Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Mohamedi, nasreen"

Abstract Background: Inflammatory polyps in patients with Inflammatory Bowel Disease (IBD) pose a significant risk for colorectal cancer (CRC). Dietary interventions targeting anti-tumor immunity are crucial in mitigating this risk. Aim: We investigated saffron's anti-inflammatory effects in IBD patients due to the high prevalence of polyps, aiming to prevent CRC. Methods: The study retrospectively evaluated 485 colitis patients (70 IBD, 415 NIC) from Howard University Hospital, through colonoscopy, pathology, and clinical reports evaluations. At Howard University, three UC patients received 50mg of saffron twice daily for 8 weeks, with two cycles. Inflammatory markers, stool calprotectin, and cytokines were assessed. Similar saffron trials were conducted at Yazd University (30 UC patients) and Egypt University (11 UC patients). Results: Patients with inflammatory bowel disease (IBD) were found to have a 15.7% prevalence of polyps compared to 8.2% in Non-inflammatory colitis patients. Among IBD patients, those with ulcerative colitis had more polyps (27%) than those with Crohn's disease (5%). In a multisite clinical trial, Saffron treatment improved various health indicators, including Partial MayoScore and quality of life. In the study (HU site), pro-inflammatory cytokines decreased, anti-inflammatory markers increased, and fecal calprotectin levels dropped significantly after saffron treatment. Saffron also led to changes in gut bacteria composition. Importantly, no adverse events were reported in the study participants. In one group of patients (Yazd study), saffron treatment led to significant improvements in depression scores, disease severity, and inflammation markers. In another site (Egypt study), 50% of saffron-treated patients showed improvement in markers related to disease severity, inflammation, and quality of life. Conclusion: Saffron supplementation, alongside standard treatments, shows promise in reducing local and systemic inflammation in IBD patients and may reduce the risk of developing inflammatory polyps and hence CRC. This safe and feasible intervention warrants further exploration as an inflammation-driven CRC preventive strategy. Citation Format: Hassan Ashktorab, Roham Salmanroghani, Hassan Salmanroghani, Reza Oskrochi, Mudasir Rashid, Adeyinka Laiyemo, Suryanarayana Reddy Challa, Philip Oppong-Twene, Nasrin Farjana, Angesom Kibreab, Holden Maeker, Amr Amin, Amal Ahmed Mohamed, Amr Elsayed, Zaki Mohamed Zaki, Omima Mohamed, Alshymaa Hassnine, Salma Saed, Soha Hassanin, Farshad Aduli, Lakshmi Gayathri Chirumamilla, Hassan Brim. Interventional dietary saffron drives antitumor immunity inInterventional dietary saffron drives antitumor immunity in high risk colorectal cancer IBD Patients, A Multisite Clinical Trial Study [abstract]. In: Proceedings of the American Association for Cancer Research Annual Meeting 2024; Part 1 (Regular Abstracts); 2024 Apr 5-10; San Diego, CA. Philadelphia (PA): AACR; Cancer Res 2024;84(6_Suppl):Abstract nr 7462.

Abstract Background: The Oncotype DX Recurrence Score (RS) predicts recurrence and chemotherapy benefit in early stage estrogen receptor positive breast cancer patients. Cost and unavailability are two major disadvantages of the assay. Multiple models have been developed to predict the RS using different pathobiologic parameters. The goal of our study was to predict RS based on histopathologic and biomarker features, and to determine concordance and correlation with RS of three surrogate models that are independent of Ki67 index: Breast Cancer Prognostic Score (BCPS), Magee0, and Magee2. Methods: Early stage, ER-positive breast cancer cases with available RS were reviewed (n = 442). ER, PR and HER2 subscores were abstracted from the Oncotype DX reports. RS categories were stratified by pathologic and biomarker variables. Histopathologic and biomarker data were abstracted from pathology reports, and the surrogate RS was calculated by each model. Correlation and concordance between models and actual RS were calculated. Analyses were performed using both