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Tesi sul tema "Monarchy"
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1
May, Simon. "Marlowe and monarchy". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:84716f56-e527-4a6b-820c-d2204c87cfe2.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Focusing on the works of Christopher Marlowe (1564-93), this thesis explores the complex engagement of popular drama with the political and religious writing of the Elizabethan fin de siècle. It focuses on the five plays by Marlowe that feature royal protagonists: 1-2 Tamburlaine (1587), Dido, Queen of Carthage (1588), Edward II (1592), and The Massacre at Paris (1593). By interpreting each play in its immediate political context, it shows that Marlowe did not deal with monarchy in the abstract but responded to current affairs - from the incursions of the Ottoman Empire to the threat of the Spanish Armada, from the conspiracy claims of Catholic polemic to the debate surrounding England's involvement in continental warfare. The introduction situates the thesis in the critical and historiographical context relating to Marlowe and to the relationship between literature and politics in the early modern period; it provides the justification for reading Marlowe's plays as topical statements. Chapter One looks at 1-2 Tamburlaine in the light of contemporary attitudes to the Ottoman-Safavid War. Chapter Two shows that Dido, Queen of Carthage adapted the stories and tropes of polemic to reflect fears of Catholic conspiracy and Spanish invasion. Chapter Three reads Edward II as a creative response to the print war of 1591-2, which centred on the moral character of the queen's closest counsellors. Chapter Four proposes that Marlowe's final play, The Massacre at Paris, employed arguments drawn from Reason of State to influence decisions at the 1593 Parliament. The thesis concludes by suggesting that despite Marlowe's reputation as a radical overreacher, his drama displays considerable sympathy for the monarchs who must rule precariously and without the option of private happiness.
2
Wright, Ann. "The role of the monarchy in Thailand and Cambodia since 1945". Thesis, [Hong Kong] : University of Hong Kong, 1993. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B13478783.
Testo completo
3
Hayman, Mark. "The Labour Party and the monarchy". Thesis, University of Warwick, 1999. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/34760/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This work examines periods and episodes which illustrate the Labour Party's developing attitudes towards the monarchy. Chapter One traces the historical background in the nineteenth century, identifying those aspects of radicalism, republicanism and a changing monarchy which had a subsequent bearing on Labour views. It finds that the lack of a serious challenge to the monarchy resulted from its increasing popular acceptance, the prevalence of anti-monarchic sentiment over republicanism, and the indifference of social democracy to strictly political reform. Chapter Two finds the monarchy increasingly accepted by Labour during the Great War, and includes sections on republicanism during the war, patriotism, anti-Germanism, royal visits, civil liberties, and the Crown and royal philanthropy. Chapter Three concentrates on the early 1930's, and examines Labour's concerns about the powers of the Crown in the aftermath of 1931. The ideas of Laski and Cripps receive particular attention, as does the paradox of the left's fear of the use of the Crown's powers to frustrate them, whilst recognising the necessity of its use to realise their Jacobin plans. The next two chapters incorporate discourse analysis techniques. Chapter Four takes an extended look at the 1935 Silver Jubilee and 1937 Coronation celebrations, and analyses the range of Labour responses to the events, at local as well as national level. The chapter includes a section of textual analysis, contrasting Labour's Daily Herald with its popular rivals in their coverage of the two celebrations. The contrastive analysis points up the centrality of Labour's constitutionalism to its approach to the monarchy. Chapter Five deals with the Abdication crisis, again analysing the spread of Labour opinion, contrasting those ready to exploit the political opportunity with the constitutionalists. Chapter Six looks at the Honours System, and at the development of Labour's attitudes and conduct in the matter. It finds Labour drawn into the system it inherited and examines the justifications offered.
4
Price, Munro. "Lafayette, the Lameths and 'republican monarchy'". Virginia University Press, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/17578.
Testo completo
5
Hunt, Alice. "The Drama of coronation : medieval ceremony in early modern England /". Cambridge : Cambridge Univ. Press, 2008. http://opac.nebis.ch/cgi-bin/showAbstract.pl?u20=9780521885393.
Testo completo
6
McLean, Roderick Reid. "Monarchy and diplomacy in Europe, 1900-1910". Thesis, University of Sussex, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.296526.
Testo completo
7
Sugden, Rebecca Ann. "Conspiracy in Balzac and Sand's July Monarchy fiction". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2019. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/289912.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis explores the representation of conspiracy in the literature of the July Monarchy (1830-1848) and its engagement with conspiracy thinking, with particular reference to the work of Honoré de Balzac (1799-1850) and George Sand (1804-1876). In providing the first sustained scholarly exploration of conspiracy and cultural production in nineteenth-century France, it situates the novel within wider discourses on European political history in the years leading up to the upheaval of 1848. Through close readings of Balzac and Sand's common investment in conspiracist modes of explanation, this study makes the case for a new generic category, the novel of conspiracy, around which literary poetics, historical imagination and political fantasy come to coalesce. Chapter one proposes a re-evaluation of the dialectic between models of surface and depth reading in Balzac's Une ténébreuse affaire (1841), arguing that the conspiratorial landscape of this proto-detective novel belies Balzac's fraught relationship to the severed referentiality of his narrative. As illustration of a Balzacian poetics of conspiracy, Une ténébreuse affaire, it is suggested, points forward in literary history towards the Flaubertian aesthetic of platitude. Chapter two looks to the political criticisms Jacques Rancière makes of Sand's patrician benevolence to inform its reading of Le Compagnon du Tour de France (1840), which depicts workers' secret societies and the underground networks of Restoration liberalism. Accusations of misguided idealism, this thesis shows, align Rancière's critique and the literary-critical narrative informing Sand's twentieth-century aesthetic devaluation with the reproach that she herself levels at the Carbonarist conspirators of her novel. Chapter three, finally, turns to the alternative origin myth of 1789 that Sand elaborates in Consuelo-La Comtesse de Rudolstadt (1842-44). Her engagement with the founding text of the conspiracist tradition of explanation, it argues, provides the cornerstone for the interrogation of the tensions of a pre-Revolutionary Europe torn between Enlightenment and Illuminism. Framing the Balzacian and Sandian novel as emblematic of a wider discourse on the conspiratorial origins of 1789 has a two-fold advantage. On an immediate level, it nuances received critical ideas on these authors' relationships to history and literary genre (a realist Balzac incapable of looking back further than the Restoration whose demise he so lamented; an idealist Sand too caught up in a utopian future to envisage the historical past). In doing so, this study seeks to problematize the narrative of oppositionality behind the Balzac-Sand binary in terms of which the literary history of nineteenth-century France is habitually couched. Yet, more significantly, it also gestures towards the importance of the conspiratorial as a prism through which to approach the porosity of the very categories of 'literature' and 'history' in the nineteenth-century French context.
8
Williams, Peter Richard. "Public discussion of the British monarchy, 1837-87". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1989. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272194.
