Articoli di riviste sul tema "Lutheran Diaspora"

AbstractThis essay analyzes the various strategies Lutherans in the German city of Wesel pursued in securing their status as a minority church during the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. Through petitioning their magistrates, securing competent clergy, and obtaining support from their Lutheran Diaspora and a variety of external political authorities, the Lutherans eventually achieved their goals of public worship in their own church as part of the klevish Lutheran synod.

The purpose of this article is to analyse relationships of the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Latvia (ELCL) with the Church of England during Gustavs Tūrs’ time as archbishop. Special attention is given to his visit to U.K. in 1955 as a member of the delegation of Soviet clergy. These contacts are placed in various contexts – theological, socio-political, personal relationships. “Voices” from various sources are placed face to face and confronted with each other. The author has explored materials previously unused in scientific circulation in Latvia – the archive files stored at the Lambeth Palace Library (London). Contacts between the two churches is a continuation of relationships maintained before the Second World War. Delegations of the Lutheran Churches in Estonia and in Latvia had meetings with representatives of the Church of England in 1936 and in 1938. These negotiations resulted in agreement on intercommunion that because of the war was never ratified but respected by the involved parties. The first years after Stalin’s death was a “thaw”, when repression and censorship in the Soviet Union was relaxed. The renewed interest of Soviet leadership in using religious organizations for Soviet foreign politics was used by churches to further their own aims. They tried to reap additional benefits from the Soviet-inspired “parade ecumenism” – theological studies abroad, exchange visits, etc. However, it was not achieved without compromises. Here pops up a theme of collaborationism, which still is sensitive in post-Soviet countries. It may seem easy to evaluate this phenomenon from today’s perspective, whereas for people having no hope that situation would change in their lifetime, adjusting to the political realities was the only option they had. Of course, the question remains what kind of concessions they made to the Soviet system. Contacts between the churches in U.K. and Latvia helped to exchange information; they paved the way to membership in international organizations like the World Lutheran Federation. For Anglicans, the main emphasis during the visit of the delegation of Soviet clergy in 1955 was on Orthodox-Anglican relationships. It is related to the fact that the High-Church movement at that time was at its zenith of influence in the Church of England. The attitude of the Latvian Lutheran Church in diaspora was negative, because it did not recognize ELCL as legitimate, nevertheless, this attitude was not consistent, because the leadership of diaspora church simultaneously tried to maintain personal contacts with the colleagues in Latvia.

Статья посвящена судьбе богословской части библиотеки Святейшего Синода. Рассматривается вопрос продажи этого книжного собрания в Германию, прослеживается судьба русских книг после неудачи с проектом создания Института восточных церквей, а также показывается новое применение уникального для Германии книжного собрания на кафедре истории и богословия христианского Востока богословского факультета Университета им. Фридриха-Александра в Эрлангене. Главным источником исследования являются архивные материалы организации, поддерживающей деятельность лютеранских общин в диаспоре, - «Мартин Лютер Бунд» в Эрлангене, а именно переписка с «Международной книгой» как на немецком, так и на русском языках. По итогам работы с документами автор полностью описывает судьбу богословских книг библиотеки Священного Синода от начала 30-х гг. XX в. до настоящего времени. The article is devoted to a destiny of the theological part of the Holy Synod Library. The author considers an issue of selling this book collection to Germany, tracing the fate of Russian books after the failure of establishing the Institute of Oriental Churches, and also shows the use of the book collection, unique for Germany, at the Department of History and Theology of the Christian East of the Theological Faculty of the Friedrich-Alexander University in Erlangen. The main source of the research is the archival materials of the organization Martin-Luther-Bund in Erlangen, supporting activities of the Lutheran communities in the diaspora, in particular, the correspondence with the «International Book» in both German and Russian has been considered. Based on the results of his work with the documents, the author fully describes the fate of theological books of the Holy Synod Library from the beginning of the 1930s to this day.

During the 1950s and 1980s, the Eastern Catholic Church (sharing the Byzantine tradition) was maintained in countries with a Ukrainian migrant diaspora. In the 1960s, this branched and organized church was formed in the Ukrainian diaspora. It was named the Ukrainian Catholic Church (UCC). The Galician Metropolitan Department was headed by Andriy Sheptytskyi until 1944, and after that Sheptytskyi was preceded by Yosyp Slipiy, who headed it until 1984. In addition to the Major Archbishop and Metropolitan Yosyp, this church included two dioceses (in the United States and Canada), a total of 18 bishops. It had about 1 million believers and 900 priests. The largest groups of followers of the union lived in France, Yugoslavia, Great Britain, Brazil, Argentina, and Australia. Today, the number of Greek Catholics in the world is more than 7 million. The international cooperation of denominations in the field of resolving historical traumas of the past seems to be quite productive. An illustrative example was shared on June 28, 2013. Preliminary commemorations of the victims of the 70th anniversary of the Volyn massacres, representatives of the UGCC and the Roman Catholic Church of Poland signed a joint declaration. The documents condemned the violence and called on Poles and Ukrainians to apologize and spread information about the violence. This is certainly a significant step towards reconciliation between the nations. The most obvious fact is that the churches of the Kyiv tradition—ОCU and UGCC, as well as Protestant churches (All-Ukrainian Union of Evangelical Churches—Pentecostals, Ukrainian Lutheran Church, German People’s Church)—are in favor of deepening the relations between Ukraine and the European Union. A transformation of Ukrainian community to a united Europe, namely in the European Union, which, in their view, is a guarantee of strengthening state sovereignty and ensuring the democratic development of countries and Ukrainian society.

Abstract The book of Esther tends to be an unaccepted book in Christendom. Indeed, Martin Luther expressed contempt for Esther, claiming that it is spoiled by too much "pagan impropriety." Such denigration, however, is ultimately based on a serious misreading of this OT book. Esther offers readers an insightful satire of the pagan world and yet at the same time provides a glimpse of the dangers the Jewish people have faced in the diaspora.

Abstract The book of Esther tends to be an unaccepted book in Christendom. Indeed, Martin Luther expressed contempt for Esther, claiming that it is spoiled by too much "pagan impropriety." Such denigration, however, is ultimately based on a serious misreading of this OT book. Esther offers readers an insightful satire of the pagan world and yet at the same time provides a glimpse of the dangers the Jewish people have faced in the diaspora.

Across the twentieth century, black South Africans often drew inspiration from African American progress. This transatlantic history informed the global antiapartheid struggle, animated by international human rights norms, of Martin Luther King Jr., his fellow Nobel Peace Prize winner the South African leader Albert Luthuli, and the African American tennis star Arthur Ashe. While tracing the travels of African Americans and Africans “going South,” this article centers Africa and Africans, thereby redressing gaps in black Atlantic and African diaspora scholarship.