conventional (18, 30) and TAILORx (11, 25) thresholds. Results: Less than 5% of breast cancers with pure or mixed lobular features, low grade tumors, carcinomas with high PR content, or Luminal A tumors had a RS >25 (Table 1). Recurrence scores in node-positive tumors were not significantly higher compared to node-negative cases. Both actual and calculated RS were higher in Luminal B versus Luminal A breast cancers. Subscore analysis revealed 99.5% concordance for ER status, 90% concordance for PR status, and 96% concordance for HER2 status (Table 2). BCPS, Magee0, and Magee2 algorithms demonstrated correlation coefficients with RS of 0.63, 0.61, and 0.62, respectively. BCPS showed the best agreement with RS using conventional cutoffs (73%), whereas the two Magee algorithms showed better concordance with the TAILORx thresholds. Two-step discordances were uncommon, especially with the TAILORx cutoffs and Magee2. When a RS of 25 was used to separate high risk from non-high risk cases, concordance rates of 86-88% were achieved for all three models. Using different tumor blocks for Oncotype and biomarker testing did not adversely affect correlation or concordance with RS. Discussion: High RS was observed only in a small percentage of pure or mixed lobular carcinomas, low grade or Luminal A tumors, and tumors with high PR expression, suggesting that these breast cancers may not require Oncotype testing. All three surrogate models demonstrated comparable correlation and high concordance with the RS when a cutoff of 25 was used, suggesting their utility in cases where the actual RS in unavailable. Our data also indicate that models using different hormone receptor quantitation methods (Allred versus H-score) have similar performance characteristics. Possible sources of discordance between actual and computed RS include methodological differences, variable tumor cellularity, intratumoral heterogeneity, and inflammatory infiltrates. Table 1.Stratification of RS Risk Categories by Pathologic and Biomarker VariablesConventional Risk CategoryLow RiskIntermediate RiskHigh RiskTAILORx Risk CategoryLow RiskIntermediate RiskHigh RiskOncotype DX Recurrence Score<1111-1718-2526-30>30n (%)n (%)n (%)n (%)n (%)Histologic Type (n)Invasive ductal carcinoma (340)94 (28)121 (36)73 (21)20 (6)32 (9)Invasive lobular carcinoma (47)10 (21)27 (57)8 (17)1 (2)1 (2)Mixed ductal/lobular carcinoma (22)3 (14)15 (68)4 (18)0 (0)0 (0)Invasive mucinous carcinoma (10)4 (40)4 (40)0 (0)1 (10)1 (10)Molecular Subtype (n)Luminal A (317)112 (35)143 (45)46 (15)11 (3)5 (1)Luminal B (125)9 (7)33 (26)41 (33)10 (8)32 (26)Combined Tumor Grade (n)Low (143)45 (31)59 (41)32 (22)4 (3)3 (2)Intermediate (239)69 (29)101 (42)41 (17)13 (5)15 (6)High (60)5 (8)17 (28)13 (22)5 (8)20 (33)ER (n)High (Allred Score 7-8) (408)120 (29)164 (40)74 (18)21 (5)29 (7)High (Modified H Score ≥ 200) (320)101 (32)133 (42)54 (17)15 (5)17 (5)Low (Allred Score 3-6) (34)1 (3)12 (35)12 (35)1 (3)8 (24)Low (Modified H Score < 200) (122)18 (15)45 (37)33 (27)7 (6)19 (16)PR (n)High (Allred Score 7-8) (306)106 (35)146 (48)41 (13)9 (3)4 (2)High (Modified H Score ≥ 200) (248)96 (39)111 (45)31 (13)8 (3)2 (1)Low (Allred Score 3-6) (97)12 (12)27 (28)32 (33)7 (7)19 (20)Low (Modified H Score 1-199) (155)23 (15)61 (39)41 (26)9 (6)21 (14)Negative (Allred Score 0-2) (39)1 (3)5 (13)14 (36)5 (13)14 (36)Negative (Modified H Score <1) (39)1 (3)5 (13)14 (36)5 (13)14 (36)HER2 (n)Negative (428)120 (28)170 (40)84 (20)20 (5)34 (8)Positive/Equivocal (14)0 (0)6 (34)3 (21)2 (14)3 (21) Table 2.Concordance Between Clinical ER, PR, and HER2 Status and Oncotype DX SubscoreOncotype DX SubscoresClinical LabNegativeBorderlinePositiveERNegative0N/A0Positive2N/A379PRNegative29N/A4Positive34N/A314HER2Negative36540Equivocal800Positive220 Citation Format: Joseph Geradts, Aisha Kousar, Jan Wong, Nasreen Vohra, Mahvish Muzaffar, Anas Mohamed. Prediction of oncotype DX recurrence score by patho-biologic variables and three surrogate models [abstract]. In: Proceedings of the 2021 San Antonio Breast Cancer Symposium; 2021 Dec 7-10; San Antonio, TX. Philadelphia (PA): AACR; Cancer Res 2022;82(4 Suppl):Abstract nr P4-06-09.

