Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Military planning – Taiwan"

Since losing the mainland to Communist conquest in 1949 (more accurately, since the North Korean invasion of the South in June 1950), Taiwan has become a continuous foreign policy protectorate of the United States. Had it not been for American security protection, Taiwan would long since have come under Beijing's rule. Several causative agents, separately, in combination or sequentially, kept Taiwan out of mainland Chinese hands. These included, initially, the American Seventh Fleet, then generalized American military might in concert with the American-Taiwan Defence Treaty of 1954, thence the three American- Chinese communiques forming the basis of post-1971 relations between the two countries, concomitantly the American Congress's Taiwan Relations Act of 1979 and the accompanying (and subsequent) legislative history, and, throughout, China's inability to overcome, with a high probability of success, active Taiwan military resistance and probable American military support. While the economic and, more recently, political transformation of Taiwan materially strengthened that entity such that its defensibility against attack rose greatly, to say nothing of its overall attractiveness, from the onset of the People's Republic of China it was the American connection that was the sine qua non of Taiwan's quasi-independent existence.

China heightened its military pressure on Taiwan, but president Tsai In-wen defiantly resisted Beijing’s coercion and overcame domestic criticism. With a cooperative public and international support, Taipei quelled an unexpected COVID-19 outbreak. The bullish economy continues to be fueled by global demand for Taiwan’s technology products as the Taipei–Washington relationship progresses advantageously.

As a response to the National Army’s planning of all-volunteer military system and maintaining of their combat capability for national defense, the military logistics model choice is one of very important issues. In this paper, Analytic Hierarchy Process (AHP) method is conducted for selecting an optimal transportation model in the Navy logistics between Taiwan Island and Kinmen Island.

Since the summer of 1995, Chinese military training opposite Taiwan has received unusual prominence in both the Chinese and foreign media. The senior leadership in Beijing was able to flex its military muscle because of a training programme begun years ago. This limited use of force has sent unmistakable political signals to Taiwan and the world. But, should the Chinese leadership decide to employ the People′s Liberation Army (PLA) in pursuit of its political objectives, is it well trained enough to conduct successful modern military operations?

Long-term political, economic, and military trends are reshaping the security environment in the Taiwan Strait in potentially destabilizing ways and undermining the ““one China”” framework. The United States has become more deeply involved in cross-strait relations to maintain stability and preserve the status quo, but this approach may not be sustainable.

The international relations scholar Arnold Wolfers once noted that national security was an “ambiguous symbol.” While the Republic of China on Taiwan's (hereafter ROCOT or Taiwan) international status has certainly been ambiguous in recent years, its security has been crystal clear. Taiwan has lived under the threat of military attack or other coercive measures from the People's Republic of China (PRC) since 1949. The mainland Chinese authorities have repeatedly refused to renounce the use of force against Taiwan, claiming it a potentially necessary tool to reunify what it considers to be a renegade province with the “motherland.” As long as Taiwan lives under the threat of military force and coercion from the PRC, this will have a defining impact on the island's domestic life and international profile.

Abstract The military implications of Chinese control of Taiwan are understudied. Chinese control of Taiwan would likely improve the military balance in China's favor because of reunification's positive impact on Chinese submarine warfare and ocean surveillance capabilities. Basing Chinese submarine warfare assets on Taiwan would increase the vulnerability of U.S. surface forces to attack during a crisis, reduce the attrition rate of Chinese submarines during a war, and likely increase the number of submarine attack opportunities against U.S. surface combatants. Furthermore, placing hydrophone arrays off Taiwan's coasts for ocean surveillance would forge a critical missing link in China's kill chain for long-range attacks. This outcome could push the United States toward anti-satellite warfare that it might otherwise avoid, or it could force the U.S. Navy into narrower parts of the Philippine Sea. Finally, over the long term, if China were to develop a large fleet of truly quiet nuclear attack submarines and ballistic missile submarines, basing them on Taiwan would provide it with additional advantages. Specifically, such basing would enable China to both threaten Northeast Asian sea lanes of communication and strengthen its sea-based nuclear deterrent in ways that it is otherwise unlikely to be able to do. These findings have important implications for U.S. operational planning, policy, and grand strategy.

The Tsai Ing-wen administration of Taiwan has taken a different approach in various defense policies compared to its predecessor. Several military build-up projects are aimed at strengthening Taiwan’s defense in the context of China’s rising military power, but they are unlikely to significantly ameliorate the island’s inferior military status, due to several vulnerabilities.

