Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Modes of subjugation"

AbstractThis Keynote offers a brief overview of an artistic and activist editorial project based in São Paulo City, the magazine O Menelick 2° Ato, as well as presents a portrait of some Black contemporary women artists, some of them interdisciplinary, and articulates modes of interrogating political and symbolic violence and subjugation from Brazilian colonially, creating an artistic presence rooted in the search for self-determination, autonomy, and modes of existence ignited by Black diasporas’ ways of self-writing. Their creative work also disrupts hegemonic epistemologies and calls us to look at what is going on in the Black South America.

An analysis of the ‘The Sari Shop’ by Rupa Bajwa using Charlotte Perkins Gilman’s Theory of women and economics has been attempted. The Researcher has analyzed the different ways and circumstances through which the women protagonists were made to leave productive modes of employment to take up reproductive employment and the benefits offered to them, the consequences and the intermingling of both capitalism and patriarchy to keep those women under subjugation along with the consequences of the rebellion lead by the protagonists which differed according to their class, family and educational background.

Darren Aronofsky’s Black Swan (2010) produces a cinesthetic subject that articulates issues of gendered violence but at the same time also opens up space for producing a new subject outside of biopower. Tracing the production of pain as a way of feeling gendered violence rather than simply understanding it, the article also argues that Nina Sawyer’s transformation is an act of subversive becoming. Pain is produced by the film’s formal properties, pulling us along as viewers, and producing new modes of sensing biopower’s cultural techniques and subjugation of bodies. At the same time, pain becomes a path to a new mode of being.

ABSTRACT: This essay explores some resonances between the measures taken by the intensely subjugated residents of an urban district in Jayapura, West Papua (Indonesia) and notions of the "technical" examined by multiple strands in philosophies of media/computation, as well as Black thought. It explores some of the collective orientations and practices deployed to address a context of intensive subjugation, emphasizing these practices as modes of technicity applied to sustaining ways of acting in concert in a situation that continually undermines social coherence and intimacy. This exploration aims to further an understanding of a Black urban politics; to encompass the orientations and practices of "resistance" as technical operations to mitigate the experiences of capture and foster a sense of indeterminacy in the dispositions of ongoing colonial rule.

The corollary of the humanist project for human enhancement is transhumanism, which considers post-human modes of existence to be desirable, and aspires to overcome our vulnerability by incorporating available technology into our nature. One of its manifestations is the queer theory, which calls for actively redefining the “self”, starting with the sexed body and its functioning. This article analyses the transhumanist impulse and the queer theory from the concepts of emancipation and progress, asking the following questions: a) What do both terms mean when we refer to human beings? and b) Are transhumanism and the queer theory examples of true emancipation and progress, or conversely, a relapse into to our primitive state of nature that orders praxis to the subjugation of nature and the imperative of self-preservation?

This article identifies and analyses the tactic of kidnapping migrants that is increasingly deployed by states to disrupt, decelerate, and block migrants’ mobility. Kidnapping, we argue, is one of the political technologies of capture used by state authorities in their efforts to reassert control over migratory movements. This analysis contributes to a new understanding of the politics of border enforcement through strategies aimed at the containment of migration. The article focuses on the U.S.–Mexico border and the European border in the Mediterranean Sea as crucial sites where states have increasingly engaged in heterogenous modes of kidnapping.It also considers migrant struggles against these diverse kidnapping tactics. Through a focus on kidnapping, the article expands how we understand border violence and interrogates accounts of the biopolitics and necropolitics of borders that rely on the overly reductive formula of ‘making live/letting die’. The article concludes by highlighting how the critical examination of kidnapping migrants allows us to trace affinities and partial continuities among various historical modes of racialised subjugation that have affected both contemporary migrants and previously colonised populations.