ABSTRAK Pengelolaan pembangunan desa islami adalah konsep pembangunan desa yang memiliki karakteristik tercapainya tujuan pembangunan sosial ekonomi yang berdimensi holistik, seimbang antara aspek material dan spiritual. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji pembahasan kajian-kajian terdahulu secara sistematis tentang konsep dan praktik pengelolaan pembangunan desa dalam perspektif islam. Dalam rangka melakukan review publikasi artikel secara sistematis, riset ini menggunakan standar protokol RAMESES. Hasil penelitian ini terbagi menjadi dua tema utama, yaitu peran dan fungsi lembaga keuangan mikro syariah dalam pembangunan desa dan Lembaga Swadaya Masyarakat dalam pengelolaan pembangunan desa. Tema pertama menghasilkan tiga subtema: praksis keuangan mikro syariah di Bangladesh, Malaysia, dan Indonesia. Tema kedua menghasilkan satu subtema yaitu peranan Pesantren dalam mendukung pengelolaan pembangunan desa. Hasilnya memberikan landasan untuk mengisi ruang-ruang yang belum dimasuki untuk membangun pengelolaan pembangunan desa yang komprehensif berdasarkan prinsip atau nilai Islam yang ideal. Kata kunci: Islami, Pengelolaan Pembangunan Desa, Systematic Literature Review. ABSTRACT Islamic village development management is a village development concept that has the characteristics of achieving socio-economic development goals with a holistic dimension, balanced between material and spiritual aspects. This study aims to systematically review the discussion of previous studies on the concepts and practices of village development management from an Islamic perspective. To conduct the article review systematically, this research was carried out using the RAMESES protocol standard. The results of this study are divided into two main themes, namely the role and function of Islamic microfinance institutions in village development and non-governmental organizations in managing village development. 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The 2022 AUA Academic Conference on Sustainable Energy and Green Technology (AUA-SEGT 2022) is a virtual Asian Universities Alliance (AUA) sponsored conference jointly organized by Universiti Malaya, Malaysia and Chulalongkorn University, Thailand, that was held from 21-23 February 2022 with the theme “Gearing Innovative Green Technologies Towards Sustainable Living”, supporting the AUA Themes for 2020-2023 “Energy and Sustainability”. AUA-SEGT 2022 was held virtually through the Gather.Town Conference Platform that facilitates face to face interactions among conference participants and crews. It aims to promote research in the field of sustainable energy, green technology, environment and climate change, and to facilitate the exchange of new ideas and the establishment of research clusters in these fields among academicians, engineers, scientists and practitioners from both AUA and non-AUA members. The conference was chaired by Prof. Ir. Dr. Chong Wen Tong (Universiti Malaya), and co-chaired by Prof. Anongnat Somwangthanaroj (Chulalongkorn University) and Assoc. Prof. Dr. Nasrin Agha Mohammadi (Universiti Malaya). List of Committee of AUA-SEGT2022 Conference, Scientific Committee, Organizing Committee are available in this Pdf.