The present study argues that there is a need to explore peoples perceptions of non-violent struggle and their life experience with non-violent struggle which can enrich the debate of the contemporary relevance of non-violent struggle. To explore this, the Tibetan diaspora from Delhi is taken as a case for this purpose, who have adopted non-violent struggle for more than six decades as of now. In-depth interviews were carried out in a Tibetan settlement at MajnuKaTilla in Delhi. Twenty-fiverespondents were interviewed using purposive sampling.Their views are mostly pessimistic about the non-violent approach, given its high rate of unsuccessfulness and its negligible impact on China. The lackadaisical approach of international peace keeping organisations towards their non-violent approach is also responsible for it.These reasons are compelling some of them to think of violence as an alternative tool to achieve the desired end. To address these radical tendencies, efforts like educating Tibetans about M K Ghandi, Martin Luther king Jr. and Nelson Mandelas contribution and the systematic utilization of non-violent strategies in an innovative way to achieve the goal might help. The study concludes with the fact that International peace keeping organisations especially United Nations can make a significant contribution in internationalising the Tibetan issue and provide peaceful solution.

Paul of Tarsus, first-century Diaspora-Jew-become-Christian, became, through Augustine and Luther, the canonical theologian for Protestant Christianity. Consequently, his theology has been of overwhelming interest, whether in research, teaching, or preaching. This dominating concern with his theology, however, has diverted interest from other significant deposits Paul left us in his letters. F. W. Beare, in a study on “St. Paul as Spiritual Director,” has shown that this itinerant preacher of primitive Christianity has left us a record of his pastoral concerns that can still serve as a useful model for the modern pastor. A growing number of scholarly articles on Paul and women shows that while Paul sometimes simply reflects a male-dominated social reality, he occasionally envisions freedom and equality for women. Disappointment in other aspects of Paul's social perspective is largely overcome when that perspective is sought within his teaching on the church which, in his apocalyptic orientation, would be the continuing social reality.

Esther is the only book of the Hebrew Old Testament never to allude to God, and to refer to neither the Covenant, the sacred institutions of Israel, nor to Jewish religious practice. The book has long engendered a fascinated revulsion in many of its readers, not only for its notable lack (or writing-out?) of God, but also for its overt celebration of genocide and the dubious moral qualities of its protagonists. Luther famously wanted the book excised from the Christian canon altogether, and the nineteenth-century biblical scholar Heinrich Ewald declared that the story of Esther ‘knows nothing of high and pure truths’, and that on coming to it from the rest of the Old Testament ‘we fall, as it were, from heaven to earth’. Humphreys terms Esther one of the ‘most exclusive and nationalistic units within the Bible’, and for Anderson, writing in the aftermath of the Second World War, the tale resonates horribly with twentieth-century history and ‘unveils the dark passions of the human heart: envy, hatred, fear, anger, vindictiveness, pride, all of which are fused into an intense nationalism’.Rabbi Simeon ben Lakish, on the other hand, placed the Book of Esther on a par even with the Torah, a sentiment echoed, centuries later, by Maimonides, who famously declared that when the Prophets and Hagiographa pass away, only Esther and the Law would remain. And this triumphant assertion of the scroll's worth is reminiscent of the attitude of Josephus, who specifically includes Esther in his list of the twenty-two Jewish records, and who devotes the extensive central section of AJ 11 to the Esther pericope. The dating, both relative and absolute, of the texts of Esther has been fiercely disputed, and need not concern us here; it should suffice to note that two extant Greek translations, or rather adaptations, of the Book of Esther—the Septuagint (LXX) and the highly variant Alpha Text (AT)—offer countless minor variations on the Hebrew Masoretic Text (MT), and insert six extended passages into the narrative.

The influence of progressive Muslim theologian Musa Jarullah Bigeev (1875–1949) on the Tatarcommunity in Finland during the first half of the twentieth century is the focus of this article. Bigeevwas very popular among the Tatar bourgeoisie in Russia and the diaspora abroad. Already at anearly stage of his career he became widely known as the “Muslim Luther”. We briefly describe thescientific biography of this theologian, his relations with the Tatars in Finland and personal memoriesfrom visiting the country. The main part of the study presents an analysis of the perceptionof his ideas by a few important community leaders in Finland, Weli-Ahmed Hakim, ZinnetullahAhsen Böre and Habibur-Rahman Shakir, as reflected in their correspondence and publications.This article also provides examples of Bigeev’s recommendations to the community on variousissues of their ethno-confessional life, transmitted through letters to its leaders. The recommendationsinclude a range of aspects from the establishment of an organization and development of thecommunity’s education system to questions of religious practice and personal spiritual growth.His ideas contributed to the adaptation of the Tatars to Finnish society and simultaneously to thepreservation of Tatar culture, language and identity.

World War (Grieze, etc.) or build new ones on the old ruins or near them (Džūkste, Ērgļi, Salaspils, etc.), as well as reopen the churches closed during the “Khrushchev thaw” (the largest number: Matīši, Riga Reformed, Rēzekne, Varakļāni, etc. In some cases, after the opening, the church was abandoned again (Lambarte). New congregations with newly built houses of worship are far and between (Antuļi, Ape, Kārķi, Aizkraukle, Ķurbe, Ķegums). In none of the aforementioned examples can we talk about an unconventional architectonic solution. Perhaps the partially abandoned Antuļi church hides the potential for reviving 70 years of architectural handwriting. On the other hand, the organization of Latvian Lutherans in exile can be proud of modern churches in the New World, but has almost no real estate in Latvia. The restoration of the magnanimously purchased Ilze church will definitely require the financial means that could be invested in larger centers. Latvian Orthodox and Old Believers (similar to Lutherans) are mostly involved in the restoration of churches abandoned in the 1960s, especially in the Orthodox diaspora of Vidzeme (Lēdurga, Nītaure), however, some vivid examples of a contemporary approach can be found. Metropolitan Alexander emphasized that Orthodox architecture purposefully follows traditional norms, but in some new buildings, unexpected corners are still found, for example, the proportions of the building and the dome in Iecava or Salaspils. In Riga, during the tenure of J. Pujats, 2 new churches were built, 1 was reconstructed and several chapels of women’s communities were also opened. 3 churches, whose construction commenced in pre-Soviet times, have been completed in Latgale. After the founding of the Latgale diocese (1995), 5 new unimpressive churches were built during the next bishop J. Bulis. In Vidzeme, some of the congregations founded before the war to serve Polish, Lithuanian and Latgalian agricultural workers, have been restored. For them, churches were also built in 20 parishes. In Zemgale and Kurzeme, bishops A. Justs and A. Ā. Brumanis implemented the restoration of closed congregations, and supplied them with churches, but on a smaller scale. According to the assessment of the president of the Latvian Academy of Sciences, Ojārs Spārītis, the artistic quality of new Latvian church buildings is bordering on kitsch. According to him, the programmatic movement of church art towards cheaper Western church models is superficial and banal, literally and figuratively. However, it should be explained that the occurrence of low-quality architecture is determined by the haste of the customer, lack of European experience and limited financial means.