Until recently, the military has dominated the national defence policy-making and military strategy process in Taiwan. Public debate did not occur because defence issues were classified or viewed as too politically sensitive. Therefore, non-government civilian institutions had little political or financial incentive to become involved. However, as Taiwan has moved towards a more open society, the Legislative Yuan, media, universities and non-profit research organizations have become more active in questioning the tenets of Taiwan's defence policy. Their impact has been limited, though, because of the lack of civilian expertise in defence matters. Furthermore, Western authors have not written extensively on Taiwan's internal defence policies because most information published in Taiwan is written in Chinese only.

碩士
淡江大學
國際事務與戰略研究所
88
Taiwan may be considered strategically irrelevant as long as equilibrium can be found among Japan, Chain, Russia, and the United States. However, for Chinese defense planners, Taiwan possesses great strategic value to China’s national security. Taiwan could be a strategic penetration point along the “first island chain” where the PLA Navy could “comfortably” sail into the vast Pacific Ocean. Taiwan could monitor or control passage of significant Asia-Pacific commercial and strategic shipping. Accordingly, whether or not Taiwan is hostile to China would be of crucial importance in strategic against Taiwan planning. Based on the decision-making theories presented by political scholars, the author analyzes China’s strategic guidance against Taiwan refers to the macro planning, controlling and coordinating of war. This thesis composed of five chapters as following: Chapter 1: The author explains his research motives, purposes and approach. Also explains the limitations during the process of research. Chapter 2: Discusses China’s security environment has undergone significant change in the last decade. Chapter 3: Focus on China will augment its capabilities, improves its current air and naval assets while devoting resources toward the development and deployment of ballistic and cruise missiles. Chapter 4: Drawing up a war-fighting strategy against Taiwan for PLA planners. Chapter 5: Conclusion affords some concepts to meet the challenges in the future. The author gets some important findings: Chinese military strategic against Taiwan have their distinct characteristics. The decisive nature of the initial phase of war, the new emphasis on achievement of surprise at operational and tactical levels, the qualitative implications to the principle of “mass”, the exacting demands on long-term peacetime readiness, the features of non-engagement and non-linear operations, all require us to renew our studies and explore the guiding principles in directing the PLA waging war against Taiwan.

碩士
朝陽科技大學
財務金融系碩士班
99
This research implies the questionnaires method to explore the situation of planning behavior and retirement investment on military officiers'' reasonable wealth cognition, manage money matters. There are four findindsbof this resaerch'' as follows: First, Most officers'' financing behaviors are aligned with their cognitions, and the officers’ retired views are affected by the condition factors of the personal backgrounds. Second, the officers are quite often inspects their portfolios and investment plans, but their investments are more conservative. Third, the officers’ investment tools are conservative but their retirement plans are more aggressive. Finally, there are closely relationships in the officers’ investment behaviors and plans and more conservative on the retirement investment plans

碩士
中原大學
國際貿易研究所
98
In the age of fast information and advanced technology, people have to learn all their lives to face the changing trend. Moreover, recurrent education has reinforced the popularity and flexibility in in-service education of higher education in recent years. Therefore, military staff is given the opportunity to take in-service education to enlarge their knowledge, enhance their job satisfaction, and have clearer goal in their career plan. Thus, this study aims to discuss how in-service education influences job satisfaction and career plan among military staff. The purposes of this study are: a) to discuss in-service education factors among military staff; b) to discuss how in-service education factors influence job satisfaction among military staff; c) to discuss how job satisfaction influences career plan among military staff; d) to discuss how in-service education factors influence career plan among military staff; e) to discuss how in-service education factors influence job satisfaction and further how they influence career plan among military staff. To explore the issue above, questionnaire survey and statistic analysis were applied in this study, and the subjects are military staff who had taken in-service education. There were 360 valid questionnaire sent back from the subjects. SPSS was used to analyze the data in terms of one-way ANOVA, correlation analysis, and regression analysis. The results are as follows: 1.There are significantly positive influences of in-service education on job satisfaction. No matter the subjects took in-service for personal, or institutional, or school reason, in-service education enhanced their job satisfaction, which shows that what they learned in in-service education helped them with their jobs. 2.There are significantly positive influences of in-service education on career plan. Taking in-service education helped the subjects enlarge their horizon and they had higher chances to be promoted. It also helped them a lot with their career future in the military and with their retirement future. 3.There are significantly positive influences of job satisfaction on career plan. The more the subjects felt satisfied with their job, the more it helped them make longer career plan in the military. 4.There are significantly positive influences of in-service education on career plan via job satisfaction. In the short term, taking in-service education increased the subjects’ job satisfaction. In the long term, it had positive effect on helping the subjects plan their career.