Give me the liberty to know, to utter, and to argue freely according to conscience, above all liberties. —John Milton (1608-1674) Introduction The publication of 12 cartoons depicting images of Prophet Mohammed [Peace Be Upon Him] first in Denmark’s Jyllands-Posten on 30 September 2005, and later reprinted in European media and two New Zealand newspapers, sparked protests around the Muslim world. The Australian newspapers – with the exception of The Courier-Mail, which published one cartoon – refrained from reprinting the cartoons, acknowledging that depictions of the Prophet are regarded as “blasphemous by Muslims”. How is this apparent act of restraint to be assessed? Edward Said, in his book Covering Islam has acknowledged that there have been many Muslim provocations and troubling incidents by Islamic countries such as Iran, Libya, Sudan, and others in the 1980s. However, he contends that the use of the label “Islam” by non-Muslim commentators, either to explain or indiscriminately condemn “Islam”, ends up becoming a form of attack, which in turn provokes more hostility (xv-xvi). This article examines how two Australian newspapers – The Australian and The West Australian – handled the debate on the Prophet Muhammad cartoons and considers whether in the name of “free speech” it ended in “a form of attack” on Australian Muslims. It also considers the media’s treatment of Muslim Australians’ “free speech” on previous occasions. This article is drawn from the oral testimonies of Muslims of diverse ethnic background. Since 1998, as part of PhD and post-doctoral research on Muslims in Australia, the author conducted 130 face-to-face, in-depth, taped interviews of Muslims, aged 18-90, both male and female. While speaking about their settlement experience, several interviewees made unsolicited remarks about Western/Australian media, all of them making the point that Muslims were being demonised. Australian Muslims Many of Australia’s 281,578 Muslims — 1.5 per cent of the total population (Australian Bureau of Statistics) — believe that as a result of media bias, they are vilified in society as “terrorists”, and discriminated in the workplace (Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission; Dreher 13; Kabir 266-277). The ABS figures support their claim of discrimination in the workplace; in 1996 the unemployment rate for Muslim Australians was 25 per cent, compared to 9 per cent for the national total. In 2001, it was reduced to 18.5 per cent, compared to 6.8 per cent for the national total, but the ratio of underprivileged positions in the labour market remained almost three times higher than for the wider community. Instead of reflecting on Muslims’ labour market issues or highlighting the social issues confronting Muslims since 9/11, some Australian media, in the name of “free speech”, reinforce negative perceptions of Muslims through images, cartoons and headlines. In 2004, one Muslim informant offered their perceptions of Australian media: I think the Australian media are quite prejudiced, and they only do show one side of the story, which is quite pro-Bush, pro-Howard, pro-war. Probably the least prejudiced media would be ABC or SBS, but the most pro-Jewish, pro-America, would be Channel Seven, Channel Nine, Channel Ten. They only ever show things from one side of the story. This article considers the validity of the Muslim interviewee’s perception that Australian media representation is one-sided. On 26 October 2005, under the headline: “Draw a Cartoon about Mohammed and You Must Die”, The Australian warned its readers: ISLAM is no laughing matter. Danish newspaper, Jyllands-Posten, is being protected by security guards and several cartoonists have gone into hiding after the newspaper published a series of 12 cartoons about the prophet Mohammed. According to Islam, it is blasphemous to make images of the prophet. Muslim fundamentalists have threatened to bomb the paper’s offices and kill the cartoonists (17). Militant Muslims The most provocative cartoons appearing in the Danish media are probably those showing a Muhammad-like figure wearing a turban shaped as a bomb with a burning fuse coming out of it, or a queue of smoking suicide bombers on a cloud with an Islamic cleric saying, “Stop stop we have run out of virgins”. Another showed a blindfolded Muslim man with two veiled Muslim women standing behind him. These messages appeared to be concerned with Islam’s repression of women (Jyllands-Posten), and possibly with the American channel CBS airing an interview in August 2001 of a Palestinian Hamas activist, Muhammad Abu Wardeh, who recruited terrorists for suicide bombings in Israel. Abu Wardeh was quoted as saying: “I described to him [the suicide bomber] how God would compensate the martyr for sacrificing his life for his land. If you become a martyr, God will give you 70 virgins, 70 wives and everlasting happiness” (The Guardian). Perhaps to serve their goals, the militants have re-interpreted the verses of the Holy Quran (Sura 44:51-54; 55:56) where it is said that Muslims who perform good deeds will be blessed by the huris or “pure being” (Ali 1290-1291; 1404). However, since 9/11, it is also clear that the Muslim militant groups such as the Al-Qaeda have become the “new enemy” of the West. They have used religion to justify the terrorist acts and suicide bombings that have