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Articoli di riviste sul tema "Mexican Indians"

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Autore: Grafiati
Pubblicato: 25 luglio 2024
Ultima modifica: 31 luglio 2024

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1

Basante, Marcela Terrazas y. "Ganado, armas y cautivos. Tráfico y comercio ilícito en la frontera norte de México, 1848–1882". Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 35, n. 2 (2019): 171–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2019.35.2.171.

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La investigación propone que las prácticas de tráfico ilegal de ganado y cautivos se intensificaron en la segunda mitad del siglo xix e incidieron en la creciente violencia de las incursiones realizadas por apaches y comanches sobre el noroeste de México. Se apunta que el tráfico y comercio de semovientes que estas naciones indias llevaron a cabo en Estados Unidos se tradujo en la superioridad de sus armas, las cuales emplearon contra los fronterizos mexicanos. Hasta aquí, el texto coincide con el trabajo de Brian DeLay. La novedad radica en que se ocupa de un periodo no abordado por este autor. Así, el estudio hace énfasis en que el robo de reses y caballada unió en una “cooperación delictiva” a indios, mexicanos y estadounidenses. Este aspecto discrepa de la historiografía mexicana y aún de la estadounidense, que suelen responsabilizar sólo a los indios libres y a los vecinos del abigeato. Se sostiene además que las distintas nociones de territorio y soberanía distinguieron no sólo a indios de euroamericanos y mexicanos, sino a indios y fronterizos de los dos países respecto de las élites de la ciudad de México y Washington. A su vez, se muestra la incapacidad de los dos Estados nacionales para ejercer un control efectivo sobre sus respectivas regiones fronterizas y evidencia el escaso impacto de la asimetría entre las dos naciones ante el “problema indio”. This research suggests that the illegal traffic of livestock and captives intensified in the second half of the nineteenth century and had a bearing on the increasing violence of the raids carried out by Apaches and Comanches into northwest Mexico. The study indicates how the traffic and trade of livestock that these Indian nations carried out in the United States resulted in them having more powerful weapons, which they used against Mexicans living in the border region. Thus far, the discussion corresponds to the work of Brian DeLay. The originality is to be found in the fact that this study deals with a period not addressed by DeLay. Thus, the study places emphasis on the fact that the theft of cattle and horses linked Indians, Mexicans and United States residents in a “criminal cooperation.” This characteristic counters Mexican and even US historiography, which tends to place responsibility for the cattle rustling only on free Indians and the neighbors. This study also argues that different notions of territory and sovereignty of the elites in Mexico City and Washington not only distinguished Indians from Euro-Americans and Mexicans, but also Indians and border inhabitants of both countries. In turn, it shows the inability of the two nation states to exercise effective control over their respective border regions and demonstrates the minimal impact that the asymmetry between the two nations had to face the “Indian problem.”
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2

Molina, Natalia. ""In a Race All Their Own": The Quest to Make Mexicans Ineligible for U.S. Citizenship". Pacific Historical Review 79, n. 2 (1 maggio 2010): 167–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2010.79.2.167.

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This article traces challenges to Mexicans' legal and racial status by various groups, including federal bureaucrats, nativist organizations, and everyday citizens. Early twentieth-century efforts to make Mexicans ineligible for U.S. citizenship, despite provisions in the Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo, focused on the premise that Mexicans were neither "black" nor "white"; interest groups and politicians both strove instead to categorize Mexicans as "Indian." These efforts intensified after the 1924 Immigration Act and two Supreme Court decisions, Ozawa v. United States (1922) and United States v. Bhagat Singh Thind (1923), which declared Japanese and Asian Indians ineligible for citizenship because they were not white. Underlying U.S. efforts to resolve Mexican immigration and citizenship issues was the ongoing problem of determining who could be considered white; this concern clashed with positive Mexican understandings of mestizaje.
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3

Salmón, Roberto Mario. "A Marginal Man: Luis of Saric and the Pima Revolt of 1751". Americas 45, n. 1 (luglio 1988): 61–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007327.

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The history of colonial Latin America can be told in terms of the relations between Spaniards, mixed blood frontiersmen, and Indians. In Mexico, Indians figured as significantly as did political and geographical factors in determining the nature and direction of Spanish-Mexican advance and settlement. The Spaniards were ever desirous to learn more about the Indians, especially if they had cultures and economies worth exploiting. But the Indians seldom submitted peacefully to these strange men who spoke of God and king and insisted on a new way of life. Indian chieftains only reluctantly gave up positions of tribal control and they remained prepared to foment sedition and rebellion against the Spanish and Mexican colonizers. This rebellion occurred often on the fringes of Spanish America.
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4

Criado, José R., David A. Gilder, Mary A. Kalafut e Cindy L. Ehlers. "Obesity in American Indian and Mexican American Men and Women: Associations with Blood Pressure and Cardiovascular Autonomic Control". Cardiovascular Psychiatry and Neurology 2013 (19 agosto 2013): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2013/680687.