The article systematizes data about the number of St. Petersburg foreign population in the first half of the 18th century, for the first time cites quantitative and qualitative indicators characterizing the religious, national and social composition of its foreign diaspora. The materials for the statistical reconstruction were the results of the analysis of the St. Petersburg Catholic and Protestant parish registers and the foreigners' databases created on the basis of these church books. To identify demographic structures, the authors used the methods of descriptive statistics and comparative analysis of statistical indicators, and to determine the number of foreigners (“inozemtsy”), they used the method of reconstructing values using constant coefficients expressing the ratio of the adult believers' number to the sum of church rites for a certain time period. As a result, they found that the greatest concentration of foreigners (at the level of 10-13%) in St. Petersburg was observed in the Petrine era, and under Anna Ioannovna and Empress Elizabeth Petrovna their share fell to 6-7%. The number of foreigners was a relatively constant value and amounted to about 4 thousands adult men and women at the end of the reign of Peter the Great, and about 4-5 thousand people of both sexes in the 1730s and 1740s. As parts of the foreign population, the authors separately took into account groups of Germans, French, Italians, Poles, Dutch people, Finns, Swedes, Armenians, Tatars, and other nationalities. The authors publish the results of a special study, during which the size of various religious groups of St. Petersburg residents was determined - such as Catholics, Lutherans, Calvinists, believers of the Armenian Apostolic Church. They substantiate the conclusion that initially it was not Germans, as is traditionally considered, but Swedes and Finns that prevailed among the foreigners of St. Petersburg, and only by the middle of the 18th century the Germans became the most common group of foreigners, accounting for about half of their number. The largest social stratum of the foreign population in the city was the craft-working (future petty-bourgeois), they included masters and apprentices of the guild craft, artisans, all kinds of civilian specialists and persons who were in service. In the 1730s, this layer of Petersburgians incorporated about three thousand foreigners of both sexes, they made up a significant percentage of the commercial and industrial population of the city and strengthened the stratum of Posadsky residents. Turning to the questions of the socioprofessional composition of the St. Petersburg foreign society of the first half of the 18th century, the authors came to the conclusion that the confessional factor affected the choosing of the type of activity by foreigners.

I dette nummer kommer vi vidt omkring i teologiens emnefelter. Det første bidrag er anden del af Nils Arne Pedersens dobbeltartikel om Fadervor og dåb hos Grundtvig og betydningen heraf for liturgihistorien. Pedersen undersøger Grundtvigs brug af Det Nye Testamente, særligt Johannesevangeliet og Paulus, til at belyse forståelsen af dåben som “børnekår” hos Gud. Emnet belyses gennem en analyse af de steder i Johannesevangeliet og hos Paulus, der taler om Guds børn og om “børnekår” eller adoption. Særligt vigtig er “Abba! Fader” i Rom 8,15; Gal 4,6, som Grundtvig identificerede med Fadervor og opfattede som et “mundsord”, der blev givet i dåben. Dette syn på Fadervor viser sig som den sandsynlige baggrund for flytningen af Fadervor til efter dåben i 1912-ritualet. Frederik Poulsen leverer i nummerets anden artikel en litterær analyse af fortællingerne i Daniels Bog (Dan 1-6). Synsvinklen er, at disse fortællinger afspejler en diaspora-tilværelse, hvor man som etnisk og religiøst mindretal befinder sig i et spændingsfelt mellem to verdener. Poulsen understreger det spændings- og modsætningsfyldte i fortællingerne og viser, at diasporatilværelsens spænding mellem hjemlandet og værtslandet også spejler spændingen mellem jordisk og himmelsk virkelighed i Danielsbogens anden del. Det tredje bidrag er en artikel af Carsten Bach-Nielsen om historien bag den danske udgivelse fra 1857 af den skotske præst John Cairds prædiken om kristendom i dagliglivet. Cairds prædiken, der var blevet udgivet på dronning Victorias og prins Alberts foranledning, blev oversat til tysk af C.K.J. von Bunsen, og siden til dansk af W. Hjort. Den danske udgave fik ingen videre udbredelse; men Bach-Nielsen peger på, hvordan tematiseringen af dagligliv og arbejde også må forstås med industrialiseringen som tidshistorisk baggrund. Lars Buch Viftrup beskæftiger sig i den fjerde og sidste artikel med lokalt samarbejde imellem kirkesogne og kommuner i lyset af ideen om “samskabelse” (“co-creation” eller “co-production”), som har vundet indpas i nyere teori om offentlig forvaltning. Artiklen tager afsæt i en empirisk undersøgelse fra Aarhus, hvor tre grupper, repræsenterende kommunen, kirken og civilsamfundet mødtes i en række workshops i to faser (en inspirations- og en idégenereringsfase) for at udforske ideer om by og kirke og finde frem til projekter, der kunne være med til at løse fælles problemstillinger. Undersøgelsen sættes ind i et teologisk perspektiv med inddragelse af bl.a. Augustins og Luthers kirkeforståelse.

During the pre-revolutionary decades, the Estonian diaspora was one of the most active in St Petersburg, however, it remains little-studied to this day. An intensive study of the history of Estonian churches in St Petersburg province and the Estonian deanery of the St Petersburg diocese make it possible to raise the question of an organised Orthodox Estonian diaspora that did not merge with the Lutheran one. This article formulates the reasons for introducing this phenomenon into scholarly circulation and characterises its distinctive features. The author refers to documents from the Central State Historical Archive of St Petersburg (primarily, reports from the dean of Estonian district), as well as articles and materials from the first All-Russian population census. The active development of the issue studied by some historians in recent years speaks of its relevance. The article provides an overview of the historical situation, identifies the problems that characterised the life of Estonian migrants in St Petersburg and the province, and describes the contribution to the solution of the problem by Archpriest Pavel Kuhlbusch, senior priest of the Estonian church in the capital and dean of the Estonian parishes of the diocese. Additionally, the author carries out a detailed analysis of the theological aspect of the diaspora’s existence and missionary and educational work inside it. The threat of nationalism caused by the language barrier with the locals, the linguistic community with a Lutheran majority, and the incomprehensibility of the Church Slavonic language for foreigners was the breeding ground of the Estonian diaspora as a whole and led the Orthodox Estonian diaspora to a crisis at the time of the collapse of the Russian Empire. The atheism of Bolshevik ideology finally terminated its life in the 1930s. However, the panhellenism of the Patriarchate of Constantinople, which replaced the multiculturalism of the Russian Empire, also failed to contribute to the development of Orthodoxy among Estonians. The efforts Pavel Kuhlbusch made for many years led to an increase in the number of Orthodox Estonians, whose literacy and enlightenment also increased significantly, but his departure to Estonia for episcopal service and death in 1919 had a disastrous effect on the future fate of the Estonian Orthodox diaspora.