impacted on Western interests in New York, Washington, Bali, Madrid amongst other places. But it should be noted that there are Muslim critics, such as Pakistani-born writer, Irshad Manji, Bangladeshi-born writer Taslima Nasreen and Somalian-born Dutch parliamentarian Ayaan Hirsi Ali, who have been constant critics of Muslim men’s oppression of women and have urged reformation. However, their extremist fellow believers threatened them with a death sentence for their “free speech” (Chadwick). The non-Muslim Dutch film director, Theo van Gogh, also a critic of Islam and a supporter of Ayaan Hirsi Ali, advocated a reduction in immigration into Holland, especially by Muslims. Both van Gogh and Hirsi Ali – who co-scripted and co-produced the film Submission – received death threats from Muslim extremists because the film exhibited the verses of the Quran across the chest, stomach and thighs of an almost naked girl, and featured four women in see-through robes showing their breasts, with texts from the Quran daubed on their bodies, talking about the abuse they had suffered under Islam (Anon 25). Whereas there may be some justification for the claim made in the film, that some Muslim men interpret the Quran to oppress women (Doogue and Kirkwood 220), the writing of the Quranic verses on almost-naked women is surely offensive to all Muslims because the Quran teaches Muslim women to dress modestly (Sura 24: 30-31; Ali 873). On 4 November 2004, The West Australian reported that the Dutch director Theo van Gogh was murdered by a 26-year-old Dutch-Moroccan Muslim on 2 November 2004 (27). Hirsi Ali, the co-producer of the film was forced to go into hiding after van Gogh’s murder. In the face of a growing clamour from both the Dutch Muslims and the secular communities to silence her, Ayaan Hirsi Ali resigned from the Dutch Parliament in May 2006 and decided to re-settle in Washington (Jardine 2006). It should be noted that militant Muslims form a tiny but forceful minority of the 1.4 billion Muslims worldwide. The Muslim majority are moderate and peaceful (Doogue and Kirkwood 79-80). Some Muslim scholars argue that there is specific instruction in the Quran for people to apply their knowledge and arrive at whatever interpretation is of greatest benefit to the community. It may be that stricter practitioners would not agree with the moderate interpretation of the Quran and vice versa (Doogue and Kirkwood 232). Therefore, when the Western media makes a mockery of the Muslim religion or their Prophet in the name of “free speech”, or generalises all Muslims for the acts of a few through headlines or cartoons, it impacts on the Muslims residing in the West. Prophet Muhammad’s Cartoons With the above-mentioned publication of Prophet Muhammad’s cartoons in Denmark, Islamic critics charged that the cartoons were a deliberate provocation and insult to their religion, designed to incite hatred and polarise people of different faiths. In February 2006, regrettably, violent reactions took place in the Middle East, Europe and in Asia. Danish embassies were attacked and, in some instances, were set on fire. The demonstrators chanted, “With our blood and souls we defend you, O Prophet of God!”. Some replaced the Danish flag with a green one printed with the first pillar of Islam (Kalima): “There is no god but God and Mohammed is the messenger of God”. Some considered the cartoons “an unforgivable insult” that merited punishment by death (The Age). A debate on “free speech” soon emerged in newspapers throughout the world. On 7 February 2006 the editorial in The West Australian, “World Has Had Enough of Muslim Fanatics”, stated that the newspaper would not publish cartoons of Mohammad that have drawn protests from Muslims around the world. The newspaper acknowledged that depictions of the prophet are regarded as “blasphemous by Muslims” (18). However, the editorial was juxtaposed with another article “Can Liberty Survive a Clash of Cultures?”, with an image of bearded men wearing Muslim head coverings, holding Arabic placards and chanting slogans, implying the violent nature of Islam. And in the letters page of this newspaper, published on the same day, appeared the following headlines (20): Another Excuse for Muslims to Threaten Us Islam Attacked Cartoon Rage: Greatest Threat to World Peace We’re Living in Dangerous Times Why Treat Embassies with Contempt? Muslim Religion Is Not So Soft Civilised World Is Threatened The West Australian is a state-based newspaper that tends to side with the conservative Liberal party, and is designed to appeal to the “man in the street”. The West Australian did not republish the Prophet Muhammad cartoon, but for 8 days from 7 to 15 February 2006 the letters to the editor and opinion columns consistently criticised Islam and upheld “superior” Western secular values. During this period, the newspaper did publish a few letters that condemned the Danish cartoonist, including the author’s letter, which also condemned the Muslims’ attack on the embassies. But the overall message was that Western secular values were superior to Islamic values. In other words, the newspaper adopted a jingoistic posture and asserted the cultural superiority of mainstream Australians. The Danish cartoons also sparked a debate on “free speech” in Australia’s leading newspaper, The Australian, which is a national newspaper