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Obesity is a serious public health problem, especially in some minority communities, and it has been associated with an increased risk of cardiovascular diseases. While obesity is a serious health concern in both American Indian and Mexican American populations, the relationship between obesity and cardiac autonomic control in these two populations is not well understood. The present study in a selected sample of American Indians and Mexican Americans assessed associations between obesity, blood pressure (BP), and cardiovascular autonomic control. Cardiovascular autonomic control, systolic and diastolic mean BP, and body mass index were obtained from one hundred thirty-two American Indian and Mexican American men and women who are literate in English and are residing legally in San Diego County. Men had a significant greater systolic and diastolic BP and were more likely to develop systolic prehypertension and hypertension than women. Obese participants showed greater mean heart rate (HR) and systolic and diastolic BP than nonobese participants. Obese men also exhibited greater cardiac sympathetic activity and lower cardiovagal control than obese women. These results suggest that obesity and gender differences in cardiovascular autonomic control may contribute to risk for cardiovascular disorders in this sample of American Indians and Mexican Americans.
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5

LYNN, RICHARD, EDUARDO BACKHOFF e L. A. CONTRERAS. "ETHNIC AND RACIAL DIFFERENCES ON THE STANDARD PROGRESSIVE MATRICES IN MEXICO". Journal of Biosocial Science 37, n. 1 (8 dicembre 2004): 107–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021932003006497.

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Raven’s Standard Progressive Matrices test was administered to a representative sample of 920 white, Mestizo and Native Mexican Indian children aged 7–10 years in Mexico. The mean IQs in relation to a British mean of 100 obtained from the 1979 British standardization sample and adjusted for the estimated subsequent increase were: 98·0 for whites, 94·3 for Mestizos and 83·3 for Native Mexican Indians.
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6

Watanabe, John M., e David Frye. "Indians Into Mexicans: History and Identity in a Mexican Town." Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 3, n. 3 (settembre 1997): 603. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3034774.

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7

Albro, Ward S., e David Frye. "Indians into Mexicans: History and Identity in a Mexican Town." Hispanic American Historical Review 77, n. 3 (agosto 1997): 522. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2516743.

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8

Albro, Ward S. "Indians into Mexicans: History and Identity in a Mexican Town". Hispanic American Historical Review 77, n. 3 (1 agosto 1997): 522–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-77.3.522.

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9

Levi, Jerome. "Indians into Mexicans: History and Identity In a Mexican Town". American Ethnologist 25, n. 1 (febbraio 1998): 51–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ae.1998.25.1.51.

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10

DAWSON, ALEXANDER S. "From Models for the Nation to Model Citizens: Indigenismo and the ‘Revindication’ of the Mexican Indian, 1920–40". Journal of Latin American Studies 30, n. 2 (maggio 1998): 279–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x98005057.

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This article examines the creation of an Indian ideal within Indigenismo in the years 1920–40. While scholars argue that Indigenismo described a degenerate Indian ‘other’, this article shows that it often represented the Indian as a model for revolutionary politics and culture. This is evident first in Indigenista celebrations of Indian cultures during the 1920s, and in their valorisation of Indians as rational political actors with modern sensibilities during the 1930s. In validating this ‘modern’ Indian, Indigenistas created a limited framework for legitimate ‘Indian politics’ which took place within the national culture. However, they also labelled Indians who challenged revolutionary programs as ‘primitive’ and ‘pre-political’.
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11

Friedlander, Judith. "Indians into Mexicans: History and Identity in a Mexican Town. David Frye". Journal of Anthropological Research 53, n. 4 (dicembre 1997): 462–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/jar.53.4.3631245.

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12

DuBord, Elise. "Language policy and the drawing of social boundaries". Ideologías lingüísticas y el español en contexto histórico 7, n. 1 (30 marzo 2010): 25–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sic.7.1.02dub.

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Educational institutions developed in Tucson, Arizona in the last quarter of the nineteenth century, during a critical time in cultural and political shifts of power between Anglo and Mexican elites in Southwestern United States. My qualitative analysis reconstructs language policies in the incipient educational system in Territorial Tucson. This article examines official and unofficial language policies in both public and private schools in Tucson that reflected this accommodation of power and the negotiation of a new racial hierarchy in the context of westward expansion. I argue that the private schools Mexican elites founded in this period maintained bilingual instruction and promoted biliteracy as a means of racially and linguistically distancing themselves from Anglos, Indians and Mexicans from lower socioeconomic classes in public schools.
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13

Delay, Brian. "Independent Indians and the U.S.-Mexican War". American Historical Review 112, n. 1 (1 febbraio 2007): 35–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.112.1.35.

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14

Beadie, Nancy, Joy Williamson-Lott, Michael Bowman, Teresa Frizell, Gonzalo Guzman, Jisoo Hyun, Joanna Johnson et al. "Gateways to the West, Part II: Education and the Making of Race, Place, and Culture in the West". History of Education Quarterly 57, n. 1 (febbraio 2017): 94–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/heq.2016.5.

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In his 1916 book,The Measurement of Intelligence, Lewis Terman presented the first version of the Stanford-Binet scale and his testing results for groups of California children. Singling out a few children whose scores fell in the range he categorized as “feeble-minded,” Terman commented:[They] represent the level of intelligence that is very, very common among Spanish-Indian and Mexican families of the Southwest and also among negroes. Their dullness seems to be racial or at least inherent in the family stocks from which they came. The fact that one meets this type with such extraordinary frequency among Indians, Mexicans, and negroes suggests quite forcibly that the whole question of racial differences in mental traits will have to be taken up anew and by experimental methods.1
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15

Macias, Jose. "From Indians to Chicanos: The Dynamics of Mexican-American Culture:From Indians to Chicanos: The Dynamics of Mexican-American Culture." Anthropology Education Quarterly 30, n. 3 (settembre 1999): 393–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aeq.1999.30.3.393.