The growth of the Pentecostal movement is not only marked by the proliferation of the Pentecostal churches in Africa and the diaspora but also by the adaptation to the Pentecostalist practices particularly pneumatic experiences by mainline Christianity known as Pentecostalisation. Instead of completely joining the Pentecostal movement, some mainline churches adjust their practices to suit their congregants who are more pentecostalist and charismatically inclined. This article uses the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Southern Africa, the Devhula Lebowa Circuit, Limpopo province in South Africa as a case study to illustrate that the adaptation to Pentecostalist practices in the church is the source of church growth and ecumenism. This kind of adaptation has some implications in demonstrating that different Christian traditions can learn from one another to grow in terms of numbers. Secondly, it demonstrates that the Christian tradition can move towards unity by learning from one another instead of being divided along denominational lines. Through a participation observation method, this study shows that Pentecostalisation cannot be viewed negatively but should be revisited by scholars considering church growth and the notion of ecumenism.

Anak –anak di jaman yang telah maju sekarang ini, lebih senang untuk bermain dengan gadget dan memainkan banyak game yang telah disuguhkan pada gadget yang mereka miliki. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menghasilkan aplikasi interaktif untuk mengenalkan anak – anak sekolah minggu tentang cerita – cerita firman Tuhan. Dibatasi dengan permasalahan aplikasi ini bernuansa 2D, penelitian dilakukan di GMIM Diaspora Buha, dan aplikasi ini menyediakan tiga pilihan menu. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode Luther Sutopo yang merupakan metode dalam bidang multimedia, dimana metode ini jika mendapatkan error dapat diperbaiki terus – menerus. Penelitian ini menghasilkan aplikasi Android yang berisi cerita – cerita Firman Tuhan, pendalaman Alkitab dan juga kuis sebagai tolak ukur bagi anak – anak yang menggunakan aplikasi ini. Kesimpulan yang didapatkan dari aplikasi ini adalah aplikasi ini telah berhasil dibuat dan tidak ditemukannya error. Aplikasi ini mengajarkan anak – anak tentang firman Tuhan lewat gadget, melalui hasil evaluasi anak – anak tertarik dengan aplikasi ini dan juga aplikasi ini dapat digunakan dalam pengajaran di sekolah minggu. Saran yang dapat disampaikan oleh penulis adalah menu – menu yang ada didalam aplikasi dapat diubah dan dibuat lebih baik, isi dari setiap materi dan soal – soal yang ada didalam aplikasi juga dapat ditambahkan dan dapat ditambahkan juga tombol suara hidup dan mati.

ABSRACT This article addresses a pervasive historiographic assumption about the supremacy of the King James Bible in British North America by proposing that a process we call the “pluralization of Scriptures” forced colonial Protestants to square their belief in “the Bible” with the undeniable reality of many “bibles.” While the KJV remained dominant among anglophone Protestant populations, by the early eighteenth century some heirs of New England Puritanism were challenging its adequacy and pushing for improved translations of key passages, as members of the clerical intelligentsia became immersed in cutting-edge textual and historical scholarship. Also, during the eighteenth century, non-English cultures of biblicism with their own religious print markets formed in the middle colonies, most importantly among diasporic communities of German Protestants, who brought the Luther Bible to America, and diverse “heterodox” Bibles associated with radical Pietist groups. This essay contends that, well before the American Revolution, the advent of Higher Criticism in American seminaries, and the first wave of English-language Bible production in the early republic, Scripture had ceased to be a static, monolithic entity. A considerable number of alternative translations and commentary traditions in a variety of different languages came to co-exist and, at some points, also interact with each other. Moreover, we argue that competing translations, even of passages speaking to core Christian doctrines, were inextricably bound up with some of the most significant controversies among colonial Protestants, such as the debate over the doctrine of universal salvation, our main case study.