The “Lugou bridge Incident” broke out on July 7, 1937. In order to save the country from subjugation, the Kuomintang and the Communist Party carried out the second cooperation. This cooperation is non party cooperation, and there are great differences in political, military and ruling regions. In response to these differences, the Communist Party of China adopted different newspaper distribution models and public opinion management modes. Based on the historical and environmental background of the War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression, this paper collects the distributing data of Party newspapers and establishes the publishing database of Party newspapers of the Communist Party of China during the War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression. With the help of big data analysis technology, from six aspects of distributing policy, distributing management, distributing subject, distributing object, distributing target and distributing network, this paper studies the distributing mode and its differences of Party newspapers and periodicals in the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia border area and the areas ruled by the Kuomintang during that period. Thus enriching the study of Party newspapers and periodicals in this period.

Abstract This article examines the modes of time and work discipline that emerged through factory industry in colonial Bombay. Based on a wide range of archival sources, it shows that mechanized production did not invariably suggest a transition from task-based, irregular to clock-measured, rationally organized work patterns. Operating simultaneously within temporal orders constructed by the global economy, agriculture, family, and community, cotton mills combined new disciplinary practices with a flexible approach to labor. Gender, marital status, religion, skill, and position in the manufacturing chain influenced the pace and duration of work as well as subjective experiences of time at the factory. By maintaining the diversity and flexibility of time organization, mill owners could adjust production to fluctuations in market demand. At the same time, the strategy facilitated and obscured exploitation. As the industry grew, workers developed a language of resistance that emphasized the value of regular and standard work patterns defined with reference to clock hours and calendar days. In the factories of colonial Bombay, clocks were not just symbols of discipline and subjugation but also instruments of resistance and negotiation.

This paper attempts to capture the social status, domination of women by men faced by Offred, the protagonist of the sixth best seller novel by the Canadian author Margaret Atwood. The famous fantasy fiction The Handmaid’s Tale is written in the dystopian tradition.Through this novel, she has penned powerfully her social concern regarding the social status, domination, the mental turmoil and the identity crises of women in a male – dominated society and their consequent struggle to overcome this domination, repression and subjugation through many modes of escape strategies. This kind of struggle gives them power to speak against their situation and change their self to enable them to lead a dignified life in the same society. Six years before the publication of this novel, Margaret Atwood had commented on the writing of fiction in a way that seems to anticipate the novel. She comments “What kind of world shall you describe for your readers? The one you can see around you or the better one you can imagine? If only the latter, you’ll be unrealistic. If only the former, despairing, But It is by the better world we can imagine, that we judge the world we have”.

Objectives. This case study endeavors to provide an in-depth understanding of the schema and mode structure of narcissistic personality disorder (NPD) and to illustrate a possible therapeutic approach using schema therapy (ST). Material and methods. The recorded material from a 2-year therapeutic journey of a 38-year-old female client diagnosed with NPD was transcribed and systematically analyzed, together with the results of questionnaires that were given to the client at the start of therapy and at the end of the process. Results. The Millon Clinical Multiaxial Inventory (MCMI-III) was initially used to confirm the presence of NPD in the client. Concurrently, the Young Schema Questionnaire (YSQ) and Schema Mode Inventory (SMI) were employed to measure changes across the course of treatment. The MCMI-III confirmed the existence of NPD. The YSQ revealed a high presence of schemas in the domains of disconnection and rejection, as well as schemas of subjugation, entitlement, and approval seeking. The SMI indicated elevated scores on Vulnerable and Angry Child Modes, Detached Self-Soother and Self-Aggrandizer, Punitive and Demanding Parent. The scores for Happy Child and Healthy Adult were medium. Upon completion of therapy, a reevaluation of the questionnaire’s scores demonstrated a reduction in narcissism on MCMI-III from 89 to 78, indicating that the client no longer met the criteria for NPD but only for narcissistic personality traits. The scores for YSQ and SMI also decreased significantly. Conclusions. The use of schema therapy was an adaptive and successful approach to addressing the narcissistic personality pathology of the client. The utilization of a limited reparenting stance allowed empathic confrontation of the main narcissistic modes. The utilization of mode conceptualization and schema understanding reduced feelings of shame and promoted participation of the client’s Healthy Adult Mode in the therapeutic process. Keywords: personality disorders, narcissistic personality disorder, schema therapy, coping modes.