Testo completo
9
Klint, Lola. "The Greenlandic Paradox - Greenlandic autonomy under Danish monarchy". Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23447.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
While the general attitude towards Danish influence in Greenland is negative, the generalattitude towards the Danish royal family is positive. This thesis seeks to uncover theparadoxical Greenlandic discourses by tracing the emergence and development ofroyalism in Greenland from the early colonial period until today. The underlyingmethodological framework is constructivism, while the method is Discourse HistoricalAnalysis. The analysis is conducted by chronologically comparing and analyzing theGreenlandic discourse about the monarchy in relation to the discourse of the monarchfamily concerning Greenland. By drawing on the theories of 'Arctic-orientalism' andPratts' theory of 'contact zones,' this study highlights how variations occur in the colonialrelation of Denmark and Greenland. Despite the legacy of Danish colonialism, thechanges in the Monarch family's discourse towards the Greenlandic people havestrengthened a Greenlandic discourse of kinship to Denmark.
10
Farguson, Julie Anne. "Art, ceremony and the British monarchy, 1689-1714". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e63509b1-425c-4308-bfc7-d991d46aa693.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis investigates the ceremonial and artistic strategies of the British monarchy in the years following the Glorious Revolution. By adopting a range of methodologies used in the study of visual culture, the thesis considers royal ceremonies as channels for conveying political messages non-verbally. These could affect attitudes to the monarchy, and inform artistic output. By paying particular attention to the way royal participants performed ceremonially in relation to the various formal and informal architectural settings for the court, the thesis highlights the process of seeing as a communicative act. Being alert to the impact of royal ceremonial and artistic activities on contemporary audiences, the thesis also considers the dissemination of royal imagery in England by commercial means. The thesis surveys paintings, prints and medals produced in England, and places the intended audiences at the centre of the analysis. It also pays keen attention to the impact of war on royal image making, and highlights the political context of continental Europe, especially in relation to William’s role as Stadholder-King but also the exiled Stuart court at St Germain near Paris. The evidence presented here supports a number of conclusions. Firstly, war had a profound impact on all aspects of royal image making. Secondly, royal behaviour and involvement in ceremony were vital elements in the visual presentation of monarchy. Kings and queens were of paramount importance, but their consorts were highly significant. Art was also taken seriously by the monarchy and the Crown tightened controls on royal image making during the period in question. The thesis also concludes that the nationalities of the incumbent monarchs and their consorts, along with their previous experiences and personalities, influenced their individual approach to visual representation. These approaches could shift depending on political circumstances and the personal inclinations of the person concerned.
11
Tholozan, Olivier. "Henri de Boulainvilliers : l'anti-absolutisme aristocratique légitimé par l'histoire /". Aix-en-Provence : Presses universitaires d'Aix-Marseille, 1999. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37109117p.
Testo completo
12
Krummerich, Sean. "Nationalitaetenrecht: The South Slav Policies of the Habsburg Monarchy". Scholar Commons, 2012. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/4111.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The national development of the ethnic groups of the Habsburg Monarchy were influenced by the policies undertaken toward them by their rulers, the Austrian Germans and, after 1867, the Magyars of Hungary. Contrasts can be identified between those groups living in the Austrian part of the Monarchy and those living in the Kingdom of Hungary, a trend that can be identified in the Monarchy's South Slav populations (Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes), as this population inhabited territories on both sides of the dualist border. The present study examines the differences in the nationality policies toward the South Slavs on the part of the governments of Cisleithanian Austria and the Kingdom of Hungary during the decades prior to the First World War. The concluding section examines how these nationality policies influenced the post-1914 development of the South Slav groups.
13
Botte, Pascaline. "La tradition constitutionnelle de la monarchie parlementaire en Europe". Thesis, Perpignan, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020PERP0012.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Cette thèse a pour objet d'étudier la tradition constitutionnelle de la monarchie parlementaire au sein de huit monarchies européennes actuelles (Belgique, Danemark, Espagne, Luxembourg, Norvège, Pays-Bas, Royaume-Uni et Suède).Sept d'entre elles sont parfois considérées par certains auteurs et quelques sources comme des monarchies parlementaires. La Suède est aussi considérée ainsi, avec de semblables nuances, jusqu'à la révision constitutionnelle de 1974.Avec les réserves du droit savant mais aussi le patrimoine européen, notre étude se propose la recherche de principes et de procédures constitutifs d'une tradition spécifique.Cette dernière peut contribuer à une définition de la monarchie parlementaire. Cette transmission de principes et procédures semble révéler ainsi les limites mais aussi l'importance d'une telle forme de régime en EuropeThe purpose of this thesis is to study the constitutional tradition of the parliamentary monarchy within eight current European monarchies (Belgium, Denmark, Spain, Luxembourg, Norway, Netherlands, United Kingdom and Sweden). Seven of them are sometimes considered by certain authors and some sources as parliamentary monarchies. Sweden is also considered thus, with similar nuances, until the constitutional revision of 1974.With the reservations of learned law but also European heritage, this study seeks to find principles and procedures constituting a specific tradition. The latter can contribute to a definition of parliamentary monarchy. This transmission of principles and procedures thus seems to reveal the limits but also the importance of such a form of regime in Europe
14
Stanfield, Frederick. "Lachish as a strategic Judean city during the divided monarchy". Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1991. http://www.tren.com.
Testo completo
15
Kim, Yongmin. "A comparitive study of the British Monarchy and Japanese Emperorship". Thesis, University of Exeter, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.489231.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In modem global politics, having a constitutional monarchy is in the minority and is perhaps in decline. However, Britain and Japan do not follow this trend. Their respective monarchy and Emperorship remain powerful. Although these do not hold political power constitutionally, they maintain a moral influence on their societies. This thesis explores and compares two constitutional monarchies - the UK in the west and Japan in the Far East - to analyse how they have survived long histories. To do this, it uses the methodologies of path dependency and historical institutionalism.