that also tends to reflect the values of the ruling national government – also the conservative Liberal party. And it followed a similar pattern of debate as The West Australian. On 14 February 2006, The Australian (13) published a reader’s criticism of The Australian for not republishing the cartoons. The author questioned whether the Muslims deserved any tolerance because their Holy Book teaches intolerance. The Koran [Quran] (22:19) says: Garments of fire have been prepared for the unbelievers. Scalding water shall be poured upon their heads, melting their skins and that which is in their bellies. Perhaps this reader did not find the three cartoons published in The Australian a few days earlier to be ‘offensive’ to the Australian Muslims. In the first, on 6 February 2006, the cartoonist Bill Leak showed that his head was chopped off by some masked people (8), implying that Muslim militants, such as the Hamas, would commit such a brutal act. The Palestinian Hamas group often appear in masks before the media. In this context, it is important to note that Israel is an ally of Australia and the United States, whereas the Hamas is Israel’s enemy whose political ideology goes against Israel’s national interest. On 25 January 2006, the Hamas won a landslide victory in the Palestine elections but Israel refused to recognise this government because Hamas has not abandoned its militant ideology (Page 13). The cartoon, therefore, probably means that the cartoonist or perhaps The Australian has taken sides on behalf of Australia’s ally Israel. In the second cartoon, on 7 February 2006, Bill Leak sketched an Arab raising his sword over a school boy who was drawing in a classroom. The caption read, “One more line and I’ll chop your hand off!” (12). And in the third, on 10 February 2006, Bill Leak sketched Mr Mohammed’s shadow holding a sword with the caption: “The unacceptable face of fanaticism”. A reporter asked: “And so, Mr Mohammed, what do you have to say about the current crisis?” to which Mr Mohammed replied, “I refuse to be drawn on the subject” (16). The cartoonist also thought that the Danish cartoons should have been republished in the Australian newspapers (Insight). Cartoons are supposed to reflect the theme of the day. Therefore, Bill Leak’s cartoons were certainly topical. But his cartoons reveal that his or The Australian’s “freedom of expression” has been one-sided, all depicting Islam as representing violence. For example, after the Bali bombing on 21 November 2002, Leak sketched two fully veiled women, one carrying explosives under her veil and asking the other, “Does my bomb look big in this”? The cartoonist’s immediate response to criticism of the cartoon in a television programme was, “inevitably, when you look at a cartoon such as that one, the first thing you’ve got to do is remember that as a daily editorial cartoonist, you’re commenting first and foremost on the events of the day. They’re very ephemeral things”. He added, “It was…drawn about three years ago after a spate of suicide bombing attacks in Israel” (Insight). Earlier events also suggested that that The Australian resolutely supports Australia’s ally, Israel. On 13-14 November 2004 Bill Leak caricatured the recently deceased Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat in The Weekend Australian (18). In the cartoon, God appeared to be displeased with him and would not allow him to enter paradise. Arafat was shown with explosives strapped to his body and threatening God by saying, “A cloud to myself or the whole place goes up….”. On the other hand, on 6 January 2006 the same cartoonist sympathetically portrayed ailing Israeli leader Ariel Sharon as a decent man wearing a black suit, with God willing to accept him (10); and the next day Sharon was portrayed as “a Man of Peace” (12). Politics and Religion Thus, the anecdotal evidence so far reveals that in the name of “freedom of expression”, or “free speech” The West Australian and The Australian newspapers have taken sides – either glorifying their “superior” Western culture or taking sides on behalf of its allies. On the other hand, these print media would not tolerate the “free speech” of a Muslim leader who spoke against their ally or another religious group. From the 1980s until recently, some print media, particularly The Australian, have been critical of the Egyptian-born Muslim spiritual leader Imam Taj el din al-Hilali for his “free speech”. In 1988 the Australian Federation of Islamic Councils bestowed the title of Mufti to Imam al- Hilali, and al-Hilali was elevated to a position of national religious leadership. Al-Hilali became a controversial figure after 1988 when he gave a speech to the Muslim students at Sydney University and accused Jews of trying to control the world through “sex, then sexual perversion, then the promotion of espionage, treason and economic hoarding” (Hewett 7). The Imam started being identified as a “Muslim chief” in the news headlines once he directly criticised American foreign policy during the 1990-91 Gulf crisis. The Imam interpreted US intervention in Kuwait as a “political dictatorship” that was exploiting the Gulf crisis because it was seen as a threat to its oil supply (Hewett 7). After the Bali bombings in 2002, the Howard government distributed information on terrorism through the “Alert and Alarmed” kit as part of