Tesi sul tema "Les parties"
Segui questo link per vedere altri tipi di pubblicazioni sul tema: Les parties.
Cita una fonte nei formati APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard e in molti altri stili
Vedi i top-50 saggi (tesi di laurea o di dottorato) per l'attività di ricerca sul tema "Les parties".
Accanto a ogni fonte nell'elenco di riferimenti c'è un pulsante "Aggiungi alla bibliografia". Premilo e genereremo automaticamente la citazione bibliografica dell'opera scelta nello stile citazionale di cui hai bisogno: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver ecc.
Puoi anche scaricare il testo completo della pubblicazione scientifica nel formato .pdf e leggere online l'abstract (il sommario) dell'opera se è presente nei metadati.
Vedi le tesi di molte aree scientifiche e compila una bibliografia corretta.
1
Teorell, Jan. "Demokrati eller fåtalsvälde om beslutsfattande i partiorganisationer /". Uppsala : Distributor, Universitetsbiblioteket, 1998. http://books.google.com/books?id=qbSIAAAAMAAJ.
2
Maciel, Elda Maria Freire. "Caminhos e Descaminhos de um Pensar Plural: o pensamento polÃtico do partido dos trabalhadores". Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2009. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=3050.
Abstract (sommario):
FundaÃÃo Cearense de Apoio ao Desenvolvimento Cientifico e TecnolÃgicoRESUMO Este trabalho analisa a formaÃÃo e o desenvolvimento do pensamento polÃtico do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) no perÃodo compreendido entre sua fundaÃÃo em 1980 à realizaÃÃo de seu 1Â. Congresso Nacional em 1991. A escolha desse tema se deu ao refletir sobre como o PT construiu o seu corpo simbÃlico ou o seu capital polÃtico no decurso de sua trajetÃria de lutas e como se capacitou para efetivÃ-lo atravÃs do conjunto partidÃrio. Tal dÃvida se manifestou quando analisava documentos (resoluÃÃes de encontros, congressos, reuniÃes etc.) dessa organizaÃÃo, inclusive de suas vÃrias tendÃncias e percebia como enfatizavam o fato do PT ter incorporado ânovas teoriasâ, ânovas prÃticasâ, ânovos rumosâ durante sua trajetÃria e por isso, ser um ânovo partidoâ ou um partido diferente do projeto originÃrio. A inquietaÃÃo com tal leitura me levou a refletir sobre uma premissa que considero fundamental para a vida das organizaÃÃes sociais como um todo, qual seja, que toda organizaÃÃo polÃtica necessita de uma referÃncia teÃrica sÃlida para formar-se e desenvolver-se. E claro isso advÃm de um processo de produÃÃo e de re-significaÃÃo de idÃias e prÃticas que de forma alguma sÃo absolutamente ânovasâ, mas que se articula com experiÃncias vividas por outras organizaÃÃes polÃticas em meio a novas realidades, a novos contextos sociais e tambÃm, a determinados tempos histÃricos. Os dados da pesquisa foram coletados nas resoluÃÃes partidÃrias aprovadas desde o surgimento do Movimento prÃ-PT, passando pelos 07 encontros nacionais e um extraordinÃrio e pelo 1Â. Congresso Nacional. Contudo, foram consultados tambÃm artigos de militantes petistas, boletins, folhetos de propaganda eleitoral, programa de governo do PT e outros materiais. Ao todo foram analisados 53 documentos partidÃrios. Como procedimento teÃrico-metodolÃgico optei pela anÃlise das categorias bÃsicas do pensamento petista, dos fenÃmenos sociais privilegiados por ele, da ontologia de suas idÃias, de sua pretensÃo crÃtica, das escolas de pensamento e Ideologia ao qual o PT se identificava. Para analisar o material coletado me orientei pela perspectiva teÃrico-metodolÃgica de Antonio Gramsci sobre sua concepÃÃo de partido polÃtico. Mas tambÃm a instrumentaÃÃo fornecida pela AnÃlise de Discurso (AD) foi fundamental. A conclusÃo deste estudo fornece indicaÃÃes sobre a construÃÃo do pensamento polÃtico petista em meio à conturbada dÃcada de 80, percebendo-o como uma sÃntese de rupturas, de superaÃÃo e ao mesmo tempo de continuidade com o pensamento dos partidos de esquerda que o precederam demonstrando assim, caracteres ambÃguos, conflituosos e contraditÃrios que concretamente incidiram para a prÃtica petista.