16
Adam, U. "Modern monarchy and commerce in the writings of J.H.G. Justi". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.595338.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This dissertation offers an analysis of the political theory of Johann Heinrich Gottlob von Justi (1717-1771) who is widely regarded as one of the founders of modern German economic thought. Previous scholarship saw Justi exclusively as a representative of Cameralism, defined as the specifically Austrian-German version of Mercantilism which had never been influenced by or had an impact on broader European intellectual discourse. Instead of seeing Justi as quintessentially German thinker, this dissertation argues that his thought was a by-product of Enlightenment debates over the political implications of modern trade. Justi’s aim was to create modern commercial monarchies in the larger states of the Holy Roman Empire that could equal the military strength, political standing and economic performance of England and France. His most important works were published between the conclusion of the War of the Austrian Succession (1748) and the end of the Seven Years (1763) when competition among European powers was sharply on the increase. Justi’s economic thought was part and parcel of an innovative and comprehensive political reform plan for the entire European state system. He believed that the transformation of all the states of the continent into modern commercial monarchies could create peace and prosperity in Europe. Justi was convinced that the English constitution was not transferable to Germany. France was his model, provided Louis XIV’s mistaken policies of hegemony and the financial upheavals of the Regency could be avoided. Borrowing most of his ideas from the opposition to Louis XIV and XV, Justi was a critic of Montesquieu and the most important commentator in Germany of French debates concerning the idea of commercial nobility. He tried to adapt the ideas of Fénelon, Saint-Pierre, d’Argenson and others, and looked for China as a guidance. As an adherent of ‘democratic monarchy’ and of a European system of free trade, Justi offered comprehensive theory of both. Following an introductory chapter, the dissertation discusses Justi’s political economy in three chapters, first focusing on his idea of modern monarchy, and then discussing his ideas of political and economic reforms that might lead to it.
17
McCready, Anna. "Gilding the lily : music and monarchy in Paris (1814-1833)". Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2003. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/gilding-the-lily--music-and-monarchy-in-paris-18141833(d44b143b-b08c-4c43-baf2-aa7b07eeb219).html.
Testo completo
18
Adler, Simon. "Ludwig Zinzendorf's political economy in the Habsburg monarchy, 1750-1774". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2018. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/277312.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This study examines Ludwig Zinzendorf’s political economy and the intellectual inspiration of his thinking. Zinzendorf, a protégé of Kaunitz, was a sophisticated economic thinker in the mid eighteenth-century Habsburg monarchy who was part of the wider intellectual movement in Europe dedicated to understanding political economy and presenting it as an independent and important activity. Self- educated, polyglot and hard-working, Zinzendorf was formidably well read and impressively numerate. His output was detailed and analytical. With an exceptionally wide knowledge, he offered a more original way to discuss the economy than the essentially didactic approach of cameralist writers. He was a reformer dedicated to propagating the most advanced European ideas and practices. This study is divided into five chapters: chapter one covers the relationship between Zinzendorf and Kaunitz and Zinzendorf’s formative years in France from 1750 to 1752. The influence of French economic thinkers on Zinzendorf’s intellectual development, Jean-François Melon and Vincent de Gournay in particular, is the subject of chapter two. Chapter three is devoted to Zinzendorf’s German translation of John Law’s Money and Trade. The development of Zinzendorf’s ideas on state credit, notably the creation of a new stock exchange and political bank in the monarchy, modelled on the Bank of England, is discussed in chapter four. The final chapter examines how Zinzendorf operated as a sophisticated financial expert in the monarchy. He sought to provide a different kind of economic advice and attempted to open-up government to new concepts on the economy. He was influenced by the important contribution in France made by Gournay and his circle of writers in disseminating foreign ideas by publishing in French a range of economic texts from rival nations. Zinzendorf, it is argued, attempted to apply a moderate format of Gournay’s initiative in the monarchy.
19
Hanotin, Guillaume. "Au service de deux rois : l’ambassadeur Amelot et l’Union des couronnes (1705-1709)". Thesis, Paris 4, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA040246.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Cette thèse a pour objet un moment singulier des relations entre la monarchie hispanique et le royaume de France.La mort du roi Charles II à Madrid en 1700 et l’avènement du duc d’Anjou, petit-fils de Louis XIV, au trône d’Espagneprovoquèrent en effet une profonde réorganisation des rapports franco-espagnols. Après avoir été rivales, ces deuxmonarchies devenaient des puissances alliées dont les souverains appartenaient à la même maison. La réorganisation de leursrelations et la perspective de voir se reconstituer un empire – comme l’avait été celui de Charles Quint – mais cette fois-ci aubénéfice de Louis XIV inquiéta de nombreux États européens et fut l’élément déclencheur de la guerre de Successiond’Espagne. Celle-ci n’est pas envisagée ici dans l’une de ses dimensions de conflit mondial ou civil mais sous l’angle desprincipes structurants d’une politique qui a alors été mise en place par les cours de Versailles et de Madrid.« L’union des couronnes » servit à désigner ces rapports nouveaux qui inquiétaient tant mais qui donnèrent aussilieu à de nombreux projets pour rapprocher deux puissances, leurs États, leurs cours et dans une moindre mesure leurssociétés. Pour conduire cette politique, Louis XIV envoya à la cour de son petit-fils un ambassadeur resté largement méconnuet dont l’action est analysée dans cette thèse. Amelot de Gournay incarna cette union des couronnes. Cet ambassadeur eut ladélicate – voire contradictoire – mission de servir deux souverains, le roi de France et le Roi Catholique. Les différentesconceptions de l’union des couronnes sont ainsi étudiées à travers l’activité déployée par l’un de ses principaux acteurs. Si lapolitique d’union des couronnes et l’action de l’un de ses promoteurs – l’ambassadeur Amelot – sont ainsi resituées dans lecontexte d’un changement dynastique, elles permettent également de voir comment des préoccupations commercialesapparaissent de plus en plus clairement aux cours des négociations. Celles-ci jouèrent un grand rôle dans le déclenchement dela guerre, l’Angleterre et les Provinces-Unies redoutants de voir les Français s’emparer du commerce américain, maiségalement dans les efforts conduits pour rapprocher la France et l’Espagne. Le commerce devait servir de colonne vertébraleà l’union.Dans une première partie, ce travail s’attache à retracer les tensions et les conflits engendrés par les initiatives deLouis XIV sur fond de rivalités commerciales croissantes. Les principales guerres menées par le roi de France contre les roisd’Espagne au XVIIe siècle et l’enjeu des questions commerciales dans les relations hispano-françaises ont laissé une empreintedurable qui a affecté en retour la politique d’union des couronnes. Dans une seconde partie, l’ambassadeur, ses réseaux et sonaction sont étudiés pour mettre en évidence les usages et les pratiques de la négociation. Enfin, ce sont les réalités concrèteset l’image de l’union des couronnes qui est analysée dans une dernière partieThis thesis shows how in 1700 the death in Madrid of Charles II, King of Spain, followed by the ascension of the duke ofAnjou, grandson of Louis XIV, to the Spanish throne, led to a complete and complex reorganisation of the relationshipbetween the French and Spanish monarchies. After decades of rivalry, these two kingdoms with sovereigns coming from thesame lineage turned into allies. For many Europeans states, these changes in the European balance of power and thepossibility of the rebirth of an empire – similar to the one created by Charles V – for the benefit of Louis XIV was perceivedas a threat.The expression «The Two Crowns» or « the union of the Crowns of France and of Spain » was coined to describe this newrelationship bringing together two powerful kingdoms, their States, their courts and to a lesser extent their societies.The political lead of these changes was the mandate given to the French ambassador nominated by Louis XIV within hisgrandson court. Up to now, very little was known about the role played by this man Amelot de Gournay who portrayed thisambitious politics. This thesis analyses how he managed to serve simultaneously both masters, the King of France and theKing of Spain, while his delicate mission was not exempt of contradictions.The different aspects of the Two Crowns’ governance are studied through the activities developed by the ambassadorAmelot, who was one of the main players, conceiving and carrying out this politics in a time of a change of dynasty.Economics and trade activities became of crucial importance during the negotiations, playing a major role in the outburst ofthe War of the Spanish Succession, as the England and the Dutch Republic feared the possibility that France took over thecommercial relationship with North America. These activities were also part of the efforts of France to befriend Spain. Tradewould have been the backbone of the union between the two nations.In the first part, this work develops the tensions and conflicts generated by Louis XIV’s initiatives with abackground of increasing trade rivalries. During the 17th century, most of the wars led by the King of France against the Kingof Spain and the trade issue between the two kingdoms had left durable marks in both societies, which in return impacted theTwo Crowns’ implementation. In the second part, Amelot de Gournay’s leadership, networks and actions are studied in orderto highlight the practices that ruled negotiations at that time. Finally, the facts and the perception of the Two Crowns areanalysed
20
Green, Malynda F. "Losing the mystique the effects of letting light in on the British monarchy /". Laramie, Wyo. : University of Wyoming, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=2066589741&sid=5&Fmt=2&clientId=18949&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
Testo completo
21
Todd, Neal Philip. "Montesquieu and the debate on the origins of the French monarchy". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.293457.