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The Carrara Herbal in Padua (Medicine in the Medieval Mediterranean), London / New York 2017, Routledge, XIII u. 243 S. / Abb., £ 95,00. (Klaus Bergdolt) Nodl, Martin, Das Kuttenberger Dekret von 1409. Von der Eintracht zum Konflikt der Prager Universitätsnationen. Aus dem Tschechischen übers. v. Roswitha u. Pavel Cervicek (Forschungen zur Geschichte und Kultur des östlichen Mitteleuropa, 51), Köln / Weimar / Wien 2017, Böhlau, 404 S. / Abb., € 55,00. (Blanka Zilynská) Ellermann, Julia / Dennis Hormuth / Volker Seresse (Hrsg.), Politische Kultur im frühneuzeitlichen Europa. Festschrift für Olaf Mörke zum 65. Geburtstag (Geist und Wissen, 26), Kiel 2017, Ludwig, 421 S. / Abb., € 56,80. (Wolfgang Reinhard) Horowski, Leonhard, Das Europa der Könige. Macht und Spiel an den Höfen des 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts, Reinbek 2017, Rowohlt, 1119 S. / Abb., € 39,95. (Ronald G. Asch) Rössner, Philipp R. (Hrsg.),Economic Growth and the Origins of Modern Political Economy.Economic Reasons of State, 1500–2000, London/NewYork 2016, Routledge, XII u. 317 S. / Abb., £ 95,00. (Justus Nipperdey) Burgdorf, Wolfgang (Bearb.), Die Wahlkapitulationen der römisch-deutschen Könige und Kaiser 1519–1792 (Quellen zur Geschichte des Heiligen Römischen Reiches, 1), Göttingen 2015, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 884 S., € 90,00. Burgdorf, Wolfgang, Protokonstitutionalismus. Die Reichsverfassung in den Wahlkapitulationen der römisch-deutschen Könige und Kaiser 1519–1792 (Schriftenreihe der Historischen Kommission bei der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 94), Göttingen / Bristol 2015, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 226 S., € 60,00. Durchhardt, Heinz (Hrsg.), Wahlkapitulationen in Europa (Schriftenreihe der Historischen Kommission bei der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 95), Göttingen / Bristol 2015, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 172 S. / Abb, € 55,00. (Alexander Denzler) Durst, Benjamin, Archive des Völkerrechts. Gedruckte Sammlungen europäischer Mächteverträge in der Frühen Neuzeit (Colloquia Augustana, 34), Berlin/Boston 2016, de Gruyter Oldenbourg, 494 S. / Abb., € 79,95. (Anuschka Tischer) Krischer, André, Die Macht des Verfahrens. Englische Hochverratsprozesse 1554–1848 (Verhandeln, Verfahren, Entscheiden, 3), Münster 2017, Aschendorff, VII u. 720 S. / Abb., € 79,00. (Ronald G. Asch) Elmer, Peter, Witchcraft, Witch-Hunting, and Politics in Early Modern England, Oxford / New York 2016, Oxford University Press, X u. 369 S., £ 65,00. (Gerd Schwerhoff) Mentzer, Raymond A. / Betrand Van Ruymbeke (Hrsg.), A Companion to the Huguenots (Brill’s Companions to the Christian Tradition, 68), Leiden/Boston 2016, Brill, XV u. 481 S. / Abb., € 229,00; als Brill MyBook € 25,00. (Ulrich Niggemann) Cevolini, Alberto (Hrsg.), Forgetting Machines: Knowledge Management Evolution in Early Modern Europe (Library of the Written Word, 53; The Handpress World, 40), Leiden / Boston 2016, Brill, XI u. 389 S., € 154,00. (Martin Gierl) Freist, Dagmar / Susanne Lachenicht (Hrsg.), Connecting Worlds and People. Early Modern Diasporas, Abingdon / New York 2017, Routledge, XIII u. 149 S./ graph. Darst., £ 95,00. (Thomas Dorfner) Boer, Wietsede / Karl A. E. Enenkel / Walter S. Melion(Hrsg.), Jesuit Image Theory (Intersections, 45), Leiden / Boston 2016, Brill, XIX u. 497 S. / Abb., € 172,00. (Dominik Sieber) Abreu, Laurinda, The Political and Social Dynamics of Poverty, Poor Relief and Health Care in Early-Modern Portugal (The History of Medicine in Context), London / New York 2016, Routledge, VI u. 302 S. / graph. Darst., £ 110,00. (Robert Jütte) Häberlein, Mark (Hrsg.), Sprachmeister. Sozial- und Kulturgeschichte eines prekären Berufsstands (Schriften der Matthias-Kramer-Gesellschaft zur Erforschung der Geschichte des Fremdsprachenerwerbs und der Mehrsprachigkeit, 1), Bamberg 2015, University of Bamberg Press, 218 S. / Abb., € 18,00. (Michael Schaich) Handley, Sasha, Sleep in Early Modern England, New Haven / London 2016, Yale University Press, XII u. 280 S. / Abb., $ 65,00. (Marion Kintzinger) Nieden, Marcel (Hrsg.), Ketzer, Held und Prediger. Martin Luther im Gedächtnis der Deutschen, Darmstadt 2017, Lambert Schneider, 248 S. / Abb., € 49,95. Rößler, Hole (Hrsg.), Luthermania. Ansichten einer Kultfigur (Ausstellungskataloge der Herzog August Bibliothek, 99), Wiesbaden 2017, Harrassowitz in Kommission, 407 S. / Abb., € 39,80. (Eike Wolgast) Eser, Thomas / Stephanie Armer (Hrsg.), Luther, Kolumbus und die Folgen. Welt im Wandel 1500–1600. Ausstellung im Germanischen Nationalmuseum, Nürnberg vom 13. Juli bis 12. November 2017, Nürnberg 2017, Verlag des Germanischen Nationalmuseums, 312 S. / Abb., € 36,00.(Heinz Schilling) Biagioni, Mario, The Radical Reformation and the Making of Modern Europe. A Lasting Heritage (Studies in Medieval and Reformation Traditions, 207), Leiden / Boston 2017, Brill, XI u. 180 S., € 108,00. (Hans-Jürgen Goertz) Peters, Christian, Vom Humanismus zum Täuferreich. Der Weg des Bernhard Rothmann (Refo500 Academic Studies, 38), Göttingen / Bristol 2017, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 201 S. / Abb., € 90,00. (James M. Stayer) Bräuer, Siegfried / Günther Vogler / Thomas Müntzer, Neu Ordnung machen in der Welt. Eine Biographie, Gütersloh 2016, Gütersloher Verlagshaus, 496 S./ Abb., € 58,00. (Ulrich Bubenheimer) Müntzer, Thomas, Manuskripte und Notizen, hrsg. v. Armin Kohnle/Eike Wolgast unter Mitarbeit v. Vasily Arslanov / Alexander Bartmuß / Christine Haustein (Thomas-Müntzer-Ausgabe. Kritische Gesamtausgabe, 1), Leipzig 2017, Sächsische Akademie der Wissenschaftenzu Leipzig/Evangelische Verlagsanstalt inKommission, XXIII u. 546 S., € 58,00. (Cornel Zwierlein) Selderhuis, Herman J. / Arnold Huijgen (Hrsg.), Calvinus Pastor Ecclesiae. Papers of the Eleventh International Congress on Calvin Research (Reformed Historical Theology, 39), Göttingen / Bristol 2016, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 467 S., € 120,00. (Iris Fleßenkämper) McCallum, John, Scotland’s LongReformation.NewPerspectives on Scottish Religion, c. 1500–c. 1600 (St AndrewsStudies in Reformation History), Leiden/Boston 2016, Brill, XI u. 230 S. / Abb., € 110,00. (Martin Foerster) Toenjes, Christopher, Islam, the Turks and the Making of the Reformation. The History of the Ottoman Empire in John Foxe’s Acts and Monuments, Frankfurt a. M. [u. a.] 2016, Lang, XVI u. 447 S. / Abb., € 74,70. (Stefan Hanß) GarcÍa-Arenal (Hrsg.), After Conversion. Iberia and the Emergence of Modernity (Catholic Christendom, 1300–1700), Leiden / Boston 2016, Brill, XII u. 463 S. / Abb., € 181,00; als eBook open access. Norton, Claire, ConversionandIslam in the EarlyModernMediterranean.The Lure of the Other (Routledge Research in Early Modern History), London / New York 2017, Routledge, X u. 222 S. / Abb., £ 110,00; als eBook £ 35,99. (Christian Windler) Graf, Tobias P., The Sultan’s Renegades. Christian-European Converts to Islam and the Making of the Ottoman Elite,1575–1610, Oxford 2017, Oxford University Press, XX u. 261 S. / Abb., £ 65,00. (Arkadiusz Blaszczyk) Hans Dernschwam’s Tagebuch einer Reise nach Konstantinopel und