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16

Alvarez, Robert R. "From Indians to Chicanos: The Dynamics of Mexican-American Culture:From Indians to Chicanos: The Dynamics of Mexican- American Culture." American Anthropologist 101, n. 1 (marzo 1999): 221–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.1999.101.1.221.2.

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17

MAGLIARI, M. "FREE SOIL, UNFREE LABOR". Pacific Historical Review 73, n. 3 (1 agosto 2004): 349–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2004.73.3.349.

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Although it prohibited chattel slavery, California permitted the virtual enslavement of Native Americans under the 1850 Act for the Government and Protection of Indians. Scholars have described some of the key components of the Indian Act, but none has provided a systematic examination of the law's labor provisions or examined how individual employers actually used the law. This article does both by offering a careful survey of the Indian Act, followed by a detailed case study focusing on Cave Couts, the owner of Rancho Guajome in San Diego County. The Couts example reveals that the 1850 Act did not simply legalize the exploitation of Indians as prisoners and indentured "apprentices." Perhaps more importantly, it also preserved the system of debt peonage that had �ourished in California under Mexican rule. Not until after the Civil War did California become a truly free state.
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18

Gledhill, John. "Real Indians doing real things in Mexican history". Dialectical Anthropology 37, n. 1 (9 gennaio 2013): 83–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10624-012-9290-x.

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19

Hughes, Barnabas, e Kim A. Anderson. "American and Canadian Indians—Mathematical Connectors". Mathematics Teaching in the Middle School 2, n. 2 (novembre 1996): 80–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5951/mtms.2.2.0080.

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The names we attach to numbers act as quantifiers. They connect with the amount of a thing. American and Canadian Indians, who were successful at making these mathematical connections, created the first numeration systems used in the lands north of the Mexican border. Their widely differing ways of life caused them to create either simple or complex methods of counting and computing.
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20

O'NEILL, KIMBERLY. "The Ethics of Intervention: US Writers and the Mexican Revolution". Journal of American Studies 50, n. 3 (14 gennaio 2016): 613–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875815002650.

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During the Mexican Revolution (1910–20), stories of dangerous bandits, rebels, dictators, and Indians defined Mexico for US audiences. Most scholars assume that these narratives reinforce the conventional rhetoric of Latin savagery that justifies US imperialism, but this essay reveals an array of writers who told such stories to undermine state power and contest military intervention. Three of the era's best-known leftist journalists, John Kenneth Turner, John Reed, and Katherine Anne Porter, craft a discourse of activism to help the US public imagine themselves as participants in a new hemispheric democracy. These writers posit moral bonds between the US and Mexico that exceed the expansionist interests of politicians and industrialists. Their vision was embodied in the trope of the foreign correspondent, an American who could physically enter Mexican territory, witness the crimes and heroisms of the revolution, and relay the voices of the Mexicans whose lives were at stake in the conflict. Turner, Reed, and Porter hope that journalists can inspire democratic fraternity between the US and Mexican peoples. They also set the terms and conventions utilized by radical humanitarian journalists for decades to come.
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21

Carmen, Alaez, Olivo Angelica, Debaz Hector, Pujol M. Janette, Duran Constanza, Jose L. Navarro e Gorodezky Clara. "QAP and QPB polymorphism in Mexican Mestizos and Indians". Human Immunology 47, n. 1-2 (aprile 1996): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0198-8859(96)84751-3.

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22

Lawson, Chappell, Gabriel S. Lenz, Andy Baker e Michael Myers. "Looking Like a Winner: Candidate Appearance and Electoral Success in New Democracies". World Politics 62, n. 4 (ottobre 2010): 561–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887110000195.

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A flurry of recent studies indicates that candidates who simply look more capable or attractive are more likely to win elections. In this article, the authors investigate whether voters' snap judgments of appearance travel across cultures and whether they influence elections in new democracies. They show unlabeled, black-and-white pictures of Mexican and Brazilian candidates' faces to subjects living in America and India, asking them which candidates would be better elected officials. Despite cultural, ethnic, and racial differences, Americans and Indians agree about which candidates are superficially appealing (correlations ranging from .70 to .87). Moreover, these superficial judgments appear to have a profound influence on Mexican and Brazilian voters, as the American and Indian judgments predict actual election returns with surprising accuracy. These effects, the results also suggest, may depend on the rules of the electoral game, with institutions exacerbating or mitigating the effects of appearance.
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23

Kuhn, Jedediah. "Dividing the Indian Race". Ethnic Studies Review 47, n. 1 (2024): 32–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/esr.2024.47.1.32.