Cette thèse porte sur la question des modes de subjectivation et leur rapport avec la politique chez Michel Foucault, Félix Guattari et Jacques Rancière. Elle s’inscrit dans le domaine de la philosophie politique et sociale de la seconde moitié du XXe siècle en France autour de la question : comment dans la politique se constituent des modes de subjectivation collectifs et comment ces subjectivations collectives sont à l’origine des formes de pratique et d’agencement politiques ? L’analyse des modes de subjectivation s’impose d’une façon particulière à chacun de ces philosophes par une mise en question de la politique, inséparable d’une critique des processus de production d’un individu assujetti, discipliné, normalisé, placé et sérié. Cependant, l’assujettissement et l’objectivation du sujet ne sont qu’une partie de ces nouvelles entreprises théoriques. Elles se rapportent également à une exploration des formes créatrices de subjectivation qui restent irréductibles à l’assujettissement dans lequel elles ont été produites, au point de déclencher de nouvelles façons de concevoir et de mettre en pratique la politique elle-même. Malgré de l’hétérogénéité de ces trois philosophies sociales et politiques, nous repérons des rencontres, des intersections et des bifurcations notamment entre Foucault et Guattari tout comme entre Foucault et Rancière, dans des dossiers spécifiques de revues des années soixante-dix (Recherches, Les révoltes logiques) et des expériences au sein des mouvements militants (GIP, CERFI, CRIR) qui ne cessent d’interroger les formes actuelles d’organisation, contestation et subjectivation politiques. La politique se présente pour ces philosophes aux marges de l’analyse et l’examen critique de plusieurs travaux philosophiques que, rapportant la question du sujet à celle de la subjectivation, finissent non seulement par mettre en question la politique comme pouvoir politique, redistribution du sensible ou bien opérateur sémiotique, mais aussi comme ce qui demeure à l’écart de la compréhension courante (institutionnelle) de la politique : ni gestion ou autogestion des États, ni exercice du pouvoir, affaire de prise de décisions groupales ou des stratégies de partis se disputant une représentation social, la politique est rapportée à la production de nouvelles formes de subjectivation et de recréation de sens, de techniques et de pratiques permettant établir des rapports inattendus avec la radicale altérité du monde
This thesis deals with the question of modes of subjectivation and their relationship with politics in Michel Foucault, Félix Guattari and Jacques Rancière. It is embedded in the field of political and social philosophy of the second half of the 20th century in France around the question: how modes of collective subjectivation are constituted in politics and how these collective subjectivations are at the origin of forms of political practice and agency? The analysis of the modes of subjectivation imposes itself in a particular way on each of these philosophers by a questioning of politics, inseparable from a critique of the production processes of a subjugated, disciplined, normalized, placed and serialized individual. However, subjugation and objectification of the subject are only part of these new theoretical undertakings. They also relate to an exploration of creative forms of subjectification that remain irreducible to the subjugation in which they were produced, to the point of triggering new ways of conceiving and practicing politics itself. Despite the heterogeneity of these three social and political philosophies, we identify encounters, intersections and bifurcations, notably between Foucault and Guattari as well as between Foucault and Rancière, in specific files of journals from the seventies (Recherches, Les révoltes logiques) and experiences within militant movements (GIP, CERFI, CRIR) which constantly question the current forms of political organization, contestation and subjectivation. Politics presents itself for these philosophers at the margins of the analysis and the critical examination of several philosophical works which, relating the question of the subject to that of subjectification, not only end up questioning politics as political power, redistribution of sensitive or semiotic operator, but also as what remains outside mainstream (institutional) understanding of politics: neither management nor self- management of States, nor exercise of power, a matter of group decision-making or party strategies competing for a social representation, politics is related to the production of new forms of subjectivation and the recreation of meaning, of techniques and of practices that make it possible to establish unexpected relationships with the radical alterity of the world