Testo completo
22
Navapan, Nattika. "Siamese monarchy and the modernisation of Bangkok's urban spaces, 1868-1910". Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.512032.
Testo completo
23
Nevader, Madhavi. "Exile and Institution : Monarchy in the Books of Deuteronomy and Ezekiel". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.508404.
Testo completo
24
Kayyali, Abdul-Wahab M. "Why Parties in Morocco| Political Party Formation and Development Under Monarchy". Thesis, The George Washington University, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10842875.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Why do political parties form in authoritarian settings where they cannot contest executive power? In this dissertation, I construct a theory of political party formation and development in such settings. I argue that political parties in such regimes form to contest political discourse and practice, and develop in ways that are intricately related to these formation processes.
In order to test my theory, I employ a comparative-historical analysis to explain the formation and development of four major political parties in Morocco and one social movement organization that did not form a political party – the Istiqlal Party, the Socialist Union of Popular Forces (USFP), the Popular Movement (MP), the Party of Justice and Development (PJD), and the Justice and Spirituality Movement (JSM). The methodology consists of: 1) in-depth interviews with party cadres and leadership, state officials, and independent observers, 2) participant-observation of different party activities, 3) and content and discourse analysis of media and archival documents.
Theoretically, the dissertation draws attention to the ideational and symbolic incentives for political party formation and development. It also sheds light on the aspirations and abilities of parties that know they have a minimal chance of winning electoral office to shape or influence the debate. Empirically, the dissertation examines the history and trajectory of party formation for an Arab World where Islamist parties are dominant, and few institutional political actors are slated for future roles. Understanding the party-development history and trajectory of Moroccan parties yields valuable insights for social research on the Arab World.
25
Tadlock, Stephen Kyle. "Forging the Sword of Damocles: Memory, Mercenaries, and Monarchy on Sicily". The Ohio State University, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1522241831627667.
Testo completo
26
Balka, Charles E. "The fate of Saudi Arabia regime evolution in the Saudi monarchy". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2008/Dec/08Dec%5FBalka.pdf.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Middle East, South Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2008.Thesis Advisor(s): Kadhim, Abbas. "December 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 29, 2009. Includes bibliographical references (p. 69-76). Also available in print.
27
Edley, Nigel. "Monarchy in the mirror : a social psychological study of press representations". Thesis, Loughborough University, 1991. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/7030.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Very little academic work has focused upon the British monarchy/Royal Family and its significance for the people of Britain. However, of the more recent pieces of work on the subject, several have emphasized the ideological impact of the institution (Coward, 1984; Williamson, 1986; Billig, 1990). This is an emphasis which similarly characterizes the present study. Indeed a substantial part of this thesis is taken up with a theoretical discussion about the nature of ideology itself. Following Barthes (1982), I argue that the relationship between a culture/ideology and its practitioners is paradoxical. Each is simultaneously the master and slave of the other. There are four empirical chapters contained within this volume, the first of which is a quantitative account of popular press representations of monarchy. The other three empirical chapters are, in part, an investigation and illustration of the paradoxical nature of culture/ideology. Drawing predominantly from a three-month sample of Royal-related newspaper items (29th Nov. 1987–29th Feb. 1988) the first shows how various cultural/ideological themes or discourses determine or give form to the texts. In the second I examine the ways in which similar themes are used constructively in the production of accounts which accomplish a variety of rhetorical, political and ideological 'moves'. These themes are also present within the fourth empirical chapter in which I examine some of the ideological work done via the representation of the Royals as ordinary, extraordinary and 'superordinary' beings. Chapters 6 and 7 also serve to reveal something of the nature of two subject matter categories as defined in Chapter 4. In the final chapter I take issue with certain aspects of the present study's own theoretical and methodological bases.
28
Heath, Sean. "The Bourbon monarchy and the cult of Saint Louis, 1589-1792". Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/15607.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis examines the relationship between religion and politics in France by looking at the cult of Saint Louis under the bourbon kings of the ‘ancien regime', from the accession of Henri IV in 1589 to the abolition of the monarchy in 1792. As both a historical king whose reign was held to be the epitome of ideal Christian kingship and as a canonised saint of the church, Saint Louis was positioned at the very nexus of this relationship and his cult and memory had an important place in the political, religious and artistic culture of Bourbon France. Following a period of relative neglect since the Hundred Year's War, the cult was revived under Henri IV and Louis XIII as part of their ‘recatholicisation' of the French monarchy. Saint Louis began to emerge as a prominent theme in royal representation and as a symbol that could be used by flatterers throughout the bourbon period. Celebration of his feast was part of the texture of sacral monarchy that helped bind the monarchy to various elite groups - ecclesiastical, lay and military. His praise was generally harnessed to the glorification of his Bourbon descendants. However, there were limitations. His feast was never celebrated across the kingdom as comprehensively as the monarchy had hoped, and enough ambiguities remained in the relationship of sanctified ancestor to living descendant to allow opponents of the monarchy to use Saint Louis's idealised image to criticise the reigning king. Moreover, broader changes in culture and intellectual life rendered a cult that had been re-established in the era of Catholic reform increasingly out of tune with contemporary sensibilities by the middle of the eighteenth century. Ultimately, this study of the cult of Saint Louis is a contribution to debaters about the nature of royal sacralty and the extent of both ‘resacralisation' and ‘desacralisation' across the period. It shows the ambiguities and difficulties created for the French monarchy by the weight of its sacral identity.