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Despite being the first Native American to author a novel, The Life and Adventures of Joaquín Murieta (1854), John Rollin Ridge and his writings have long troubled scholars. Ridge’s focus on Mexican Americans, racist portrayal of California Indians, and embrace of US belonging refuse easy analysis within the single identity category-focused frameworks of Native studies and Chicanx studies, and his presence in gold rush California as a Cherokee settler complicates scholarly approaches to the racial history of California. This essay uses a historicized engagement with racial formation theory to reevaluate Ridge’s work, including his novel, newspaper article in The True Daily Delta, and Hesperian magazine articles. Diverging from prior scholarship that reads Ridge’s work through the lens of present-day racial categories, this study approaches racial categories as shifting, connected to structures of power, and imbricated with gender to understand how Ridge thought of himself in relation to both California Indians and Mexican Americans and how he tried to intervene into the American racial discourse. Ridge desired recognition and inclusion from the US settler state, and he used hegemonic notions of masculinity to make his case. This prompted him to distance himself from those unable to conform to standards of appropriate manhood. I contend that Ridge’s desire for recognition led him to suggest that his own Cherokee people were more closely related to Mexican Americans than to California Indians. The complexity of Ridge’s stance and racial positioning in California demonstrate the possibilities of a reading practice informed by a relational approach to racial formation.
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Jancsó, Katalin. "La llegada de Maximiliano a la tierra de los pueblos bárbaros". Acta Hispanica 13 (1 gennaio 2008): 25–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/actahisp.2008.13.25-32.

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The author examines a specific aspect of the brief period of Maximilian's reign as the Emperor of Mexico. The spring of 1864 opened an interesting and controversial era of Mexican history. After arriving at Mexico and being proclaimed Emperor with the help of the Mexican Conservatives, Maximilian I., Archduke of Austria and Prince Royal of Hungary and Bohemia reigned in a surprisingly liberal spirit, with the principal aim of modernizing Mexico. The Mexican liberals, led by Benito Juárez, did all they could to get rid of the foreign emperor, and finally executed him the 19th of July, 1867. During his brief reign of three years, both Maximilian and his wife, the empress Charlotte of Belgium manifested profound interest in the situation of the native Indians who made up the vast majority of Mexico's population and had great expectations towards the emperor. A dedicated liberal, Maximilian considered all Mexican citizens should be granted the same rights, and adopted various measures to improve the condition of the natives, and help their integration in the Mexican nation through the process of mestizaje. The author presents the circumstances of Maximilian's arrival at Mexico, his reception, the measures introduced by the Emperor in the protection of the Indian population and the circumstances that led to the creation of the „Junta Protectora de las Clases Menesterosas”, organization representing the interests of the poor, as described in the press of the era.
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Alemán, Jesse. "Historical Amnesia and the Vanishing Mestiza:". Aztlán: A Journal of Chicano Studies 27, n. 1 (2002): 59–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/azt.2002.27.1.59.

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This essay argues that Ruiz de Burton’s The Squatter and the Don (1885) and Helen Hunt Jackson’s Ramona (1884) both particpate in competing rhetorical strategies that consolidate whiteness in nineteenth-century Calgornia. Ruiz de Burton’s novel relies on strategic class distinctions and regional alliances to naturalize the whiteness of Callfornios against Indians and blacks, and Jackson’s novel invokes biological determinism to narrate the extinction of Native Americans, the remoual of Californios, and the disappearance of mestizaje. Thus, while both narratives engage in an anti-imperialist critique, they reproduce the privileged status of whiteness that historically displaced California’s nineteenth-century Mexican and Indian populations.
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Horton, Sarah. "Where is the "Mexican" in "New Mexican"? Enacting History, Enacting Dominance in the Santa Fe Fiesta". Public Historian 23, n. 4 (2001): 41–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2001.23.4.41.

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What are the implications of public commemorations of the Southwest's Spanish colonization, and do such celebrations sanction the conquest's continuing legacy of racial inequality? This paper examines such questions by way of an analysis of the Santa Fe Fiesta, an annual celebration of New Mexico's 1692 re-conquest from the Pueblo Indians by Spanish General Don Diego de Vargas. The Santa Fe Fiesta, which uses living actors to publicly re-enact the Pueblos' submission to Spanish conquistadors, may be analyzed as a variant of the "conquest dramas" the Spanish historically used to convey a message of Spanish superiority and indigenous inferiority. Indeed, New Mexico's All Indian Pueblo Council and its Eight Northern Pueblos have boycotted the Fiesta since 1977, and some Chicanos have complained the event's glorification of a Spanish identity excludes Latinos of mixed heritage. However, an examination of the history of the Fiesta illustrates that although it ritually re-enacts the Spanish re-conquest of New Mexico, it also comments obliquely on another--the Anglo usurpation of Hispanos' former control over the region. Although Anglo officials at the Museum of New Mexico revived the Fiesta as a lure for tourists and settlers in the early 20th-century, Hispanos have gradually re-appropriated the Fiesta as a vehicle for the "active preservation of Hispanic heritage in New Mexico." Thus an analysis of the Fiesta's history illustrates that the event conveys a powerful contemporary message; it is both part conquest theater and part theater of resistance to Hispanos' own conquest.
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Bajaj, Harpreet S., Mark A. Pereira, Rajit Mohan Anjana, Raj Deepa, Viswanathan Mohan, Noel T. Mueller, Gundu H. R. Rao e Myron D. Gross. "Comparison of Relative Waist Circumference between Asian Indian and US Adults". Journal of Obesity 2014 (2014): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2014/461956.