Kleinasien (1553/55), hrsg. v. Franz Babinger, ins Neuhochdeutsche übers. v. Jörg Riecke, Berlin 2014, Duncker & Humblot, XXXVII u. 300 S. / Abb., € 69,90. (Mathis Leibetseder) Comerford, Kathleen M., Jesuit Foundations and Medici Power, 1532–1621 (Jesuit Studies, 7), Leiden / Boston 2017, Brill, XVI u. 316 S. / graph. Darst., € 142,00. (Fabian Fechner) Nicolaus von Amsdorff, Ausgewählte Schriften der Jahre 1550 bis 1562 aus der ehemaligen Eisenacher Ministerialbibliothek, hrsg. v. Hagen Jäger (Leucorea-Studien zur Geschichte der Reformation und der Lutherischen Orthodoxie, 32), Leipzig 2017, Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 284 S., € 48,00. (Volker Leppin) Piltz, Eric / Gerd Schwerhoff (Hrsg.), Gottlosigkeit und Eigensinn. Religiöse Devianz im konfessionellen Zeitalter (Zeitschrift für Historische Forschung. Beiheft, 51), Berlin 2015, Duncker & Humblot, 530 S. / Abb., € 69,90. (Martin Scheutz) Schmidt-Biggemann, Wilhelm / Friedrich Vollhardt (Hrsg.), Ideengeschichte um 1600. Konstellationen zwischen Schulmetaphysik, Konfessionalisierung und hermetischer Spekulation (Problemata, 158), Stuttgart-Bad Cannstatt 2017, Frommann-Holzboog, 338 S. / Abb., € 68,00. (Tobias Winnerling) Friedrich, Markus / Sascha Salatowsky / Luise Schorn-Schütte (Hrsg.), Konfession, Politik und Gelehrsamkeit. Der Jenaer Theologe Johann Gerhard (1582–1637) im Kontext seiner Zeit (Gothaer Forschungen zur Frühen Neuzeit, 11), Stuttgart 2017, Steiner, 280 S., € 52,00. (Martin Gierl) Schleinert, Dirk / Monika Schneikart (Hrsg.), Zwischen Thronsaal und Frawenzimmer. Handlungsfelder pommerscher Fürstinnen um 1600 (Veröffentlichungen der Historischen Kommission für Pommern. Reihe V: Forschungen zur pommerschen Geschichte, 50), Köln / Weimar / Wien 2017, Böhlau, 402 S. / Abb., € 55,00. (Katrin Keller) Wareing, John, Indentured Migration and the Servant Trade from London to America, 1618–1718. „There is Great Want of Servants“, Oxford / New York 2017, Oxford University Press, VIII u. 298 S. / Abb., £ 75,00. (Mark Häberlein) May, Niels F., Zwischen fürstlicher Repräsentation und adliger Statuspolitik. Das Kongresszeremoniell bei den westfälischen Friedensverhandlungen (Beihefte der Francia, 82), Ostfildern 2016, Thorbecke, 284 S., € 42,00. (Anuschka Tischer) Haupt, Herbert, Ein Herr von Stand und Würde. Fürst Johann Adam Andreas von Liechtenstein (1657–1712). Mosaiksteine eines Lebens, Köln / Weimar / Wien 2016, Böhlau, 389 S. / Abb., € 47,00. (Thomas Winkelbauer) Homa, Bernhard, Die Tübinger Philosophische Fakultät 1652–1752. Institution – Disziplinen – Lehrkräfte (Contubernium, 85), Stuttgart 2016, Steiner, 428 S. / 1 CDROM, € 69,00. (Martin Gierl) Windler, Christian (Hrsg.), Kongressorte der Frühen Neuzeit im europäischen Vergleich. Der Friede von Baden (1714), Köln/Weimar/Wien 2016, Böhlau, 303 S. / Abb., € 19,90. (Regina Dauser) Pecar, Andreas / Holger Zaunstöck / Thomas Müller-Bahlke (Hrsg.), Wie pietistisch kann Adel sein? Hallescher Pietismus und Reichsadel im 18. Jahrhundert (Quellen und Forschungen zur Geschichte Sachsen-Anhalts, 10), Halle a. d. S. 2016, Mitteldeutscher Verlag, 176 S. / Abb., € 25,00. (Martin Gierl) Eißner, Daniel, Erweckte Handwerker im Umfeld des Pietismus. Zur religiösen Selbstermächtigung in der Frühen Neuzeit (Hallesche Forschungen, 43), Halle a. d. S. / Wiesbaden 2016, Verlag der Franckeschen Stiftungen / Harrassowitz in Kommission, IX u. 384 S., € 52,00. (Martin Gierl) Black, Jeremy, British Politics and Foreign Policy, 1744–57. Mid-Century Crisis, Farnham / Burlington 2015, Ashgate, XIV u. 267 S., £ 70,00. (Michael Schaich) Stobart, Jon / Mark Rothery (Hrsg.), Consumption and the Country House, Oxford / New York 2016, Oxford University Press, X u. 304 S. / Abb., £ 65,00. (Michael Maurer) Diest, Johann von, Wirtschaftspolitik und Lobbyismus im 18. Jahrhundert. Eine quellenbasierte Neubewertung der wechselseitigen Einflussnahme von Obrigkeit und Wirtschaft in Brandenburg-Preußen und Kurhannover (Herrschaft und soziale Systeme in der Frühen Neuzeit, 23), Göttingen 2016, V&R unipress, 392 S., € 55,00. 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What we wear signals our membership within groups, be theyorganised by gender, class, ethnicity or religion. Simultaneously our clothing signifies hierarchies and power relations that sustain dominant power structures. How we dress is an expression of our identity. For Veblen, how we dress expresses wealth and social stratification. In imitating the fashion of the wealthy, claims Simmel, we seek social equality. For Barthes, clothing is embedded with systems of meaning. For Hebdige, clothing has modalities of meaning depending on the wearer, as do clothes for gender (Davis) and for the body (Entwistle). For Maynard, “dress is a significant material practice we use to signal our cultural boundaries, social separations, continuities and, for the present purposes, political dissidences” (103). Clothing has played a central role in historical and contemporary forms of political dissent. During the French Revolution dress signified political allegiance. The “mandated costumes, the gold-braided coat, white silk stockings, lace stock, plumed hat and sword of the nobility and the sober black suit and stockings” were rejected as part of the revolutionary struggle (Fairchilds 423). After the storming of the Bastille the government of Paris introduced the wearing of the tricolour cockade, a round emblem made of red, blue and white ribbons, which was a potent icon of the revolution, and a central motif in building France’s “revolutionary community”. But in the aftermath of the revolution divided loyalties sparked power struggles in the new Republic (Heuer 29). In 1793 for example anyone not wearing the cockade was arrested. Specific laws were introduced for women not wearing the cockade or for wearing it in a profane manner, resulting in six years in jail. This triggered a major struggle over women’s abilities to exercise their political rights (Heuer 31).Clothing was also central to women’s political struggles in America. In the mid-nineteenth century, women began wearing the “reform dress”—pants with shortened, lightweight skirts in place of burdensome and restrictive dresses (Mas 35). The wearing of pants, or bloomers, challenged gender norms and demonstrated women’s agency. Women’s clothes of the period were an "identity kit" (Ladd Nelson 22), which reinforced “society's distinctions between men and women by symbolizing their natures, roles, and responsibilities” (Ladd Nelson 22, Roberts 555). Men were positioned in society as “serious, active, strong and aggressive”. They wore dark clothing that “allowed movement, emphasized broad chests and shoulders and presented sharp, definite lines” (Ladd Nelson 22). Conversely, women, regarded as “frivolous, inactive, delicate and submissive, dressed in decorative, light pastel coloured clothing which inhibited movement, accentuated tiny waists and sloping shoulders and presented an indefinite silhouette” (Ladd Nelson 22, Roberts 555). Women who challenged these dress codes by wearing pants were “unnatural, and a perversion of the “true” woman” (Ladd Nelson 22). For Crane, the adoption of men’s clothing by women challenged dominant values and