The purpose of this study is to identify the needs of homeless young Aboriginal women and develop a culturally appropriate, therapeutic, service delivery model. This model could assist in the natural development of these girls as they journey through the rites of passage into womanhood if implemented in a nurturing, culturally sensitive and relevant environment. A qualitative content analysis methodological approach was used to examine major issues, identify key concepts and analyse these concepts in order to develop deductively, propositions from which organising constructs could be derived and a model developed. This model could then be tested inductively and in a quantitative way that allows best practices to be determined, in future research. The research indicated that although the majority of Supported Assisted Accommodation Program (SAAP) clients represent Aboriginal people, many Aboriginal people do not access the services for a host of reasons. These reasons include mistrust of welfare workers; a fear of abusive 'ardent lesbianism' in the running of the services; fear of racism; and cultural inappropriateness. In conclusion the research shows that a therapeutic model can be developed, which gives lowana the opportunity to learn to know, love and accept themselves; to be proud of their Aboriginality; to express their sensuality and sexuality in a confident, positive manner; and enhance integrity along with identity. The structure and process outlined in the model would be implemented in a culturally sensitive environment whereby the women would learn both Western and Aboriginal cultural applications where appropriate.

This book investigates rhetorical and representational practices that were used to monitor English law at the turn of the seventeenth century. While the majority of Law and Literature studies characterise the law as a force of coercion and subjugation, this book instead treats in greater depth the law’s own vulnerability, both to corruption and to correction. The dominance of law in early modern life made its failings and improvements of widespread concern: it was a regular and popular focus of criticism. The terms and techniques of legal reform provided modes of analysis through which legal authorities and literary writers alike evaluated form and character. Legal reform, together with the conflicts and anxieties that inspired and sprang from it, were represented by courtly, coterie, and professional writers. Spenser’s Faerie Queene, the Gray’s Inn Christmas revels of 1594-5, Donne’s ‘Satyre V’, and Shakespeare’s Measure for Measure and The Winter’s Tale all examine the potential, as well as the ethical and practical limitations, of legal reform’s contribution to local and national governance.

There are few grand narratives that loom over Asian Americans more than the “model minority.” While many Asian Americanist scholars and activists aim to disprove the model minority as “myth,” author Takeo Rivera instead rethinks the model minority as cultural politics. Rather than disproving the model minority, Rivera instead argues that Asian Americans have formulated their racial and gendered subjectivities in relation to what Rivera terms “model minority masochism.” Rivera details two complementary forms of contemporary racial masochism: a self-subjugating masochism which embraces the model minority, and its opposite, a self-flagellating masochism that punishes oneself for having been associated with the model minority at all. Drawing from performance studies, queer theory, techno-orientalism, and new media studies, Model Minority Masochism covers a range of contemporary objects across multiple media that variously exhibit and deepen these iterations of masochism: the 1982 murder of Vincent Chin and its multiple performance responses, the plays of Philip Kan Gotanda and Ping Chong, experimental fiction, Marvel comics, and the video game Deus Ex: Human Revolution. Building upon previous models of melancholy and castration, Model Minority Masochism offers a new theory of Asian American subject formation that accounts for both resistance and accommodation vital for the contemporary moment.

Starting from the criticisms of a simple, given self found in Nietzsche, Freud and Foucault, Visual Art and Self-Construction employs artworks to address the problem of how a complex self, incorporating multiple drives, is constructed, and how a hermeneutics of the self can avoid reproducing a subjugated self. Literary artworks have previously been looked to for models of self-construction, and narrative theories of the self turn to the novel in particular as a paradigm of self-unification. Exploring the narrative theory of the self advanced by Paul Ricoeur this book argues that narrative theories inevitably offer a restrictive account of self-construction which both overlooks various ways in which the self is already being constructed in the context of power relations and how the self could be re-constructed. Visual Art and Self-Construction offers a fresh approach, looking beyond the model of literature, and employing a range of visual art to offer an alternative account of self-construction to narrative theory, which can incorporate multiple, bodily processes. It explores work by artists including Louise Bourgeois, Francis Bacon, Cindy Sherman, Rebecca Horn, Steve McQueen, Mona Hatoum Claude Cahun, and Joseph Beuys showing how they can be employed as technologies of the self to understand self-construction, resist subjugation, and exploit the possibilities of self-transformation.