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Background. Relative to Europeans, Asian Indians have higher rates of type 2 diabetes and cardiovascular disease. Whether differences in body composition may underlie these population differences remains unclear.Methods. We compared directly measured anthropometric data from the Chennai Urban Rural Epidemiology Study (CURES) survey of southern Indians (I) with those from three US ethnic groups (C: Caucasians, A: African Americans, and M: Mexican Americans) from NHANES III (Third National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey). A total of 15,733 subjects from CURES and 5,975 from NHANES III met inclusion criteria (age 20–39, no known diabetes).Results. Asian Indian men and women had substantially lower body mass index, waist circumference, hip circumference, waist-to-hip ratio, and body surface area relative to US groups (Pvalues <0.0001). In contrast, the mean (±se) waist-weight ratio was significantly higher (P<0.001) in I (men 1.35 ± 0.002 and women 1.45 ± 0.002) than in all the US groups (1.09, 1.21, and 1.14 in A, M, and C men; 1.23, 1.33, and 1.26 in A, M, and C women (se ranged from 0.005 to 0.006)).Conclusions. Compared to the US, the waist-weight ratio is significantly higher in men and women from Chennai, India. These results support the hypothesis that Southeast Asian Indians are particularly predisposed toward central adiposity.
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Pardo, Osvaldo F. "How to Punish Indians: Law and Cultural Change in Early Colonial Mexico". Comparative Studies in Society and History 48, n. 1 (gennaio 2006): 79–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417506000041.

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Not long after the arrival of the Mendicant orders in New Spain, a view emerged among the friars that the subjection of the Mexican Indians to Spanish law might not be a goal as practical and desirable as the Crown expected, at least not for the immediate future. Franciscans, in particular, thought that the transfer and application of long-established legal principles to the Mexican Indians, such as the customary distinction of jurisdictions, could ultimately hurt rather than facilitate their full conversion to Christianity. For them, the administration of justice was but a natural extension of the enterprise of evangelization, a point that they made repeatedly in letters and reports throughout the sixteenth century.1 In part, their opposition to seeing the new converts subject to secular law stemmed from a general dissatisfaction with the state of legal affairs in the Peninsula, where an alarming increase in lawsuits and legal costs leading to the further consolidation of a class of letrados appeared to threaten the fabric of social life.
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Buitrón-Granados, LuisaV, MaríaG Castro-Martínez, Natividad Mariano-Sánchez, Karina Barragán-Ocaãna, JuanC Bravo-Ortiz, Ignacio Devesa-Gutiérrez, Anabel Silva-Batalla, Imelda Chavira-Mejía e Jorge Escobedo-de la Peña. "Accuracy of the new diagnostic criteria for type 2 diabetes in urban Mexicans and rural Mexican Indians". Diabetes Research and Clinical Practice 50 (settembre 2000): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0168-8227(00)81577-6.

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Moulds, Joann M., Thomas R. Drames e Bolaji Thomas. "Lack of the Cromer antigen GUTI in Mexican Americansand Choctaw Indians". Transfusion 44, n. 2 (febbraio 2004): 307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1537-2995.2004.00648.x.

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Canizares-Esguerra, Jorge. "Renaissance Mess(tizaje): What Mexican Indians Did to Titian and Ovid". CR: The New Centennial Review 2, n. 1 (2002): 267–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ncr.2002.0002.

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Sandos, James A., e Patricia B. Sandos. "Early California Reconsidered". Pacific Historical Review 83, n. 4 (2014): 592–625. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2014.83.4.592.

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Abstract (sommario):
David Weber was the leading scholar of the Spanish Borderlands in the late twentieth and early twenty-first century. Just before his death in 2010, Weber shared a rare interrogation he found in Mexico’s major archive with us. It concerned Jedediah Smith’s California incursion into the Central San Joaquín Valley in 1827–1828. Using digitized databases of Franciscan registers from Mission San José and Mission Santa Clara, we have decoded the interrogation and identified all the Indians questioned, as well as those mentioned in the document, by tribal origin and language affiliation. By lifting the veil of Indian anonymity, we were able to better understand the motivation behind each testimony allowing us to offer, for the first time in the literature, a look at the impact of Jedediah Smith’s expedition from an Indian perspective. Indian interaction (both tribal and Mission) with Mexican and American imperialism is central to understanding Smith’s disruptive impact in California.
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Greenleaf, Richard E. "Persistence of Native Values: The Inquisition and the Indians of Colonial Mexico". Americas 50, n. 3 (gennaio 1994): 351–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007165.

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The Holy Office of the Inquisition in colonial Mexico had as its purpose the defense of Spanish religion and Spanish-Catholic culture against individuals who held heretical views and people who showed lack of respect for religious principles. Inquisition trials of Indians suggest that a prime concern of the Mexican Church in the sixteenth century was recurrent idolatry and religious syncretism. During the remainder of the colonial period and until 1818, the Holy Office of the Inquisition continued to investigate Indian transgressions against orthodoxy as well as provide the modern researcher with unique documentation for the study of mixture of religious beliefs. The “procesos de indios” and other subsidiary documentation from Inquisition archives present crucial data for the ethnologist and ethnohistorian, preserving a view of native religion at the time of Spanish contact, eyewitness accounts of post-conquest idolatry and sacrifice, burial rites, native dances and ceremonies as well as data on genealogy, social organization, political intrigues, and cultural dislocation as the Iberian and Mesoamerican civilizations collided. As “culture shock” continued to reverberate across the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, Inquisition manuscripts reveal the extent of Indian resistance or accommodation to Spanish Catholic culture.
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Knight, Alan. "Frank Tannenbaum and the Mexican Revolution". International Labor and Working-Class History 77, n. 1 (2010): 134–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547909990299.