29
Filali, Abdelkader. "Salafi Jihadism, Disengagement, and the Monarchy: Exploring the case of Morocco". Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/39719.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
What meanings have formerly engaged (radicalized) Salafists ascribed to their disengagement and how have they become embedded in their everyday lives? There are two narratives that can explain this question. On the one hand, there is a central inclusive narrative that suggest the institutionalization of the religious terrain in Morocco through the Institution of the Commander of the Faithful (mou’assassat imarat al mou’minine) or ICF, which allows the Monarchy to play the king-religious role as the guarantor of religion and other faiths. On the other hand, Salafi Jihadists represent the second exclusive narrative through a religious concept that has taken a violent understanding called “loyalty and disavowal” (Al Wal’a wal Bar’a) or WB. The power of this narrative lies in the ability to divide society into a near and far enemy. Put it another way, to ask how those very meanings affect their everyday lives, a change in Salafi worldview for example allows them to live lives that seemed not possible before far from violence. As a result, there is no one picture of disengagement. Disengagement happens very differently in each case. Specifically, we argue that Salafi Jihadists’ disengagement has been informed, and shaped, by the meanings they attribute to their experiences in the everyday life. As such, this thesis is not about process, or pathways, or models of engagement and disengagement it is about meanings each one assigns to his or her experience. In addition to advancing theories of violent radicalization and disengagement from violence, this thesis makes a methodological contribution to the study of the meanings of disengagement through an ethnographic fieldwork in Morocco and Jordan.
30
Muncaster, Sebastien. "Liberalization in monarchical regimes : the cases of Jordan and Kuwait". Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=31126.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Since the late 1980s an increasing amount of literature has attempted to explain liberalization and democratization, or lack thereof, in the Arab world. Theories have developed around such concepts as civil society, state formation and political culture, yet a conclusive theory that could predict the future of these two processes in the Arab world has not emerged. This thesis seeks to add to this body of work by theorizing that regime type---specifically monarchical regimes---may be a useful variable in analyzing political reform in the region and will attempt to explain how and under what conditions some countries will open their political systems. This thesis takes the view that while there has been some indication of liberalization in the Arab world there has been very little evidence of democratization. Evidence of liberalization in Arab monarchies will be shown in case studies of Kuwait and Jordan.
31
Freeman, Pamela. "Blood ties: and 'Kings. what a good idea' : monarchy in epic fantasy fiction". University of Technology, Sydney. Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2100/403.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The thesis Blood Ties is a novel in the epic fantasy tradition. It is intended to be the first of The Castings Trilogy. A synopsis of the second and third books of the trilogy is also included. The exegesis, “‘Kings. What a good idea.’: Monarchy in epic fantasy fiction”, examines some of the reasons writers from democratic countries may choose to use monarchical political structures in epic fantasy novels. It considers evidence from folktale research, primate behavioural studies, literary traditions, both ancient and modern, and the effect of religious doctrine and history on the symbolic role of the monarch. Folktales are found to have had very little effect on the role of kings in epic fantasy, which has been influenced by a combination of literary traditions, including the Arthurian saga and the historical romances of Sir Walter Scott. More profoundly, the meaning of the king’s role has been influenced by the Christian mythos in two ways: the king is a Christ surrogate who sacrifices his own safety for the good of the body politic and, in being successful against evil, restores a version of Paradise/Eden for his people.
32
Dolan, Richard L. "Buttressing a monarchy literary representations of William III and the Glorious Revolution /". unrestricted, 2005. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-04142005-124115/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Georgia State University, 2005.Ttitle from title screen. Tanya Caldwell, committee chair; Malinda G. Snow, Stephen B. Dobranski, committee members. 333 p. [numbered vi, 325]. Description based on contents viewed Feb. 26, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 318-325).
33
Dolan, Jr Richard L. "Buttressing a Monarchy: Literary Representations of William III and the Glorious Revolution". Digital Archive @ GSU, 2005. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/english_diss/1.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This study examines ways in which supporters of William III and his opponents used literature to buttress their respective views of government in the wake of the Glorious Revolution. Understanding the polemical character of this art provides more insight both into the literature of the 1690s and into the modes of political debate in the period. As the English people moved from a primarily hereditary view of monarchy at the beginning of the seventeenth century to a more elective view of government in the eighteenth century, the Glorious Revolution proved to be a watershed event. Those favoring James II relied on patriarchal ideas to characterize the new regime as illegitimate, and supporters of the coregent asserted the priority of English and Biblical law to assert that the former king forfeited his right to rule. Chapter one examines three thinkers – Robert Filmer, John Milton, and John Locke – whose thought provides a context for opinions expressed in the years surrounding William of Orange’s ascension to the English throne. In chapter two, John Dryden’s response to James II’s abdication is explored. As the deposed Poet Laureate and a prominent voice supporting of the Stuart line, Dryden sheds light on ways in which Jacobites resisted the authority of the new regime through his response to the Glorious Revolution. Chapter three addresses the work of Thomas Shadwell, who succeeded Dryden as Laureate, and Matthew Prior, whose poetry Frances Mayhew Rippy characterizes as “unofficial laureate verse.” These poets rely on ideas similar to those expressed by Milton and Locke as they seek to validate the events of 1688-1689. The final chapter explores the appropriation of varied conceptions of government in pamphlets and manuscripts written in favor of James II and William III. Focusing on the polemical character of these works from the late 1680s and the 1690s enhances our understanding of the period’s literature and the prominent interaction of politics and writing.
34
Kerr, David S. "Charles Philipon : caricature and political culture in France under the July monarchy". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.339041.
Testo completo
35
Gillen, UltaÌn. "Monarchy, republic and empire : Irish public opinion and France, c.1787-1804". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.432121.
Testo completo
36
Jelić, Damir. "Provincial banking in the Austro-Hungarian monarchy and successor states 1913-1925". Thesis, University of Leicester, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/9347.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Provincial banking in the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy prior to the First World War was well developed. It fulfilled important economic and social functions as well as holding a significant share of the banking sector. In the successor states, after the collapse of the Monarchy, provincial banking lost some of its strength, but remained an important factor. However, the historiography of provincial banking remained underdeveloped due to the limits of archive material, the small number of case studies and a generally low level of knowledge about provincial banking. This thesis aims to fill the gap by reconstructing the broad structure of provincial banking and its place in the overall banking systems of several selected regions of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and successor states for the sample years 1913 and 1925. General knowledge and understanding of provincial banking can be improved by analysing the business structure of the provincial banks based on the analysis of balance sheets and the reaction of provincial banking to economic, monetary and political disturbances caused by the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. This dissertation has two parts. The first part presents the general framework of the research, through a survey of the existing historiography and an outline of the methodology of the research. It also offers some necessary introductory information about credit cooperatives, provincial banking and the economic and financial framework in which provincial banks operated. The second part consists of an analysis of the database containing information on all financial institutions within the assessed territory and information from the balance sheets of provincial banks. The Appendix to the thesis contains a glossary of the terminology used in balance sheets, and the main database. The database and thesis is designed to serve as a useful foundation for future case studies of the historiography of provincial banking in the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy.
