Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Montenegrin Folklore"

Elements of traditional folklore and popular culture were invoked in protests opposing the 2019 Zakon o slobodi vjeroispovijesti ili uvjerenja i pravnom položaju vjerskih zajednica [Montenegrin Law on Freedom of Religion or Belief and the Legal Status of Religious Communities], hereafter referred to as the 2019 Freedom of Religion law. The 2019 Freedom of Religion law replaced an older law on religion and caused controversy for its various articles that would thereafter require evidence of church property ownership, without which such properties would transfer into state property. Many people identifying as Serbs in Montenegro protested the updated law to express their concern that holy sites of the Serbian Orthodox Church in Montenegro might become government property under the new law. Protest materials intertextually linked traditional folklore and popular culture characters to the movement. As intertextuality refers to the relationship between two or more texts brought into the same frame, folkloric elements emerged in protests in Montenegro and representations on social media through intertextual linkages. This paper addresses intertextual references made by the hip hop collective Beogradski Sindikat in their song and music video supporting the protests, “Sviće zora” [Dawn Breaks] and people’s recontextualizations of the popular culture figure of Papa Smurf, from the cartoon franchise “the Smurfs,” in Montenegro and abroad. In analyzing such protest materials, I argue that an intertextual approach to protests facilitates understandings of protesters’ meaning-making processes and the semiotic interactions between folklore and protests.

Folk dance ensembles within minority ethnic communities (Albanian, Bosniak, Montenegrin, Croatian, Macedonian and Serbian) in Slovenia were formed in the 1990s, after the breakup of Yugoslavia. The authors present the key reasons for the folklore activities that contributed to the emergence of the so-called minority folk dance ensembles, describe their beginnings and how they eventually became organized, institutionalized, and integrated into the amateur culture system in Slovenia. The goal of minority folk dance ensembles is to dance for ethnic roots, but at the same time, the desire to enrich the cultural space in their new county and to integrate into society in which they live.