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AbstractThis article examines Frank Tannenbaum's engagement with Mexico in the crucial years following the Revolution of 1910–1920 and his first visit to the country in 1922. Invited—and feted—by the government and its powerful labor allies, Tannenbaum soon expanded his initial interest in organized labor and produced a stream of work dealing with trade unions, peasants, Indians, politics, and education—work that described and often justified the social program of the Revolution, and that, rather surprisingly, continued long after the Revolution had lost its radical credentials in the 1940s. Tannenbaum's vision of Mexico was culturalist, even essentialist; more Veblenian than Marxist; at times downright folkloric. But he also captured important aspects of the process he witnessed: local and regional variations, the unquantifiable socio-psychological consequences of revolution, and the prevailing concern for order and stability. In sum, Tannenbaum helped establish the orthodox—agrarian, patriotic, and populist—vision of the Revolution for which he has been roundly, if sometimes excessively, criticized by recent “revisionist” historians; yet his culturalist approach, with its lapses into essentialism, oddly prefigures the “new cultural history” that many of these same historians espouse.
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Escobedo, J., I. Chavira, L. Martínez, X. Velasco, C. Escandón e J. Cabral. "Diabetes and other glucose metabolism abnormalities in Mexican Zapotec and Mixe Indians". Diabetic Medicine 27, n. 4 (aprile 2010): 412–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1464-5491.2010.02966.x.

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Escobedo-de la Peña, Jorge, Imelda Chavira-Mejía, Anabel Silva-Batalla, Xochitl Velasco-Romero, Leticia Martínez-Bazán, Celia Escandón-Romero, Javier Cabral-Soto e IrmaH Fernández-Gárate. "Prevalence of type 2 diabetes mellitus in zapoteco and mixe Mexican Indians". Diabetes Research and Clinical Practice 50 (settembre 2000): 126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0168-8227(00)81886-0.

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MANDRYKO, Olga. "MEXICAN EXPERIENCES OF B. TRAVEN: THE POSSIBILITY OF IMAGOLOGICAL READING". 7, n. 7 (26 dicembre 2022): 69–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.26565/2521-6481-2022-7-04.

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The article presents the historical-literary analysis of The Cotton-Pickers (Die Baumwollpflücker), the first novel by the German writer B. Traven, who spent most of his intellectual life living and writing (in German) in Mexico, where he died, and focused his main works on the life of the native people of the state of Chiapas. The Cotton-Pickers did not emphasize the issue of the native population, whose representatives only appear episodically in the text, and described the experience of the author-narrator who recently arrived in Mexico in his search for work. Until today, this novel has been analyzed mainly as an autobiographical text and from a sociological perspective, highlighting the author's leftist attitude. However, it has not been taken into account how B. Traven is creating, throughout the narrative, a cultural image of the country that enchanted him throughout his life. The social and cultural aspects of the Mexican Revolution, those that attracted the author who, at the same time, does not stop being critical about the current state of things, are highlighted too. In this way, an imagological perspective is proposed in the reception of the work. Likewise, despite the fact that B. Traven's researchers always underlined his leftist orientation (anarchist in nature) in the reception of this revolution, few were those who valued the emphasis he placed on the role of the native population in the revolutionary process. Meanwhile, B. Traven described the role and destiny of the Indians in the revolution earlier than Mexican-born writers did it. It was he who wrote the first novels in Mexico that presented the Indians as active participants in the revolutionary processes. And it was also he who placed special emphasis on the autochthonous component as the spiritual core of the Mexican nation and on its role in the hopeful future of the country.
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Romero, Raúl Rocha, e Cintia Flores Hernández. "Representación Política Sustantiva En México: Una Mirada Desde La Subjetividad Política De Las Minorías Indígenas". European Scientific Journal, ESJ 13, n. 16 (30 giugno 2017): 192. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2017.v13n16p192.

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Within the framework of a larger study on the subjective, institutional and cultural factors that influence the substantive political representation of indigenous minorities in Mexico, the theoretical-methodological and empirical approach is presented in relation to the political subjectivity of indigenous peoples of the Mexican states of Oaxaca and Chiapas, with respect to the political representation of which they are subject by their federal deputies. A total of 46 interviews were conducted with Indians from Oaxaca and Chiapas in their respective places of residence. The results show a political subjectivity marked by descriptive, negative and valorative opinions. Indigenous people express not only the neglect they have been subjected to by representatives, but also the fact that national policy is totally alien to them. For the Indians of Mexico this means that they have not yet incorporated as citizens of the republic.
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Lipsett-Rivera, Sonya. "Mira lo que hace el diablo: The Devil in Mexican Popular Culture, 1750-1856". Americas 59, n. 2 (ottobre 2002): 201–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2002.0117.