37
Donohue, Carolyn Anne. "Public display and the construction of monarchy in Yorkist England, 1461-85". Thesis, University of York, 2013. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/5215/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The years 1461-85 were a particularly volatile period for the English crown, damaged by civil war and repeated usurpation. Edward IV's accession in 1461 was the culmination of a decade of intense debate on governance that had descended into violent conflict. In order to sustain his position after seizing the throne, it was essential to establish military and administrative dominance within the realm, but also to assert his legitimacy and worthiness to rule, and urgently to secure the allegiance of his subjects. This dissertation examines the construction and evolution of Yorkist monarchy from this foundation in bloodshed and discord. The focus is on the ways in which royal display served to bond people to the regime and how texts and images asserted a distinct Yorkist royal identity. The investigation encompasses a wide range of public events centred on the display of majesty, from rituals such as coronations, funerals and marriages to civic pageantry, tournaments, the reception of distinguished visitors, and the king's performance in parliament, on the battlefield and as promoted and commemorated in Yorkist texts. This broad scope facilitates a comprehensive understanding of the significance of royal spectacle and the ideas and imagery of Yorkist monarchy that were of paramount importance throughout the period. The approach is thematic, analysing the places where Yorkist monarchy was displayed, the ways in which an elite was cultivated in circles of intimacy around the king, and the messages communicated through the written word and visual symbolism. Three dominant themes emerge throughout: the significance of the regime's foundation in civil war, fuelling the promotion of Edward IV as a warrior monarch and heightening the rhetoric of loyalty; the competition with Lancastrian kingship and the difficulties in dealing with a living, rival monarch in Henry VI through the 1460s, driving Edward IV's attitudes towards both Lancastrian foundations and Henry VI himself; and the impetus to fuse royal sites and symbolism with those of the house of York in order to elevate status and assert legitimacy.
38
Peck, Brian MacLellan 1958. "KING HUSAYN OF JORDAN: TRADITION AND CHANGE IN MODERN MIDDLE EASTERN MONARCHY". Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/291239.
Testo completo
39
Cox, Noel Stanley Bertie. "The evolution of the New Zealand monarchy: The recognition of an autochthonous polity". Thesis, University of Auckland, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3002348.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The aims of this thesis are to determine to what extent the Crown remains important as a source of legitimacy for the constitutional order and as a focus of sovereignty; how the Crown has developed as a distinct institution; and what the prospects are for the adoption of a republican form of government in New Zealand. The imperial Crown has evolved into the New Zealand Crown, yet the implications of this change are as yet only slowly being understood. Largely this is because that evolution came about as a result of gradual political development, as part of an extended process of independence, rather than by deliberate and conscious decision. The continuing evolution of political independence does not necessarily mean that New Zealand will become a republic in the short-to-medium term. This is for various reasons. The concept of the Crown has often been, in New Zealand, of greater importance than the person of the Sovereign, or that of the Governor-General. The existence of the Crown has also contributed to, rather than impeded, the independence of New Zealand, through the division of imperial prerogative powers. In particular, while the future constitutional status of the Treaty of Waitangi remains uncertain, the Crown appears to have acquired greater legitimacy through being a party to the Treaty. The expression of national identity does not necessarily require the removal of the Crown. The very physical absence of the Sovereign, and the all-pervading nature of the legal concept of the Crown, have also contributed to that institution's development as a truly national organ of government. The concept of the Crown has now, to a large extent, been separated from its historical, British, roots. This has been encouraged by conceptual confusion over the symbolism and identity of the Crown. But this merely illustrates the extent to which the Crown has become an autochthonous polity, grounded in our own unique settlement and evolution since 1840. Whether that conceptual strength is sufficient to counterbalance symbolic and other challenges in the twenty-first century remains uncertain. But it is certain that the Crown has had a profound affect upon the style and structure of government in New Zealand.
40
Morris, Marilyn Ann. "Monarchy as an issue in English political argument during the French Revolutionary era". Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.282701.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis examines the treatment of monarchy in extraparliamentary debate in England during a period in which republican ideology challenged monarchy's utility and sanctity: from the time when England first felt the impact of the French Revolution until the rise of Napoleon. It analyses the image of the British monarchy which emerged out of this debate and its contribution to the maintenance of social and political stability during the 1790s. Much of the monarchy's strength and endurance can be attributed to the adaptability of its image, a quality enhanced by George Ill's character and regal style. Beginning with the Burke-Paine controversy, this study shows how arguments on the proper relationship between sovereign and subject were used to support contentious views on the social hierarchy. Chapter II assesses the impact of the reformist challenge, inspired by the overthrow of tyranny in France, upon conservative ideology. Although notions of the divine nature of the kingly office enjoyed a resurgence, loyalists were combining these with a new image of George III which suggested his fulfilment of the reformers' ideals of responsible and accessible government. The next three chapters examine the species of republicanism which developed in England during this period and the impact which repression had upon reformist attitudes, by charting the vacillations in reformers' attitudes toward the King. Essentially, the predominance of moderate members in the reform societies and the alarm raised for the King's life induced those harbouring republican ideals to adapt them to the existence of a strongly established monarchy in England. But when repression continued, the constitutional movement was crushed, leaving a small underground movement which was republican and revolutionary. Chapter VII shows how the legal debate on the sanctity and security of the crown branded reformers as potential regicides and promoted loyalist vigilance against them. The final chapter looks at the manner in which royal ceremonial and ritual further supported this spirit of vigilance and encouraged sentiments and beliefs which helped to buttress the status quo.
41
Smith, Philip Jonathan. "Greek images of monarchy and their influence on Rome from Alexander to Augustus". Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/655.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This inter-disciplinary thesis traces the influence of Greek images of monarchy on Rome, between 323 B. C. and A. D. 14. The first chapter examines the evidence for Greek perceptions of kings, tyrants, good citizens and ideal rulers in the fourth century B. C. The second chapter considers some developments in political theory during the Hellenistic period, and the practice of Hellenistic kingship. The visual media used for representing Hellenistic monarchy are discussed. The first section of the third chapter reviews the evidence for the points of contact between Romans of the Republican era, and the monarchs, artworks and political thought of the Greek world. A second section analyses the evidence both for the evolution of Roman attitudes towards monarchs and monarchy, over this period of interaction, and changes in Roman political and military leadership. The conventional notion that Romans had been consistently hostile to kings since the fall of Tarquinius Superbus is questioned. The increasing resort to proven individuals (e. g. Pompey) for solving domestic and external crises is documented. The final section of this chapter charts developments in the positive representation of Republican leaders in both rhetoric and art, including favourable portrayals of both Caesar and Octavian. It is suggested that the transformation of Roman thought and practice, under Greek influence, facilitated the successful establishment of a monarchical regime after Actium. The creation of the Augustan dynasty is documented in the final chapter. In addition, ideals of leadership, and Augustan ideas about war, peace and empire, are discussed. A chronological treatment of the contemporary (visual and textual) evidence suggests the heterogeneity of Augustus' principate. New identifications are proposed for certain figures in the 'procession friezes' of the Ara Pacis Augustae.