RESUMO Este trabalho analisa a formaÃÃo e o desenvolvimento do pensamento polÃtico do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) no perÃodo compreendido entre sua fundaÃÃo em 1980 à realizaÃÃo de seu 1Â. Congresso Nacional em 1991. A escolha desse tema se deu ao refletir sobre como o PT construiu o seu corpo simbÃlico ou o seu capital polÃtico no decurso de sua trajetÃria de lutas e como se capacitou para efetivÃ-lo atravÃs do conjunto partidÃrio. Tal dÃvida se manifestou quando analisava documentos (resoluÃÃes de encontros, congressos, reuniÃes etc.) dessa organizaÃÃo, inclusive de suas vÃrias tendÃncias e percebia como enfatizavam o fato do PT ter incorporado ânovas teoriasâ, ânovas prÃticasâ, ânovos rumosâ durante sua trajetÃria e por isso, ser um ânovo partidoâ ou um partido diferente do projeto originÃrio. A inquietaÃÃo com tal leitura me levou a refletir sobre uma premissa que considero fundamental para a vida das organizaÃÃes sociais como um todo, qual seja, que toda organizaÃÃo polÃtica necessita de uma referÃncia teÃrica sÃlida para formar-se e desenvolver-se. E claro isso advÃm de um processo de produÃÃo e de re-significaÃÃo de idÃias e prÃticas que de forma alguma sÃo absolutamente ânovasâ, mas que se articula com experiÃncias vividas por outras organizaÃÃes polÃticas em meio a novas realidades, a novos contextos sociais e tambÃm, a determinados tempos histÃricos. Os dados da pesquisa foram coletados nas resoluÃÃes partidÃrias aprovadas desde o surgimento do Movimento prÃ-PT, passando pelos 07 encontros nacionais e um extraordinÃrio e pelo 1Â. Congresso Nacional. Contudo, foram consultados tambÃm artigos de militantes petistas, boletins, folhetos de propaganda eleitoral, programa de governo do PT e outros materiais. Ao todo foram analisados 53 documentos partidÃrios. Como procedimento teÃrico-metodolÃgico optei pela anÃlise das categorias bÃsicas do pensamento petista, dos fenÃmenos sociais privilegiados por ele, da ontologia de suas idÃias, de sua pretensÃo crÃtica, das escolas de pensamento e Ideologia ao qual o PT se identificava. Para analisar o material coletado me orientei pela perspectiva teÃrico-metodolÃgica de Antonio Gramsci sobre sua concepÃÃo de partido polÃtico. Mas tambÃm a instrumentaÃÃo fornecida pela AnÃlise de Discurso (AD) foi fundamental. A conclusÃo deste estudo fornece indicaÃÃes sobre a construÃÃo do pensamento polÃtico petista em meio à conturbada dÃcada de 80, percebendo-o como uma sÃntese de rupturas, de superaÃÃo e ao mesmo tempo de continuidade com o pensamento dos partidos de esquerda que o precederam demonstrando assim, caracteres ambÃguos, conflituosos e contraditÃrios que concretamente incidiram para a prÃtica petista.
3
Ligon, Rebecca. "Ghost Parties". University of Akron / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=akron1460297955.
4
Mosiichuk. "LOGISTICS PARTIES". Thesis, Київ 2018, 2018. http://er.nau.edu.ua/handle/NAU/33818.
5
Kostovska, Tanja. "Les partis politiques en Macédoine d’après 1990 : du monopartisme idéologique au pluralisme politique". Thesis, Bordeaux 4, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011BOR40006.