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As she lay bleeding to death from an accidental knife wound, María Josefa Vargas said to her husband: “Look what the Devil has done (Mira lo que hace el diablo).” María Josefa and her husband, José Rosario, were both indigenous, natives of Almoloya and Tenancingo respectively, and at the time living in Malinalco in the Valley of Mexico. They had been fighting playfully over some meat that María Josefa had bought to make cecina Mock anger and a very sharp knife made for bad companions, and José Rosario accidentally cut María Josefa in the leg.María Josefa's words are one of those elusive examples of the key place occupied by the Devil in Mexican popular culture in the late eighteenth century. By the late colonial period the Devil seems to have become more of a concern for rural Mexicans, particularly within indigenous communities, than he had been before. Once a European import, the Devil had become a more evident part of the symbols used by Indians in the countryside. He had become less of a concern to Church and State authorities and was rather used to explain accidents, such as the one cited above, but more frequently as an excuse or a reason for unacceptable conduct, such as violence or illicit sexuality.
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Esparza-Romero, Julian, Mauro E. Valencia, Maria Elena Martinez, Eric Ravussin, Leslie O. Schulz e Peter H. Bennett. "Differences in Insulin Resistance in Mexican and U.S. Pima Indians with Normal Glucose Tolerance". Journal of Clinical Endocrinology & Metabolism 95, n. 11 (novembre 2010): E358—E362. http://dx.doi.org/10.1210/jc.2010-0297.

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Gachupin, Francine C., Benjamin R. Lee, Juan Chipollini, Kathryn R. Pulling, Alejandro Cruz, Ava C. Wong, Celina I. Valencia, Chiu-Hsieh Hsu e Ken Batai. "Renal Cell Carcinoma Surgical Treatment Disparities in American Indian/Alaska Natives and Hispanic Americans in Arizona". International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 19, n. 3 (21 gennaio 2022): 1185. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph19031185.

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American Indians/Alaska Natives (AI/AN) and Hispanic Americans (HA) have higher kidney cancer incidence and mortality rates compared to non-Hispanic Whites (NHW). Herein, we describe the disparity in renal cell carcinoma (RCC) surgical treatment for AI/AN and HA and the potential association with mortality in Arizona. A total of 5111 stage I RCC cases diagnosed between 2007 and 2016 from the Arizona Cancer Registry were included. Statistical analyses were performed to test the association of race/ethnicity with surgical treatment pattern and overall mortality, adjusting for patients’ demographic, healthcare access, and socioeconomic factors. AI/AN were diagnosed 6 years younger than NHW and were more likely to receive radical rather than partial nephrectomy (OR 1.49 95% CI: 1.07–2.07) compared to NHW. Mexican Americans had increased odds of not undergoing surgical treatment (OR 1.66, 95% CI: 1.08–2.53). Analysis showed that not undergoing surgical treatment and undergoing radical nephrectomy were statistically significantly associated with higher overall mortality (HR 1.82 95% CI: 1.21–2.76 and HR 1.59 95% CI: 1.30–1.95 respectively). Mexican Americans, particularly U.S.-born Mexican Americans, had an increased risk for overall mortality and RCC-specific mortality even after adjusting for neighborhood socioeconomic factors and surgical treatment patterns. Although statistically not significant after adjusting for neighborhood-level socioeconomic factors and surgical treatment patterns, AI/AN had an elevated risk of mortality.
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PADGET, MARTIN. "The American Southwest Audrey Goodman, Translating Southwestern Landscapes: The Making of an Anglo Literary Region (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2002, $40.00). Pp. 250. ISBN 0 1865 2187 5. Molly H. Mullin, Culture in the Marketplace: Gender, Art, and Value in the Amerian Southwest (Durham: Duke University Press, 2001, $64.95 cloth, $19.95 paper). Pp. 248. ISBN 0 822 32610 8, 0 8223 2168 3. Curtis M. Hinsley and David R. Wilcox, The Lost Itinerary of Frank Hamilton Cushing (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2002, $50.00). Pp. 450. ISBN 0 8165 2269 3. Hal K. Rothman (ed.), The Culture of Tourism, the Tourism of Culture: Selling the Past to the Present in the American Southwest (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2003, $34.95). Pp. 250. ISBN 0 826 32928 4." Journal of American Studies 40, n. 2 (27 luglio 2006): 391–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875806001435.

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Scholars have been debating what constitutes “the Southwest” for decades. Thirty years ago, geographer D. W. Meinig began his landmark study Southwest: Three Peoples in Geographical Change, 1600–1970 by stating: “The Southwest is a distinct place to the American mind but a somewhat blurred place on American maps.” For Meinig, the crucial determining factor in constituting the geographical parameters of his own study was the coincidence of Native American and Mexican American settlement patterns in Arizona, New Mexico and around El Paso, Texas. The watersheds of the Gila River in Arizona and the Rio Grande in New Mexico provide the focus of his study of the historical interaction of Indians, Mexican Americans and Anglos through the successive periods of Spanish colonialism, Mexican independence and American rule. The historical geographer Richard Francaviglia has challenged the relatively narrow focus of Meinig's study by calling for a more expansive consideration of the Greater Southwest, which, in addition to the core of Arizona and New Mexico, also includes parts of Colorado, Utah, Texas and the northern states of Mexico. He rationalizes, “The southwestern quadrant of North America is, above all, characterized by phenomenal physical and cultural diversity that regionalization tends to abstract or simplify. The more one tries to reduce this complexity, the smaller the Southwest becomes on one's mental map.”2
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Marcos, Sylvia. "Indigenous Eroticism and Colonial Morality in Mexico: the Confession Manuals of New Spain". Numen 39, n. 2 (1992): 157–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852792x00014.