norms, changing how women were seen in public and how they saw themselves. The wearing of pants came to “symbolize the movement for women's rights” (Ladd Nelson 24) and as with women in France, Victorian society was forced to consider “women's rights, including their right to choose their own style of dress” (Ladd Nelson 23). As Yangzom (623) puts it, clothing allows groups to negotiate boundaries. How the “embodiment of dress itself alters political space and civic discourse is imperative to understanding how resistance is performed in creating social change” (Yangzom 623). Fig. 1: 1850s fashion bloomersIn a different turn is presented in Mahatma Gandhi’s Khadi movement. Khadi is a term used for fabrics made on a spinning wheel (or charkha) or hand-spun and handwoven, usually from cotton fibre. Khadi is considered the “fabric of Indian independence” (Jain). Gandhi recognised the potential of the fabric to a self-reliant, independent India. Gandhi made the struggle for independence synonymous with khadi. He promoted the materials “simplicity as a social equalizer and made it the nation’s fabric” (Sinha). As Jain notes, clothing and in this case fabric, is a “potent sign of resistance and change”. The material also reflects consciousness and agency. Khadi was Gandhi’s “own sartorial choices of transformation from that of an Englishman to that of one representing India” (Jain). For Jain the “key to Khadi becoming a successful tool for the freedom struggle” was that it was a “material embodiment of an ideal” that “represented freedom from colonialism on the one hand and a feeling of self-reliance and economic self-sufficiency on the other”. Fig. 2: Gandhi on charkha The reappropriating of Khadi as a fabric of political dissent echoes the wearing of blue denim by the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) at the 1963 National Mall Washington march where 250,000 people gather to hear Martin Luther King speak. The SNCC formed in 1960 and from then until the 1963 March on Washington they developed a “style aesthetic that celebrated the clothing of African American sharecroppers” (Ford 626). A critical aspect civil rights activism by African America women who were members of the SNCC was the “performance of respectability”. With the moral character of African American women under attack (as a way of delegitimising their political activities), the female activists “emphasized the outward display of their respectability in order to withstand attacks against their characters”. Their modest, neat “as if you were going to church” (Chappell 96) clothing choices helped them perform respectability and this “played an important performative role in the black freedom struggle” (Ford 626). By 1963 however African American female civil rights activists “abandoned their respectable clothes and processed hairstyles in order to adopt jeans, denim skirts, bib-and-brace overalls”. The adoption of bib-and-brace overalls reflected the sharecropper's blue denim overalls of America’s slave past.For Komar the blue denim overalls “dramatize[d] how little had been accomplished since Reconstruction” and the overalls were practical to fix from attack dog tears and high-pressure police hoses. The blue denim overalls, according to Komar, were also considered to be ‘Negro clothes’ purchased by “slave owners bought denim for their enslaved workers, partly because the material was sturdy, and partly because it helped contrast them against the linen suits and lace parasols of plantation families”. The clothing choice was both practical and symbolic. While the ‘sharecropper’ narrative is problematic as ‘traditional’ clothing (something not evident in the case of Ghandi’s Khandi Movement, there is an emotion associated with the clothing. As Barthes (6-7) has shown, what makes ‘traditional clothing,’ traditional is that it is part of a normative system where not only does clothing have its historical place, but it is governed by its rules and regimentation. Therefore, there is a dialectical exchange between the normative system and the act of dressing where as a link between the two, clothing becomes the conveyer of its meanings (7). Barthes calls this system, langue and the act of dressing parole (8). As Ford does, a reading of African American women wearing what she calls a “SNCC Skin” “the uniform [acts] consciously to transgress a black middle-class worldview that marginalised certain types of women and particular displays of blackness and black culture”. Hence, the SNCC women’s clothing represented an “ideological metamorphosis articulated through the embrace and projection of real and imagined southern, working-class, and African American cultures. Central to this was the wearing of the blue denim overalls. The clothing did more than protect, cover or adorn the body it was a conscious “cultural and political tool” deployed to maintain a movement and build solidarity with the aim of “inversing the hegemonic norms” via “collective representations of sartorial embodiment” (Yangzom 622).Fig. 3: Mississippi SNCC March Coordinator Joyce Ladner during the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom political rally in Washington, DC, on 28 Aug. 1963Clothing in each of these historical examples performs an ideological function that can bridge, that is bring diverse members of society together for a cause, or community cohesion or clothing can act as a fence to keep identities separate (Barnard). This use of clothing is evident in two indigenous examples. For Maynard (110) the clothes worn at the 1988 Aboriginal ‘Long March of Freedom, Justice and Hope’ held in Australia signalled a “visible strength denoted by coherence in dress” (Maynard 112). Most noted was the wearing of colours – black, red and yellow, first thought to be adopted during protest marches organised by the Black Protest Committee during the 1982 Commonwealth Games in Brisbane (Watson 40). Maynard (110) describes the colour and clothing as follows:the daytime protest march was dominated by the colours of the Aboriginal people—red, yellow and black on flags, huge banners and clothing. There were logo-inscribed T-shirts, red, yellow and black hatband around black Akubra’s, as well as red headbands. Some T-shirts were yellow, with images of the Australian continent in red, others had inscriptions like 'White Australia has a Black History' and 'Our Land Our Life'. Still others were inscribed 'Mourn 88'. Participants were also in customary dress with body paint. Older Indigenous people wore head bands inscribed with the words 'Our Land', and tribal elders from the Northern Territory, in loin cloths, carried spears and clapping sticks, their bodies marked with feathers, white clay and red ochres. Without question, at this most significant event for Aboriginal peoples, their dress was a highly visible and cohesive aspect.Similar is the Tibetan Freedom Movement, a nonviolent grassroots movement in Tibet and among Tibet diaspora that emerged in 2008 to protest colonisation of Tibet. It is also known as the ‘White Wednesday Movement’. Every Wednesday, Tibetans wear traditional clothes. They pledge: “I am Tibetan, from today I will wear only Tibetan traditional dress, chuba, every Wednesday”. A chuba is a colourful