Abstract (sommario):
Les partis politiques macédoniens ont été relativement peu étudiés. Les problèmes de la construction du nouvel Etat, à la fois dans un environnement difficile et quant à l’intégration de l’importante minorité albanaise, ont éclipsé ceux du nouveau système politique. L’attention portée à l’ingénierie constitutionnelle y a contribué. Pourtant, les partis sont au cœur de la démocratie pluraliste.En dehors de la problématique commune de la formation des partis politiques dans les transitions post-communistes, le cas macédonien présente des originalités par le rôle des racines historiques pour les partis relevants et l’importance des partis ethniques, qui ont évolué entre la contestation de l’Etat et du nouveau système et l’intégration politique par la participation grandissante au jeu démocratique, y compris au niveau gouvernementalMacedonian political parties have been relatively little studied. In Macedonia, political system transformation has been mainly dominated by state building issues, problems related to Albanian minority integration and the process of designing a new constitutional arrangement. Nevertheless, political parties are considered to be key actors in pluralist democracy. Macedonian parties have their own particularities when compared to general models of post-communist party development. The originality of the Macedonian parties thus lies in the importance accorded to historical legacies in party formation, as well as in the role played by ethnic actors in the process of democratization
6
Gueorguieva, Petia. "La social-démocratie en Europe centrale et orientale: convergences et divergences par rapport à l'identité sociale-démocrate "occidentale"?" Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210951.
7
Ortega, Frei Eugenio. "Historia de una alianza política : el Partido socialista de Chile y el Partido demócrata cristiano, 1973-1988 /". Santiago : Ed. Chile América : Centro de estudios del desarrollo, 1992. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37452664f.
8
Raniolo, Francesco. "A rereading of the types of parties. Strategies, links and transformations". Politai, 2013. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/91688.
Abstract (sommario):
Political parties are topics well known to women and men of the XXI century that live in both democratic and authoritarian regimes. Even though political parties originally emerged in order to represent people’s claims and to organize popular participation, today they seem to be relegated to the «Palace» or places where political power can be found. They have weak social roots, but exert a wide control of the State. This article retraces the parabola of political parties, highlighting their nature as complex organizations. Parties have to face four «organizational problems» related to: internal participation, organizational structure, mobility of resources and relations with their environment (strategic problem). Generally, parties adopt strategies to maximize their votes, presence in office and policy seeking, or their mix. These strategies usually affect the ways to face and eventually solve other organizational problems. The same historical party types will be examined through the analysis of these external and internal organizational problems.Apreciados o no, lo cierto es que los partidos se han vuelto un asunto familiar para las mujeres y los hombres del siglo XXI, así hayan vivido en regímenes democráticos o autoritarios. Los partidos políticos nacieron para representar las demandas procedentes de abajo y para orga- nizar la participación popular. Sin embargo, hoy en día parecen estar relegados en el «Palacio»; es decir, en los sitios de poder político. A pesar de tener un débil arraigo social, tienen un gran alcance en términos de control del Estado. Este artículo propone una relectura de la parábola de los partidos políticos resaltando su carácter de organizaciones complejas. Estos partidos, en realidad, tienen que afrontar cuatro «problemas organizativos» relacionados con la participación interna, la articulación organizativa, la movilización de los recursos fundamentales y las relacio- nes con el entorno (problema estratégico). En general, las estrategias que los partidos utilizan en relación con su entorno (task environment) pueden ser vote, office y policy seeking o su mezcla, y en general influyen en las maneras en las que se afrontan y, eventualmente, resuelven los otros problemas organizativos. Los mismos tipos históricos de partido se explican a través del análisis de estos problemas organizativos internos y externos.
9
Bourgeois, David Y. "The Politics and Values of Individualists and Collectivists: A Cross-Cultural Comparison". Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2002. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/BourgeoisDY2002.pdf.
10
Pais, Tiago Igrejas. "Existe alguma relação entre taxa de IMI e a cor política no poder?" Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/10718.