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AbstractThis article explores the impact of the Conquest on eroticism and the place of the feminine in 16th century indigenous society in Mexico. It shows how this most intimate area of human experience became the battleground of a war that amounted in part to a cultural annihilation. The article analyses one aspect of the missionaries' well-intentioned "battle to save people's souls". Like in previous, internal forms of violent subjugation of one culture by another, the Spaniards destroyed local gods and temples. However, unlike previous "conquerors" who superimposed their beliefs upon local customs, the newcomers demanded a complete eradication of those customs, as if they only could save the Indians by destroying their identity, their culture's relation to reality and their very concept of time, space and of the person. By condemning indigenous erotic practices and imposing unprecedented restraints on them, the missionaries altered the roots of ancient Mexican perceptions of the body and the cosmos. Particuliar attention is paid to the confession manuals, written as an answer to the Spaniards' discovery "that lust was the Indian's most frequent sin". These manuals are considered here as instruments of the alteration of indigenous perceptions. In these manuals the repetition of the same excruciating questions tended to graft guilt onto the Mesoamerican conscience and thus eradicate the Indians perception of eroticism in its sacred and vitalizing dimension. Commentaries of the old song of the women of Chalco attempt to recapture, through the playful voices of women speaking openly, some of the flavor of a very different symbolic universe.
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Krippner-Martinez, James. "Invoking “Tato Vasco”: Vasco de Quiroga, Eighteenth-Twentieth Centuries". Americas 56, n. 3 (gennaio 2000): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500029503.

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Beyond a century, however, tradition is of no value. The pre-Hispanic Tarascans and those of a few generations ago are merged into “antepasados” and unless an historically known event is referred to, it is difficult to know to what period a tradition refers.—Ralph L. Beals, Pedro Carrasco, and Thomas McCorkle, 1944This article examines the emergence and transformation of the legendary Vasco de Quiroga from the eighteenth to the twentieth centuries. It argues that from the mid-eighteenth century onward Vasco de Quiroga has been transformed into a humanist icon due to the shifting needs of various “historical presents.” Today Vasco de Quiroga is remembered for the utopian communities he dreamed of establishing among the “Indians” of Michoacán, where he served as the first bishop from 1536-1565. However, the traditional image of Vasco de Quiroga as a saintly father figure who understood and was beloved by his Indian charges is best understood as an after-the-fact reconstruction rooted more in colonial discourse, creole perceptions and the formation of modern Mexican nationalism than the sixteenth-century past.
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Rubin, Jeffrey W. "COCEI in Juchitán: Grassroots Radicalism and Regional History". Journal of Latin American Studies 26, n. 1 (febbraio 1994): 109–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00018861.

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In Juchitán, Mexico, a poor people's movement has challenged the local and national authorities of the Mexican government, withstood violent repression and military occupation, and succeeded in winning municipal elections and becoming a permanent leftist force in regional politics. This movement, the Coalition of Workers, Peasants, and Students of the Isthmus (COCEI), is one of the strongest and most militant grassroots movements in Mexico, in large part because Zapotec Indians in Juchitán transformed their courtyards and fiestas into fora for intense political discussion, gathered in the streets in massive demonstrations, and, in the course of the past two decades, redefined the activites, meanings and alliancesof therie culture.
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Mull, Dorothy S., e J. Dennis Mull. "Differential use of a clinic by Tarahumara Indians and Mestizos in the Mexican sierra madre". Medical Anthropology 9, n. 3 (giugno 1985): 245–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01459740.1985.9965935.

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Eiss, Paul K. "Deconstructing Indians, Reconstructing Patria: Indigenous Education in Yucatan from the Porfiriato to the Mexican Revolution". Journal of Latin American Anthropology 9, n. 1 (giugno 2004): 119–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jlat.2004.9.1.119.

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Eiss, Paul K. "Deconstructing Indians, Reconstructing Patria: Indigenous Education in Yucatan from the Porfiriato to the Mexican Revolution". Journal of Latin American Anthropology 9, n. 1 (7 maggio 2008): 119–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jlca.2004.9.1.119.

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GUTIERREZ, NATIVIDAD. "What Indians say about Mestizos: A critical view of a cultural archetype of Mexican nationalism". Bulletin of Latin American Research 17, n. 3 (settembre 1998): 285–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1470-9856.1998.tb00126.x.

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Esparza-Romero, J., M. E. Valencia, E. Ravussin, L. O. Schulz e P. H. Bennett. "Insulin Resistance (HOMA-IR) in Non-Diabetics Mexican and US Pima Indians: Role of Environment". American Journal of Epidemiology 163, suppl_11 (1 giugno 2006): S160. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/aje/163.suppl_11.s160-b.

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