Petar Konjovic (Curug, May 5, 1883 - Belgrade, October 1, 1970) stands out among Serbian composers as an author of instrumental and vocal compositions. Studies at the Prague Conservatory (1904-1906) acquainted Konjovic with Czech music, Wagner's opus, and the Russian national-romantic school, which contributed to the evolution of his talent for both music and stage, enabling him to express his ideas more explicitly in operatic works. It was in the Prague that the second opera - Prince of Zeta - was conceived, with new musical vividness and dramatic appeal (first version composed 1906-1926, the second and final 1929-1939), followed by Kostana (1928), Peasants (1951) and Fatherland (1960). Konjovic's mature operas are characterized by his masterful handling of form, both in close-ups and in detail, as well as his deeply individual assimilation of musical folklore into his work. The Prince of Zeta is not to be understood as a folk opera, but some main themes are directly derived from folk music, precisely from the Montenegrin folk songs quoted in the Mokranjac's Ninth Garland and treated in Konjovic's post-romantic, almost expressionistic way, interwoven with some Italianate leitmotifs, so as to present the opera's two worlds, Montenegrin and Venetian. In the process of forming Konjovic's operatic style, with vocal parts based mainly on the principle of declamation, the opera Prince of Zeta (first performed in Belgrade, 1929, conducted by Lovro von Matacic) proved to be a work of great impact. Hardly anyone grasped then the wide sweep of inspiration which allowed the composer to set and to solve several important problems connected with music drama, essential also in his subsequent stage works. First of all, Konjovic had to handle in his own way the verbal drama the prototype of his opera, Maxim Crnojevic by the Serbian poet Laza Kostic (1841-1910). Permission came from the playwright in the first decade of the 1900, Prince of Zeta being partly set musically, but from then on with new interventions in the poet's text. Being a highly skilled writer, poet musicologist and essayist (he wrote four books and a great number of articles on music and the theatre, and translated opera librettos of Wagner and Moussorgsky), Konjovic felt free to introduce some daring alterations to the literary works he used for his music dramas. So it was with the play Maxim Crnojevic, premiered in Novi Sad in 1870 (printed in the same place in 1846 and 1866). On the other hand, the young poet Kostic (he was in his early twenties when he wrote Maxim Crnojevic) had the prototype for his play in the folkpoem The Marriage of Maxim Crnojevic, turning a naturalistic folk-story into a Hellenic-Shakespearian drama of friendship and love, full of chivalrous deeds and emotions. The once handsome Maxim, his face ruined by heavy disease, can no longer make his marriage with the doge's daughter Angelica (with whom he was already acquainted). The nobles of Montenegro particularly Ivo Crnojevic, who in the meanwhile, proud of his son, boasted in Venice, conspire a doublecrossing plot (with another man, Milos resembling Maxim as bridegroom) which works in the folk-poem, in some ways in drama, but not in the opera, with the story changed by Konjovic. The difference between drama and folk poetry is essential: in Montenegro Maxim murders Milos for the doge's daughter's dowry, on their way back. In the play, too, the tragic event takes place in Montenegro: on the way home Maxim kills Milos, thinking Milos is going to keep the beautiful Angelica for himself (the agreement was that he will hand over the bride to Maxim immediately after the wedding in Venice), then commits suicide realizing his fatal mistake. The girl, deeply disappointed leaves Montenegro. In the opera Maxim reveals the truth to Angelica in Venice, before she is to be wedded with Milos, and stabs himself. She chooses death also, drinking poison - a dramatically and musically very capturing finale in the style of Romeo and Juliet! In some recently performed versions of the opera (1989) the director (Dejan Miladinovic) and conductor (Oskar Danon) returned to the playwright's original denouement, avoiding the Shakespearian end of Konjovic (although in the spirit of Kostic who was also appreciated as a skillful translator of Shakespeare into Serbian language). In the opera Prince of Zeta Konjovic focuses on Ivo Crnojevic, making his role dominant to that of Maxim. The unhappy father, the tragic Hellenic figure, is with his son Maxim the main historical personality in both opera and drama. Zeta forms part of present-day Montenegro but was independent for a short period, then came under Byzantium, and eventually Rashka-Serbia. After the fall of last remnants of the Serbian vassal state in 1439, Zeta was partly independent protected by Venetians under the ruler Ivo Crnojevic, before the Turks grasped Montenegro. Serbian drama, which is usually trochaic, took an iambic course in Kostic's play. The composer preserved the poet's iambs, following the musically accented flexions of spoken language, which remains the main feature of his style. The impressive vocal parts, especially those of Ivo Crnojevic, starting from the Prologue and the first act, are supported by the dynamic and highly symphonized orchestra. For effective choral music the monks' ensemble in the second act (in the final version) and the dramatic Venetian carnival scene with the stylized Montenegrin folk-dances should be noted in both versions. With Prince of Zeta the author definitely made a distinguished name as a composer in Serbian culture, with a strong influence on younger generations of Serbian musicians.

The article deals with mythological characters that represent ‘bad weather’ phenomena such as drought, hail, whirlwind, thunder, and lightning. Folk ‘lower’ mythology pays much attention to the manifestations of bad weather, which reflects the understanding of nature by man. Many ancient Chinese myths and legends originated in Shandong province, where numerous meteorological mythological motives were created. At that time, human life depended on weather, therefore a lot of folklore rich in meteorological mythological motives and imagery was created. The representations of bad weather in Shandong province studied in the paper are based on Chinese literature related to ancient mythology. As to Serbian culture, it has accumulated the beliefs of various ethnic groups of the Balkans. The Serbian cultural and linguistic space has strong ties with adjacent folk traditions – Bulgarian, Montenegrin, Bosnian, Herzegovinian, etc. Accordingly, Serbian mythology reflects the culture of the Balkan Slavs. The article analyzes common and individual features in mythologies concerning unfavorable weather conditions in Shandong and Serbia. The etymology of the names, myths and legends associated with the characters personifying ‘bad weather’ phenomena is investigated. The connection with local rituals, customs and ethnoculture of Shandong province and Serbia is indicated. The study is based on the methods of the Moscow ethnolinguistic school and the materials presented in the ethnolinguistic dictionary Slavic Antiquities. The paper discusses the isofunctionality of the Chinese and Serbian mythology of bad weather. The purpose of this study is to supplement the cultural and linguistic picture of bad weather phenomena through involving data from two unrelated cultures at the level of mythological memory.