Abstract (sommario):
Mestrado em Decisão Económica e EmpresarialExiste alguma relação entre a taxa de IMI e cor política no poder? A presente dissertação insere-se no estudo da influência das diferentes forças partidária sobre a taxa de IMI. Em particular é testado o impacto dos partidos que foram democraticamente eleitos para presidir câmaras municipais com as doutrinas e convicções que os diferenciam, sobre a taxa de IMI e se é possível chegar a alguns consensos estatisticamente significativos sobre a influência dessas doutrinas nas taxas de IMI. Pretende-se também, avaliar a ideia de que partidos de direita têm uma política de impostos menos elevados que os partidos de esquerda. Para tal são testados modelos econométricos que permitem aferir a influência da cor política na taxa de IMI, verificando a possível existência de diferenças na taxa de IMI caso o partido no poder autárquico seja de esquerda ou de direita, mantendo todos as outras variáveis constantes.
Is it any relation between property taxes and political parties in power? This dissertation fits the theme power of political party and is intended to study the relation with property taxes. Particularly its tests the impact of the parties that have been democratically elected to chair municipalities, with doctrines and beliefs that differentiate on the property taxes. It is also intended to analyze the idea that right-wing parties have a less tax policy than left parties. So econometric models will be tested that allow assess the influence of political color in property taxes, by checking the possible existence of differences rate of property taxes if the party in local government is left-wing party or right-wind party, keeping all other variables constant.
11
Allen, Nathan Wallace. "Diversity, patronage and parties: parties and party system change in Indonesia". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/43738.
Abstract (sommario):
The dissertation asks why some political systems have many parties and others only a few. Existing research on regime survival confirms that an excess of parties can generate regime instability. Because party systems affect key political outcomes, institutional engineers have sought to tweak electoral systems in order to produce favourable patterns of political competition. In particular, institutional designers in diverse states have attempted to curtail party system expansion by banning ethnically-based parties. Despite the growing popularity of such techniques, analysts know little about how these institutions work in practice.
To address this issue, the dissertation explores a puzzle from the Indonesian case: the number of effective political parties in an electoral district strongly correlates with ethnic diversity, yet there is a de-facto prohibition of ethnic parties. Established theories linking ethnic diversity and party system size assume both the existence of ethnic parties and clear patterns of ethnic voting. However, neither one is present in the Indonesian case.
The dissertation demonstrates that ethnic diversity has an indirect effect on party systems. It generates sub-national rent-seeking opportunities, a combination of high state involvement in the economy and weak constraints prohibiting the abuse of state resources for personal and political gain. In diverse electoral districts, the livelihoods of voters and elites are tightly linked to the control of the state. Elites have more opportunities to engage in rent-seeking behavior, affecting the way they participate in the political sphere. First, the opportunity to manipulate state resources draws elites into the electoral arena, increasing the number of viable candidates. Second, the intense focus on local goods distribution diminishes the value of national party platforms, allowing candidates to pursue political office under minor party labels. Third, voter demands for particularistic goods distribution lead them to disregard party labels and form tight patron-client linkages with candidates. The electoral consequence of these three phenomena is the expansion of the vote attained by minor parties, which act as vehicles of convenience for locally oriented rent-seeking networks. In high diversity / high rent electoral districts, the expansion of the vote attained by the minor parties fragments the party system.
12
Prado, Bringas Rafael, e Valencia Orestes Francisco Zegarra. "Joinder and Intervention of Third Parties in the Civil Proceeding: Searching a New Approach". IUS ET VERITAS, 2017. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/123597.
Abstract (sommario):
This article addresses the treatment of the joinder and the intervention of third parties in the Civil Procedure Code. The authors examines the procedural institutions for try provide the right interpretation of the procedure rules concerning to the material and get a true effective jurisdictional protection.El presente artículo aborda el tratamiento que da el Código Procesal Civil al litisconsorcio e intervención de terceros. Los autores examinan las instituciones procesales para intentar brindar una correcta interpretación de las normas procesales referentes a la materia y, así conseguir una verdadera tutela jurisdiccional efectiva.
13
Barber, Stephen D. "How parties behave : the role of strategy in contemporary British political parties". Thesis, London Metropolitan University, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.426601.
14
Vitkūnaitė, Eglė. "Politinių partijų finansavimas Lietuvoje". Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2009. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2008~D_20090908_194053-59173.