The Epilogue places Spike Lee’s Bamboozled into dialogue with the thought of Ralph Ellison, whose Invisible Man constitutes the silent source for Lee’s film. At the center of both works is the image of a falling body, which highlights the relationship between the present-past of slavery and the possibility of achieving a democratic future. Whereas Lee leaves viewers locked in the past of racial subjugation that his film’s treatment of blackface minstrelsy represents, Ellison revises Walt Whitman’s vision to underscore the ways nonprogressive temporal models can facilitate political progress. Limning the energies of progress and regress through the nonteleological trajectory he imbues in his novel’s key terms, “plunge” and “fall,” Ellison posits the definitive democratic movement. This idea remains recessed in the rhetoric of Barack Obama, who in his “speech on race” disavowed the politically transformative potential of the stasis associated with the racial worldview of the Reverend Jeremiah Wright.

The impulse in Hinduism to attribute divinity to women is well demonstrated in the legend of Sītā. Her unconditional devotion to her husband Rāma qualifies her as worthy of devotion, particularly because as consort to Rāma who is Viṣṇu in human form, Sītā can be regarded as Lakṣmī, to be worshiped jointly with him. Her total surrender to Rāma’s will elevates her in Vaiṣṇava thought as the model for the soul’s passive dependence upon God and as mediator between Viṣṇu and worshipers. But offering a contrary view, Śākta narratives shift redemptive power from Rāma to Sītā. Yet another construction of Sītā, especially in folk culture, highlights her protest against her subjugation. In recent times this has turned her into a locus for the resistance of women to patriarchal oppression, which may free her from the matrix of devotion and refashion her as an icon of resistance worthy of veneration.

Bioarchaeology and forensic anthropology offer unique perspectives on studies of mass violence and present opportunities to interpret human skeletal remains in a broader cultural context. Massacres and other forms of large-scale violence have been documented in many different ancient and modern contexts. Moving the analysis from the victims to the broader political and cultural context necessitates using social theories about the nature of mass violence. Massacres can be seen as a process, that is, as the unfolding of nonrandom patterns or chains of events that precede the events and continue long after. Mass violence has a cultural logic of its own that is shaped by social and historical dynamics. Massacres can have varying aims, including subjugation or total eradication of a group based on status, ethnicity, or religion. The goal of this edited volume is to present case studies that integrate the evidence from human remains within the broader cultural and historical contexts through the utilization of social theory to provide a framework for interpretation. This volume highlights case studies of massacres across time and space that stress innovative theoretical models that help make sense of this unique form of violence. The primary focus will be on how massacres are used as a strategy of violence across time and cultural/geopolitical landscapes.

“For the master's tools,” the poet Audre Lorde wrote, “will never dismantle the master's house.” This book is a study of literary, political, and philosophical critiques of the utopian claims about technology in the Long Seventies, the decade and a half before 1980. Following Alice Hilton's 1963 admonition that the coming years would bring humanity to a crossroads, the book explores wide-ranging ideas from science fiction, avant-garde literatures, feminist and anti-racist activism, and indigenous eco-philosophy that may yet challenge machines of war, control, and oppression. It opposes the language of technological idealism with radical thought of the Long Seventies. This counter-lexicon retrieves seven terms for the contemporary critique of technology: Luddism, a verbal and material combat against exploitative machines; communion, a kind of togetherness that stands apart from communication networks; cyberculture, a historical conjunction of automation with racist and militarist machines; distortion, a transformative mode of reading and writing; revolutionary suicide, a willful submission to the risk of political engagement; liberation technology, a synthesis of appropriate technology and liberation theology; and thanatopography, a mapping of planetary technological ethics after Auschwitz and Hiroshima. The book restores revolutionary language of the radical Long Seventies for reuse in the digital present against emergent technologies of exploitation, subjugation, and death.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.