42
Kato, Hirokatsu. "A comparative study on the constitutional monarchy in the United Kingdom and Japan". Thesis, University of Exeter, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.390145.
Testo completo
43
Singerton, Jonathan Oliver Ward. "Empires on the edge : the Habsburg monarchy and the American Revolution, 1763-1789". Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/33103.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Throughout 2013 the governments of the Austrian Republic and United States of America celebrated the 175th anniversary of diplomatic relations between them. This date marks the accreditation of ambassadors in 1838 but obscures the sixty-year prehistory, begun when the first American envoy reached Vienna in 1778. The Habsburg Monarchy became the last European Great Power to recognise the United States, but the reasons behind this also have eighteenth-century origins. The United States and the successor states to the Habsburg Monarchy, therefore, share a much longer, more complex and deeply entangled history stretching back to the American Revolution. This dissertation focuses on how and why attempts to formalise relations failed between these two states in the revolutionary and post-revolutionary period, something which, until now, has received little historical attention. This dissertation uncovers a neglected but illuminating story of US-Habsburg relations between 1763- 1789. In doing so it demonstrates the evolving nature of early modern diplomacy and the wider international struggle of the American founding. In both regards, this dissertation argues the economic motivation of economic agents and the role of personalities were the new and instrumental factors. What follows is a new history of the broader, much deeper impact of the American Revolution and the transatlantic entanglements of the Habsburg Monarchy. A history of a relationship which looks beyond 'desk diplomacy' and towards a more holistic interpretation of the attempted relations between unlikely states. To this end, this dissertation relies upon a broad base of archival material from personal papers to quantative data from both sides of the Atlantic.
44
CARNEIRO, JUSCELINO FERNANDES. "THE PSALM 101 AND ITS RELATIONSHIP WITH THE MONARCHY AND WITH THE WORSHIP". PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2013. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=35181@1.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROCOORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTS. DE ENSINO
O salmo 101 é analisado em sua relação com a monarquia e com o culto, enfatizando-se os vv. 2 e 6, onde sobretudo se notam indícios que permitem explorar essa relação. No poema o rei deseja cantar o amor e o direito de YHWH, - dons divinos outorgados a Israel e Davi - respondendo não apenas através do culto, mas também através de um estilo de vida em fidelidade à Lei de YHWH. Este projeto de vida, caminho sem mancha, se torna critério na escolha dos seus colaboradores e deve pautar a vida de todos os habitantes da cidade de Deus. Através da pergunta quando virás a mim?, no v. 2, o rei reclama a vinda de YHWH até ele, para que ele seja capaz de realizar seus propósitos de fidelidade. No v. 6 o verbo servir, que é usado para designar o serviço cúltico a Deus, e aqui designa serviço ao rei, parece indicar uma proximidade entre o ambiente monárquico e o ambiente cúltico. Essa proximidade se depreende também do discurso real, que revela que o critério norteador da vida do rei e dos que são admitidos à corte, é semelhante ao que, segundo as liturgias de ingresso, deve orientar a vida dos que são admitidos ao templo: a fidelidade à Lei. Portanto, enquanto no v. 2 o rei reconhece sua dependência de YHWH, no v. 6, parece estabelecer sua corte, de certa forma, em dependência ao templo.
The relationship between worship and monarchy is analyzed in the light of Psalm 101, being emphasized the vv. 2 and 6, where above all, they are noticed indications to allow to explore this relationship. In the poem the king wants to sing the love and the right of YHWH, divine gifts granted to Israel and David, not only responding through the cult, but also through a faithful lifestyle according to the Law of YHWH. This life project, road without stain, becomes the criterion in the choice of his collaborators, and should rule the lives of all inhabitants of the city of God. Through the question when will you come to me? in v. 2, the king claims the arrival of YHWH to him, so that he might be capable to accomplish his fidelity purposes. In v. 6 the verb to serve, is used to designate the cultic service to God, and here it designates the service to the king, it seems to indicate the proximity between the monarchic atmosphere and the cultic atmosphere. This proximity also infers the royal speech, which reveals that the criterion that orientates the king s life and of those who are admitted to the court, is similar to what, according to the entrance liturgies, should guide the life of those who are admitted to the temple: the fidelity to the Law. Thus, in v. 2 the king recognizes his dependence on YHWH and, in v.6, the king establishes his court, in a certain way, in dependence on the temple.
45
Anderson, Alexandra Marie. "Writing the history of the English monarchy : Franco-British historiographical cultures, 1688-1788". Thesis, University of Leeds, 2018. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/20956/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis examines the historiographical cultures of the period of 1688-1788 through an exploration of French historical accounts of English history. At its centre are the French historians Paul de Rapin-Thoyras (1661-1725), Abbé Millot (1726-1785), and Abbé Raynal (1713-1726), whose works were translated into English and published and circulated widely in Britain. The thesis discusses these and other French historians of English history as well as several British historians of English and French history. Through a series of comparative readings, this study illuminates the shared historiographical practices of Britain and France. It is particularly concerned with how historians wrote in the grand manner about English monarchs, from the Norman Conquest in 1066 to the execution of Charles I in 1649. These historians wrote in a neoclassical manner by organising their texts around the lives of key historical figures and presenting them as models of behaviour, using ideas of virtue and vice. This thesis argues that while French historians looked back to the neoclassical mode, they employed it to connect with a British audience by reflecting on contemporary ideals of politics, gender norms, and moral virtues. In the comparative study of these historical texts, this thesis provides new evidence of French and British historiographical cultures in the eighteenth century through its exploration of the exchange of neoclassical historiographical practices across the channel.
