Holliday, Brian. "For the term of its national life : the Australian (imagi)nation". Curtin University of Technology, School of Communication and Cultural Studies, 1993. http://espace.library.curtin.edu.au:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=11621.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis is divided into two sections; a theoretical section which looks at the analytic construction of collective identities, and a section which applies the theory to two Australian novels. The first four chapters use the theories of Roy Wagner, Benedict Anderson, Jacques Lacan and Homi Bhabha to look at the often unconscious construction of culture and national, and at the process of hybridity to which those constructions are continually subject.The next three chapters examine Glenda Adamss Games of the Strong and Nicholas Haslucks The Bellarmine Jug showing how an unconscious development of Australian themes runs through the novels, regardless of a lack of Australian characters and setting. The novels show the complex, unique and frequently misunderstood position Australia holds between the cultures, nations and civilisations of the East and the West.The conclusion draws together the principal arguments of the thesis and highlights some concerns which they imply for Australian and its national imagination.
50
Olmstead, Wesley Gordon. "Matthew's trilogy of parables (21.28-22.14) : the nation, the nations and the reader". Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.314256.
Testo completo