Leonardo’s life and work coincide with the time the modern world was born, involving a strong change in the relationship with the territory and an acceleration of human subjugation of nature. Leonardo’s artistic and technical work moves between two polarities: the idea of a generating nature and the human aspiration to domination, with a vision of knowledge not yet fragmented by the specialism of modernity. Leonardo’s multifaceted activity is a child of his age: of a Renaissance that was more innovation than method and of a period in which political transformations and a demographic recovery drew new attention to the territory.

The Spanish entrance to Island Southeast Asia in the sixteenth century had profoundimpacts on native peoples and terrain, but followed a millennia of intrusion into the region by Indian (Hindu), Buddhist, Chinese, Muslim, and native traders who established entrepôts in the Indonesian Archipelago from Malaka to Java to the Moluccas Islands. This trading network extended from Venice to Guangzhou. The southern Philippines lay at the edge, but participated in the trade of cloves, nutmeg, pepper, and other spices and forest products, first through Majapahit and later through Chinese traders. A consulary visit to China from Butuan was recorded in the eleventh century in the Chinese Song Shih, and a Cham trade mission was reported in 1001. Nine plank-hulled boats dating from the eleventh century were found buried in flood deposits in the Agusan del Sur River in Butuan, Mindanao, and, along with Song Dynasty ceramic artifacts, demonstrate the trade’s global reach . A century before Spanish colonization, Muslim pilots and traders initiated the spread of Islam. This has made an imprint on the region. Islamic conversion contrasted with Christian colonial patterns of subjugation and led to persistent boundaries and enduring, localized, and cultural effects that continue to shape ethnic and political divisions.

Abstract This chapter draws into greater relief the relationship of race to reproductive rights. The first section explains why abortion rights are an issue of racial justice. The second section explores a few of the myriad modes by which reproductive oppression—that is, the domination and subjugation that operate through the regulation and exploitation of people’s reproductive capacities—is inflicted in the United States today. It discusses the United States’ long history of sterilization abuse against poor and nonwhite communities, the criminalization of substance use during pregnancy, and the terror that the child welfare system (frequently called the “family policing” or “family regulation” system by activists) inflicts on vulnerable families. The chapter notes that nonwhite people with the capacity for pregnancy sustain these forms of reproductive oppression more frequently and to a greater degree than their White counterparts. It offers that the disparate racial burdens imposed by these forms of reproductive oppression likely explain why so much of it flies under the radar and never becomes the stuff of headlines.

The Unvanquished was Faulkner’s most sustained fictional account of the Civil War, as well as an occasion for him to model various methods of studying the conflict. The novel approaches the war from several historiographically distinct viewpoints, sometimes presenting it as a demonstration of abstract, universal principles, and other times as a fight over slavery. In making the former case, The Unvanquished resembles some of the most cutting-edge, “revisionist” Civil War histories of the 1920s and 30s. But in making the latter it echoes W.E.B. Du Bois’ then-unfashionable, now-accepted insistence that the war was fundamentally concerned with black subjugation and liberation.

Abstract This chapter focuses on how children have been governed over time. It moves chronologically through history from the time when children were viewed as parental property to when they were viewed as rights-bearing individuals demanding special protection from the state until reaching the age of majority. The chapter goes on to map diverse laws, policies, and practices regulating children, considering whether they advance significant control or autonomy for young people and whether they primarily serve “the best interests of the child” or other interests. This chapter helps readers make sense of the distinctive means and rationales for governing children through four categories: paternalism, subjugation, membership, and abandonment.