Children's traditional creativity as an inexhaustible inspiration, but also an alternative form of musical education, represents the biological human need. It is also an "extraordinary means of stimulating intelligence and a way of connecting and bonding people of the world" (Habermeyer, 2001). Our region features a large number of songs for pre-school children, as well as a large number of rhythmic games, which also belong to the field of physical and musical education, as well as domains of learning traditional games. More and more research suggests that children "possess the least knowledge of rhythmic games in general" (Dopudja, 1977). Although there has always existed a tradition of nurturing traditional games / dances that have been transferred to younger generations, both within families and in institutions for pre-school children, it can also be transferred through a well-organized and planned regional tourist offer if its contents are adapted and presented in one of the world languages. Every country in which tourism is one of the most important branches of the economy, naturally turns to its own traditional values and potentials. Furthermore, folklore heritage has proven to be an inexhaustible source of inspiration for both artists and lay people. One should bear in mind the important fact that tourism can be defined as "a correlation of services and other benefits used by tourists created from the need for temporary displacement of people. Having in mind the distinctiveness of tourism from the aspect of its heterogeneity, where the tourist aggregate is constituted of important elements" (Cuervo S. 1967) which also include folklore art as well as various forms of entertainment and leisure time (Stavric, Baros, 2005). If we are familiar with the fact that children primarily learn by listening, watching, doing or their combination, then it is clear that children's folk art and movement rhythmic games, music and art combine these three ways of learning, and at the same time, enhance the development of intelligence in children. All the elements, as well as the inevitable factors that accompany children's folk art, influence the psychophysical, intellectual and emotional development of a child (Planjanin-Simic, 2016). Such potentially offered cultural and educational content certainly leads to better understanding among people from different countries and regions. On the other hand, today, the English language has indubitably become the language of world communication, a contemporary “lingua franca”. What is more, the English language entered almost all spheres of life: music, entertainment, mass media, traveling, tourism... To that note, with the intention of bringing people who speak different languages closer together, this paper will offer the English translation of famous children folk songs, games and dances from our region, especially Montenegrin traditional rhythmic games, with the aim to present regional culture to foreigners and transcendent the language barrier.

Creation of cultural and poetic conditions in German cultural and political centers suitable for the reception of folk poetry in general, and thus also of a Serbian poetry; conceptualization and textualization of the image of Serbs, especially on the basis of Talfja's translations of Serbian folk poetry in German literature and nonfiction in the 20s and 30s of 19th century. Formation of literature circles in Berlin led by Goethe, Brothers Grimm, Kopitar, Stieglitz and Varnhagen. Description of the trip in the book Visit to Montenegro, with Stieglitz's special interest in folklore, legends and epic folk poetry in Njegos's Grlica. Stieglitz's importance as a cultural mediator and one of Talfja's best followers is also mentioned.

Haymaking has always been the most important period for the existence of the population settled in the mountainous regions. There are numerous of competitions in haymaking organized at the meadows which present folklore, religion, customs and whole tradition of mountain regions of Serbia, Montenegro and Bosnia and Herzegovina. Specific ness of this events, completed with artistic and entertaining programs and connected with other social and geographical characteristics of the area of maintenance, present important part of total tourist offer. The work, according the economic and geographic criteria, separate competitions in haymaking of those which are strong enough and one that has the potential to become a leading force of destination and carrier of faster and better development of tourism. The aim of this paper is to assess the importance of this tourism events and to determine their rank.

Images of national characters and humorous characters of the Balkan peoples of South Slavia through the prism of their stereotypical reflection in modern anecdotes. This article reviews one of the small forms of folklore – anecdote and, more specifically, ethno-anecdote (ethnic joke) as a way of reflecting national specifics, national colour, a form of expression of the most characteristic features of the mentality and way of life of a certain people, nation, social group. Based on texts of anecdotes that are most typical and widespread in the area of the Slavic Balkans, the characteristics of representatives of the so-called “Serbo-Croatian dialect continuum” are explored. National specific qualities reflected in ethnic jokes and stereotypes are discussed. It is concluded that ethnic jokes, as a special thematic kind of anecdote, contain, among other things, important extralinguistic information and can become an objective source when studying the ethnolinguistic and culturological characteristics of a particular country and its inhabitants. Keywords: anecdote, national stereotypes, view of the world, Serbs, Croats, Bosnians, Montenegrins, image, symbol, national character