Abstract (sommario):
Šiame magistro darbe atskleidžiama diskutuotina ir nemažai problemų kelianti politinių partijų finansavimo teisinio reglamentavimo pusė bei tiriamas tokio reguliavimo efektyvumas. Magistro darbo tikslas pateikti objektyvią politinių partijų finansavimo Lietuvoje analizę, kas galbūt pasitarnautų kuriant ir priimant naujus teisės aktus politinio finansavimo srityje. Autorė, aptardama Lietuvoje ir užsienio šalyse susiklosčiusią praktiką, pateikia konkrečių aplinkybių, susijusių su politiniu finansavimu, analizę ir siūlymus. Šiame magistro darbe ieškoma atsakymų į klausimus, iškilusius analizuojant tokias pagrindines sritis: kaip užtikrinti skaidrumą politinių partijų finansinėje veikloje? Kokios reikalingos prielaidos, kad teisinis reguliavimas būtų efektyvus? Kokio lygmens valstybinis finansavimas užtikrintų paramą politinėms partijoms? Kadangi yra studijuojami teisės aktai, reglamentuojantys politinių partijų finansavimą, šiame magistro darbe siekiama išsiaiškinti politinių partijų svarbą demokratinėje valstybėje bei pagrįsti tokių partijų finansinės veiklos teisinio reglamentavimo tikslingumą. Tai leidžia suprasti teisės aktų, reguliuojančių politinį finansavimą Lietuvoje, siekius bei išsiaiškinti, kokios problemos kliudo pasiekti šiuos tikslus. Pagrindinės problemos Lietuvoje, visų pirma, apima politinių partijų finansinės kontrolės ir finansavimo skaidrumo trūkumus, antra, politinių partijų nesąžiningą konkurenciją ir finansinius barjerus, trukdančius tokiam sąžiningumui... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]This master‘s paper uses controversial issue of party financing as an example to explore the effectiveness of a particular regulation. The aim of the paper is to give an objective overview of the issue of political party financing in Lithuania that may be worth while elaborating and before adopting new regulations in this sphere. Author discusses the situation in Lithuania and other countries thus giving the analysis and recommendations for particular circumstances of party finance in country. In this master’s paper main further-used concepts are analysed, looking for answers to questions like: how to ensure the transparency of the funding of political parties? What are the preconditions for regulation to be effective? How far should public funding be used to support political parties? As legislation on financing of political parties is studied, the master’s paper searches for main ideas about political parties and the notion what is the aim of financing regulation. Consequently, the answer allows formulating the aim and objectives of party finance regulations introduced in Lithuania, and seeing the main problems obstructing the reaching of the aim. The present problems in Lithuania include, first, lack of control and transparency, second, unfairness in political struggle, and financial barriers to enter it, third, threat of corruption and illegal influences of sponsors, fourth, violation of limitations and restrictions, and finally, fall-off in public trust of political... [to full text]
15
Jacobina, André Teixeira. "Clivagens partidárias: ARENA e MDB baianos em tempos de distensão (1974-1979)". reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFBA, 2010. http://www.repositorio.ufba.br/ri/handle/ri/11757.