This chapter examines the cultural politics of civil rights movement photography by analysing the work of Danny Lyon who worked as a photographer for the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee between 1962 and 1964. It explores how documentarians such as Robert Frank, Walker Evans, and James Agee inspired Lyon’s documentary work and how the political culture of the New Left influenced his work’s reception. The chapter first focuses on Lyon’s photographs of black SNCC activists in the South, particularly Robert Moses. Lyon’s photographs of Moses helped spread a romantic mythology around Moses and SNCC that was useful in recruiting white liberal support up North. Lyon also photographed the rural South’s landscapes and people extensively. Many in the New Left romanticized rural black southerners as true outsiders, the authentic opposites of their industrialized and commercialized societies back home. Consequently, Lyon’s photographs had the capacity to aestheticize the same conditions that SNCC recognized as the source of black subjugation. The chapter also highlights how these images and themes appeared and circulated in a civil rights movement photography book, The Movement, which Lyon contributed to and helped produce.

Abstract The history of the Lakota Hehaka Sapa’s, or Nicholas Black Elk’s, reception, celebrity, and complex mythologization by Native American and Euro-American cultures represents effectively the possibilities and limitations of the colonized subject responding to U.S. Imperialism in the modern period. The different and often contradictory ways in 218 literary culture and U.S. Imperialism which the Black Elk narratives represent Lakota culture and its relation to Euro-American culture do not fit conventional theoretical models either for assimilation to the dominant, colonizing society or for an ethnic or cultural traditionalism (or “nativism”) that resists the constant pressures for assimilation and colonial subjugation. The Black Elk narratives represent the Lakota male subject struggling to adapt his social and religious views to changing colonial circumstances in ways that were neither strictly pragmatic nor idealistic, neither thoroughly co-opted by ideology nor free of neocolonial inflections.

Abstract This chapter provides a commentary on David Lines’s The Dynamics of Learning in Early Modern Italy. Arts and Medicine at the University of Bologna (2023). This book on the history of the University of Bologna presents an excellent overview of the activity of the studium from its first formal statutes in the fifteenth century to its developments in the late eighteenth century. Lines examines the centuries-long unfolding of a multifaceted institution, building convincing arguments about the gradual but continuous changes that affected teachings in the arts, medicine, and theology. Questioning Bologna’s political, cultural, and spiritual subjugation to Rome, he moves towards a new understanding of centre-periphery relationships within the Papal States, uncovering oscillating dynamics between the university, the city, and the Papacy. Crossing disciplinary boundaries, Lines’s book offers insights into the social history of universities and urban areas; the history of philosophy, science, and medicine; Renaissance studies; and the history of the book.

This chapter presents a final geographical dimension of a just energy transition: exploring the global dimensions of decarbonisation. It adopts an approach of cosmopolitan justice to explore how contemporary energy transitions represent a process of cost-shifting between countries and communities that leads to renewable energy technologies benefiting some and negatively impacting others. To do so, this chapter explores how solar panels and battery technologies are implicated in environmental destruction in South America’s ‘lithium triangle’, child labour in the Democratic Republic of Congo, and forced labour in Xinjiang, China. It also discusses the global dimensions of electricity transmission, illuminating how the potential exporting of electricity from Morocco to Europe will link the latter region to processes of subjugation and injustice in Western Sahara. It then moves to discuss patterns of waste, exploring how energy technologies must be reused and recycled – rather than going straight to landfills, where they may become implicated in further global injustices. It closes with the final rule of a just energy transition: that justice here equals climate justice everywhere.

Chapter 6 argues that political theory can help explain emergent properties of revolutionary struggles that are unfolding now. Hannah Arendt’s book, On Revolution, departs from the social science model that seeks to generate empirically verifiable propositions about causal dynamics. She asserts the normativity of revolution and embraces “the political” as a decisive sphere of human action. Her ideas value the emancipatory and innovative potential of revolutions and decry their co-optation, derailment, or violent suppression. She invites scholars to evaluate as well as explain revolutionary processes and outcomes. She critiques the revolutionary tradition established by the French Revolution and perpetuated by Marxists, which defines freedom as liberation from economic misery. For Arendt, this social-economic emphasis of revolutionary theory has neglected the political emphasis, which is about the creation of something new and the freedom to participate in community life. This chapter reflects on the way Arendt’s work explores and challenges current theoretical dichotomies and discusses some of the ways it has influenced and aggravated writers concerned with colonial emancipation and racial subjugation.