The article considers two hypotheses of the origin of the word kurjak ‘wolf’ in the Serbian language. This word has a limited existence in the Serbo-Croatian dialect space (spreading to the dialects of Eastern Bosnia and Montenegro). However, it is included in the vocabulary of the Serbian literary language. The compact area of usage in the center of Southern Slavia may denote the Slavic archaic origin of the word (as the writ-ten onomastic fixations have been known since the beginning of the 14th century, based on the work of A. Loma). The more common hypothesis of Turkish borrowing also has the right to be comprehensively analyzed. In both cases, folklore and ethnographic material is involved in the analysis, which helps to find some possible traces of the wolf veneration in the Slavic Balkans. Firstly, a sacrifice is made to a dangerous beast with a rooster, hen or chicken (Serbian-Bulgarian border). Secondly, the taboo names of harmful animals, including the use of swearing, can serve as a reinforcing factor in the case of borrowing the Turkish kuyruk with subsequent contamination with the Slavic swear word when naming a wolf. In both cases, ethnolinguistic and cartographic data seem to be the most correct route towards solving the problem of the autochthonous / borrowed nature of this word in the Serbian language space.

Popular music is one of the cultural phenomena that has been most shared among the peoples inhabiting the territory of the former Yugoslavia; indeed, considering the persistence of a common popular music culture there even after the break up of the Yugoslav federation in 1991, there is perhaps little in cultural life that unites them more. It was in the 1950s that a Yugoslav popular music culture emerged through the development of local festivals, radio programs and a recording industry, at a time when popular music was also referred to as “dance,” “entertainment” or “light” music, and when jazz, pop and, by the end of the decade, rock and roll were the styles of it that were being listened to in Yugoslavia and around the world. However, the development of a Yugoslav popular music culture at this time was rooted not only in international cultural trends but was also shaped by the domestic and foreign policies that were pursued by the ruling Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY), which was renamed the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (LCY) in 1952. Through its cultural, economic and foreign policies, the party sought to define Yugoslavia's position in Cold War international relations, develop a sense of Yugoslav identity among its multinational citizenry, and reconstruct and modernize a country that had suffered some of the greatest losses in Europe in the Second World War—and which had, just before it, been one of the Continent's least developed states, not only economically but also in terms of cultural infrastructure. In the cultural sphere, investments were needed immediately after the war to redress the facts that Yugoslavia had high rates of illiteracy and low rates of radio ownership by European standards, that cultural activities beyond folklore remained the purview of a small urban elite, and that it lacked musical artists, schools and instruments—with great disparities in all of these measures existing between its more developed northern areas (Slovenia, Croatia and northern Serbia) and the poorer south (Bosnia-Herzegovina, Macedonia, Montenegro and southern Serbia). For example, with regards to radio ownership, in 1946 the number of individuals per radio ranged from 40 in Slovenia, 48 in Croatia and 91 in Serbia to 137 in Macedonia, 288 in Bosnia-Herzegovina and 702 in Montenegro, with the average for all of Yugoslavia being 78.

The influence of Serge Diaghilev’s Ballets Russes saturated the artistic environment inhabited by Diego Rivera and Roberto Montenegro in Paris before World War I. In predecessors to the debates surrounding nationalism in Mexico, Diaghilev explored its intersections with folk art in the pages of his magazine Mir iskusstva. Montenegro studied with Diaghilev ally Hermen Anglada who urged his disciples to use elements from their nation’s folklore to escape the hegemony of Parisian modernism. Although Rivera disparaged the Ballet Russes’s influence on Mexican art, he painted his “Mexican trophy,” a cubist Zapatista landscape with a prominent serape, in response to an exhibit of Russian folk art that had been inspired by the success of Diaghilev’s dance company. Montenegro also cited this exhibition as one of the major influences in his decision to pursue Mexican folk art as a source of inspiration.