46
Roeder, Tobias Uwe. "Professional identity of army officers in Britain and the Habsburg Monarchy, 1740-1790". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2018. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/277825.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis explores the existence and outlook of a European officer class in the mid- to later 18th century by studying the army officers of Britain and the Habsburg Monarchy from the War of the Austrian Succession to the eve of the French Revolutionary Wars. It illuminates the character of such an officer class of ‘Military Europe’ with its own cultural customs and practices. Furthermore, it details similarities, differences and peculiarities of both officer corps. This is achieved by analysing the social and national composition of both armies, with a focus here on the Habsburg Army due to the fact that it took in great numbers of foreigners and that the muster lists give an indication of how great the proportion of nobility was. A comparison with the British case shows striking similarities but also obvious differences. In a further step the ability of individuals for social advancement and national mobility is scrutinised on both sides. In this context, the state’s care for its officers and their social security is also taken into account. One possibility to acknowledge the officers’ service was to raise their status, either by ennoblement or through increasing the prestige of the uniform in court and society, its transformation into an ‘Ehrenkleid’ (garment of honour). As officers increasingly became servants to the state, rather than noble retainers and military enterprisers, they were also subject to professionalization efforts by the sovereigns. What becomes apparent, however, is that the officers did not only react to such measures but that at least a significant part of them actively worked on improving the service, thereby exhibiting a growing professionalism. In order to explore the coherence of the officer corps in those armies, with officers all following the same codes and accepting each other as equals, the thesis looks into core values (including honour, duty, courage and loyalty) binding them together and separating them from the enlisted men. The thesis will also offer a glimpse of their engagement with civilian society and culture as well as their role as ‘foot soldiers of Enlightenment’. On a European level, interaction between these officers proves their general acceptance of and respect for each other, while at the same time acting as state representatives in wartimes. Their interaction with non-European and non-state military forces and their leadership marks out the fluid boundaries of military Europe, but also exhibits the pervasiveness of European military culture.
47
Alshammari, Zeyad Suwailem M. "Political Uprisings and the Arab Monarchies| The Survival of the Saudi Arabia Monarchy". Thesis, Howard University, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10267705.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This study is primarily about regime survival. Applying some aspects of rentier-state model, the metaphor of father and family, and the functional superiority perspective and predominantly based on the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia’s experience, this study sought to unravel factors that have enabled the monarchical regimes of the Middle East to survive the ongoing upheavals in the region. While the region-wide upheavals have swept away the republican regimes of Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, the monarchies of Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Morocco, and Qatar, among others, have remained largely intact, raising the questions as to why and how they have been able to stem the tides of collapse. In response to this question, it was argued here that the ability of long-established regimes to mobilize resources—both material and non-material—to strategically and tactically deal with internal discontents provides a framework to analyze regime survival. It must, however, be noted that regime survival does not necessarily connote state or regime stability, if stability refers to absence of sociopolitical frictions and political schism. Here, regime survival simply referred to the ability of rulers to remain, or stay, in power, even if there were continuing struggles on the part of sections of the citizenry to remove them.
48
Hilton, Austin W. B. "King Fred: How the British King Who Never Was Shaped the Modern Monarchy". Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2016. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/3064.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis examines the British monarchy in the eighteenth century and how the philosophy of Frederick, Prince of Wales, helped to shape that monarchy. The early Hanoverians were seen with contempt by many of their subjects, often being ridiculed as ignorant outsiders. They helped matters none by their indifference to Britain, its people, or its culture. Prince Frederick, George II’s eldest son, however, changed all of this. His philosophy on kingship, influenced by Henry, Viscount Bolingbroke’s work, The Patriot King, helped to change the perception of the Hanoverian dynasty. When Prince Frederick died in 1751 before he could take the throne, it was left up to his son, Prince George, to carry out Frederick’s vision. As George III, he fulfilled the philosophy and became the embodiment of the patriot king. This resulted in a surge in popularity for the Hanoverians, solidifying their place on the British throne.
49
Nemeika, Giedrius. "Konstitucinis monarcho statusas Europos valstybėse". Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2005. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2004~D_20050603_113022-71463.
Testo completo
50
D'AGOSTINI, MONICA. "Re Filippo V, i Macedoni e le leghe greche (229-217 a.C.)". Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/39108.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Sebbene Filippo V sia uno dei monarchi antichi meglio attestati nella tradizione letteraria ed epigrafica, la complessità della sua regalità sfugge ancora alla ricerca storica moderna, che finora ha preferito concentrarsi sulla coeva espansione romana nel Mediterraneo. Dopo la vecchia monografia di Walbank (1940; 19602), la tesi costituisce dunque la prima analisi politica della basileia di Filippo V e della sua relazione con le leghe greche alla fine del III secolo a.C. La ricerca collega all'orizzonte politico e istituzionale ellenistico i primi 12 anni di governo di Filippo V (229-217 a.C.) ripercorrendo le fasi dell’azione politica del re: una prima fase riguarda principalmente il ruolo di Filippo durante la reggenza e il regno di Antigono Dosone; una seconda fase esplora tra il 222 e il 220 l'inizio della guerra con gli Etoli; una terza sezione è dedicata all'apertura di un fronte navale nel 219 e al successo della campagna etolica. La quarta parte indaga sull'impegno del 218 in Peloponneso di Filippo, mentre l'ultima sezione approfondisce l’azione diplomatica e militare di Filippo nel 217 e gli accordi di pace a Naupatto. Anche grazie alla buona documentazione epigrafica e letteraria, Filippo V è un paradigma unico per ridefinire il significato della regalità ellenistica. Considerando i suoi legami dinastici, la politica giudiziaria, le innovazioni militari, le relazioni diplomatiche e le riforme amministrative prima dell'intervento romano in Oriente, la ricerca tenta di fornire una prima descrizione e un'analisi della monarchia macedone matura e della sua relazione con il mondo greco; cerca inoltre di stabilire le caratteristiche della regalità ellenistica macedone nel momento dell’incontro con la potenza romana, nel tentativo di distinguere le sue peculiarità nel III secolo rispetto a quelle dell'età di Alessandro, a prescindere dalle deformazioni della propaganda di parte romana.Although Philip V is one of the best epigraphically and literarily attested ancient monarchs, the structure, performance, and the rationale of his kingship still elude modern scholarship, which has hitherto preferred to focus on the coeval Roman expansion in the Mediterranean. The following is the first political analysis of the ancient Macedonian basileia and its relation with the Greek Leagues at the end of the 3rd century BC. The research connects the first 12 years of rule of Philip V (229-217 BC.) to the Hellenistic political and institutional horizon, and distinguishes five chronological stages of Philip’s reign according to the political agency of the king: an early stage between Demetrios II’s death in 229 and 222, mainly concerned with Philip’s role during Antigonos Doson’s rule and the ascension to the throne; a second phase between 222 and 220 exploring the beginning of the war with the Aitolians; a third section devoted to the opening of a naval front in 219 and the successful Aitolian campaign. Part four investigates Philip’s 218 Peloponnesian engagement, while the last section expands on Philip’s 217 diplomatic and military agency and the peace agreements in Naupactos. Considering his dynastic ties, court politics, military innovations, diplomatic relations and administrative reforms before the Roman intervention in the East, the work attempts to provide a source-based first description and analysis of the mature Macedonian monarchy and its relation with the Greek world. It tries to establish the features of the Mediterranean kingship encountered by the Roman expansion, in the attempt to distinguish those attested in 3rd century Macedonia from those inferred from Alexander’s age evidence, and from the Roman biased propaganda.