warm ankle-length robe that is bound around the waist by a long sash. For the Tibetan Freedom Movement clothing “symbolically functions as a nonverbal mechanism of communication” to “materialise consciousness of the movement” and functions to shape its political aims (Yangzom 622). Yet, in both cases – Aboriginal and Tibet protests – the dress may “not speak to single cultural audience”. This is because the clothing is “decoded by those of different political persuasions, and [is] certainly further reinterpreted or reframed by the media” (Maynard 103). Nevertheless, there is “cultural work in creating a coherent narrative” (Yangzom 623). The narratives and discourse embedded in the wearing of a red, blue and white cockade, dark reform dress pants, cotton coloured Khadi fabric or blue denim overalls is likely a key feature of significant periods of political upheaval and dissent with the clothing “indispensable” even if the meaning of the clothing is “implied rather than something to be explicated” (Yangzom 623). On 21 January 2017, 250,000 women marched in Washington and more than two million protesters around the world wearing pink knitted pussy hats in response to the remarks made by President Donald Trump who bragged of grabbing women ‘by the pussy’. The knitted pink hats became the “embodiment of solidarity” (Wrenn 1). For Wrenn (2), protests such as this one in 2017 complete with “protest visuals” which build solidarity while “masking or excluding difference in the process” indicates “a tactical sophistication in the social movement space with its strategic negotiation of politics of difference. In formulating a flexible solidarity, the movement has been able to accommodate a variety of races, classes, genders, sexualities, abilities, and cultural backgrounds” (Wrenn 4). In doing so they presented a “collective bodily presence made publicly visible” to protest racist, sexist, homophobic, Islamophobic, and xenophobic white masculine power (Gokariksel & Smith 631). The 2017 Washington Pussy Hat March was more than an “embodiment tactic” it was an “image event” with its “swarms of women donning adroit posters and pink pussy hats filling the public sphere and impacting visual culture”. It both constructs social issues and forms public opinion hence it is an “argumentative practice” (Wrenn 6). Drawing on wider cultural contexts, as other acts of dissent note here do, in this protest with its social media coverage, the “master frame” of the sea of pink hats and bodies posited to audiences the enormity of the anger felt in the community over attacks on the female body – real or verbal. This reflects Goffman’s theory of framing to describe the ways in which “protestors actively seek to shape meanings such that they spark the public’s support and encourage political openings” (Wrenn 6). The hats served as “visual tropes” (Goodnow 166) to raise social consciousness and demonstrate opposition. Protest “signage” – as the pussy hats can be considered – are a visual representation and validation of shared “invisible thoughts and emotions” (Buck-Coleman 66) affirming Georg Simmel’s ideas about conflict; “it helps individuals define their differences, establish to which group(s) they belong, and determine the degrees to which groups are different from each other” (Buck-Coleman 66). The pink pussy hat helped define and determine membership and solidarity. Further embedding this was the hand-made nature of the hat. The pattern for the hat was available free online at https://www.pussyhatproject.com/knit/. The idea began as one of practicality, as it did for the reform dress movement. This is from the Pussy Hat Project website:Krista was planning to attend the Women’s March in Washington DC that January of 2017 and needed a cap to keep her head warm in the chill winter air. Jayna, due to her injury, would not be able to attend any of the marches, but wanted to find a way to have her voice heard in absentia and somehow physically “be” there. Together, a marcher and a non-marcher, they conceived the idea of creating a sea of pink hats at Women’s Marches everywhere that would make both a bold and powerful visual statement of solidarity, and also allow people who could not participate themselves – whether for medical, financial, or scheduling reasons — a visible way to demonstrate their support for women’s rights. (Pussy Hat Project)In the tradition of “craftivism” – the use of traditional handcrafts such as knitting, assisted by technology (in this case a website with the pattern and how to knit instructions), as a means of community building, skill-sharing and action directed towards “political and social causes” (Buszek & Robertson 197) –, the hand-knitted pink pussy hats avoided the need to purchase clothing to show solidarity resisting the corporatisation of protest clothing as cautioned by Naomi Klein (428). More so by wearing something that could be re-used sustained solidarity. The pink pussy hats provided a counter to the “incoherent montage of mass-produced clothing” often seen at other protests (Maynard 107). Everyday clothing however does have a place in political dissent. In late 2018, French working class and middle-class protestors donned yellow jackets to protest against the government of French President Emmanuel Macron. It began with a Facebook appeal launched by two fed-up truck drivers calling for a “national blockade” of France’s road network in protest against rising fuel prices was followed two weeks later with a post urging motorist to display their hi-vis yellow vests behind their windscreens in solidarity. Four million viewed the post (Henley). Weekly protests continued into 2019. The yellow his-vis vests are compulsorily carried in all motor cars in France. They are “cheap, readily available, easily identifiable and above all representing an obligation imposed by the state”. The yellow high-vis vest has “proved an inspired choice of symbol and has plainly played a big part in the movement’s rapid spread” (Henley). More so, the wearers of the yellow vests in France, with the movement spreading globally, are winning in “the war of cultural representation. Working-class and lower middle-class people are visible again” (Henley). Subcultural clothing has always played a role as heroic resistance (Evans), but the coloured dissent dressing associated with the red, blue and white ribboned cockades, the dark bloomers of early American feminists, the cotton coloured natural fabrics of Ghandi’s embodiment of resistance and independence, the blue denim sharecropper overalls worn by African American women in their struggles for civil rights, the black, red and orange of Aboriginal protestors in Australia and the White Wednesday performances of resistance undertaken by Tibetans against Chinese colonisation, the Washington Pink Pussy Hat marches for gender respect and equality and the donning of every yellow hi-vis vests by French protestors all posit the important role of fabric and colour in protest meaning making and solidarity building. It is in our rage we consciously wear the colours and fabrics of dissent dress. ReferencesBarnard, Malcolm. Fashion as Communication. New York: Routledge, 1996. 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