its campaign of public awareness. The first casualty of the “Be alert, but not alarmed” campaign was the Imam al-Hilali. On 6 January 2003, police saw a tube of plastic protruding from a passenger door window and suspected that al-Hilali might have been carrying a gun when they pulled him over for traffic infringements. Sheikh al-Hilali was charged with resisting arrest and assaulting police (Morris 1, 4). On 8 January 2003 The Australian reminded its readers “Arrest Adds to Mufti’s Mystery” (9). The same issue of The Australian portrayed the Sheikh being stripped of his clothes by two policemen. The letter page also contained some unsympathetic opinions under the headline: “Mufti Deserved No Special Treatment” (10). In January 2004, al-Hilali was again brought under the spotlight. The Australian media alleged that al-Hilali praised the suicide bombers at a Mosque in Lebanon and said that the destruction of the World Trade Center was “God’s work against oppressors” (Guillatt 24). Without further investigation, The Australian again reported his alleged inflammatory comments. Under the headline, “Muslim Leader’s Jihad Call”, it condemned al-Hilali and accused him of strongly endorsing “terrorist groups Hezbollah and Hamas, during his visit to Lebanon”. Federal Labor Member of Parliament Michael Danby said, “Hilali’s presence in Australia is a mistake. He and his associates must give authorities an assurance he will not assist future homicide attacks” (Chulov 1, 5). Later investigations by Sydney’s Good Weekend Magazine and SBS Television found that al-Hilali’s speech had been mistranslated (Guillatt 24). However, the selected print media that had been very critical of the Sheikh did not highlight the mistranslation. On the other hand, the Archbishop of Sydney, Cardinal George Pell has been critical of Islam and is also opposed to Australia’s involvement in the Iraq war in 2003, but the print media appeared to ignore his “free speech” (Dateline). In November 2004, Dr Pell said that secular liberal democracy was empty and selfish, and Islam was emerging as an alternative world view that attracted the alienated (Zwartz 3). In May 2006, Dr Pell said that he tried to reconcile claims that Islam was a faith of peace with those that suggested the Quran legitimised the killings of non-Muslims but: In my own reading of the Koran [Quran], I began to note down invocations to violence. There are so many of them, however, that I abandoned this exercise after 50 or 60 or 70 pages (Morris). Muslim leaders regarded Dr Pell’s anti-Islam statement as “inflammatory” (Morris). However, both the newspapers, The Australian and The West Australian remained uncritical of Dr Pell’s “free speech” against Islam. Conclusion Edward Said believed that media images are informed by official definitions of Islam that serve the interests of government and business. The success of the images is not in their accuracy but in the power of the people who produce them, the triumph of which is hardly challenged. “Labels have survived many experiences and have been capable of adapting to new events, information and realities” (9). In this paper the author accepts that, in the Australian context, militant Muslims are the “enemy of the West”. However, they are also the enemy of most moderate Australian Muslims. When some selected media take sides on behalf of the hegemony, or Australia’s “allies”, and offend moderate Australian Muslims, the media’s claim of “free speech” or “freedom of expression” remains highly questionable. Muslim interviewees in this study have noted a systemic bias in some Australian media, but they are not alone in detecting this bias (see the “Abu Who?” segment of Media Watch on ABC TV, 31 July 2006). To address this concern, Australian Muslim leaders need to play an active role in monitoring the media. This might take the form of a watchdog body within the Australian Federation of Islamic Councils. If the media bias is found to be persistent, the AFIC might then recommend legislative intervention or application of existing anti-discrimination policies; alternatively, AFIC could seek sanctions from within the Australian journalistic community. One way or another this practice should be stopped. References Ali, Abdullah Yusuf. The Holy Quran: Text, Translation and Commentary. New Revised Ed. Maryland, USA: Amana Corporation, 1989. Anonymous. “Dutch Courage in Aftermath of Film-Maker’s Slaying.” The Weekend Australian 6-7 Nov. 2004. 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Submission. “Film Clip from Short Submission.” Submission. 11 June 2006. http://www.ifilm.com/ifilmdetail/2655656?htv=12> The Age. “Embassies Torched over Cartoons.” 5 Feb. 2006. http://www.theage.com.au>. The Guardian. “Virgins? What Virgins?” 12 Jan. 2002. 4 June 2006 http://www.guardian.co.uk/>. Zwartz, Barney. “Islam Could Be New Communism, Pell Tells US Audience.” Sydney Morning Herald 12 Nov. 2004. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Kabir, Nahid. "Depiction of Muslims in Selected Australian Media: Free Speech or Taking Sides." M/C Journal 9.4 (2006). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0609/1-kabir.php>. APA Style Kabir, N. (Sep. 2006) "Depiction of Muslims in Selected Australian Media: Free Speech or Taking Sides," M/C Journal, 9(4). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0609/1-kabir.php>.