Abstract (sommario):
173f.Submitted by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná (dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-06-06T19:08:25Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação André Teixeira Jacobina.pdf: 790823 bytes, checksum: 4c19b29430c3a2ab5034f2807306f744 (MD5)
Approved for entry into archive by Ana Portela(anapoli@ufba.br) on 2013-06-07T17:22:56Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação André Teixeira Jacobina.pdf: 790823 bytes, checksum: 4c19b29430c3a2ab5034f2807306f744 (MD5)
Made available in DSpace on 2013-06-07T17:22:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação André Teixeira Jacobina.pdf: 790823 bytes, checksum: 4c19b29430c3a2ab5034f2807306f744 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010
O tema dessa dissertação pertence ao estudo da história política e se situa no contexto da “distensão e abertura política no Brasil”. Nesse contexto analisamos as clivagens partidárias existentes na Arena e no MDB baianos, bem como a relação entre esses partidos. Para esse fim destacamos os discursos e debates dos deputados estaduais na Assembléia Legislativa. Analisamos também os períodos que antecedem as eleições de 1974, 1976 e 1978, os resultados eleitorais e a sua repercussão ou relação com as divisões partidárias. Buscamos, assim, traçar um perfil não propriamente dos líderes políticos baianos, mas sim dos seus grupos partidários, distinguindo as características das divisões do MDB e da Arena, além de narrar o processo que antecede a reorganização institucional ocorrida em 1979, com o final do bipartidarismo. The theme of this dissertation belongs to the study of political history and is situated in the context of "distension and opening policy in Brazil”. In this context we analyze the partisan divisions that exist in the Arena and the MDB Bahia, and the relationship between these parties. To this end we emphasize the speeches and debates of state representatives in the Legislative Assembly. We also analyze the periods prior to the elections of 1974, 1976 and 1978, the elections results and its impact or relation to partisan divisions. We seek, therefore, not exactly to draw a profile of political leaders from Bahia but of their party groups, distinguishing the characteristics of MDB and Arena divisions, as well as narrating the historical process prior to the institutional reorganization occurred in 1979, with the end of bipartisanship.
Salvador
16
Wolkenstein, Fabio. "Deliberative democracy within parties". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3365/.
Abstract (sommario):
Political parties serve a number of vital functions in representative democracies. Connecting citizens to government is perhaps the most important one. This is how parties were traditionally conceived, and it continues to be the main standard according to which their legitimacy as representative institutions is evaluated. In recent times, observers have noted a growing disconnect between citizens and parties. Parties have gradually transformed from agents that mediate between state and civil society to agents of the state. This sits uncomfortably with the ideal of parties as connectors of citizens and government. How can their capacity to perform this function be restored? This thesis seeks to offer a new answer to this question. Its main argument is that to revitalise their capacity to connect citizens and government, parties need to become more internally democratic, and that they need to become more internally democratic in a particular way, namely more internally deliberative. By this is meant that parties need to strengthen channels of communication from the bottom up and avail themselves of their internal deliberative resources: of the partisans on the ground, who deliberate over the demands of their community in local party branches. The theoretical part of the thesis proposes a model—called a “deliberative model of intraparty democracy”—showing how these traditional sites of partisanship can be empowered. The empirical part of the thesis then asks whether such a model can be realised in real-world parties. The main focus is here on the deliberative capacity of organised party members, which is likely the first target of scepticism. I examine three questions, drawing on the findings of a small-scale study of deliberation in party branches in Social Democratic parties in Germany and Austria: (1) Do party branches provide favourable preconditions for deliberation? (2) Are the political discussions in the branches “deliberative”, in the sense that they are marked by respectful exchanges of reasons? (3) When does intra-party deliberation fail? Though mainly indicative, the analysis of the empirical material suggests that party members do possess the deliberative capacity required to realise a deliberative model of intra-party democracy, and that possible deliberative deficiencies can be countervailed using simple institutional fixes. In light of this, the thesis concludes that making parties more internally deliberative in order to reconnect citizens with government is well within reach.
17
Brekoulakis, Stavros L. "Arbitration and third parties". Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2008. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/1504.
Abstract (sommario):
Modern international transactions have become extremely complicated, requiring the participation of several parties for the delivery of large-scale projects. However. multiparty commercial projects are invariably executed through several bilateral contracts providing for bilateral dispute resolution arrangements. Some of the contracts might include a jurisdiction clause, certain others might provide for arbitration, while others may not contain any dispute resolution provisions at all. This practice leads to "jurisdictional fragmentation of the multiparty commercial project" where the several parties of a single business plan will fall under the jurisdiction of different adjudicatory fora. Thus. a dispute arising between two persons bound by an arbitration agreement in connection with the multiparty project will have to be resolved exclusively by arbitration between these two parties. Other persons cannot take part in the resolution of the dispute, even if they play an active role in the actual business project. and thus have an interest in the outcome of the dispute. These persons will remain third parties, both to the arbitration agreement and the arbitral award. This study focuses on the role and the interests of the wide group of third parties exhibiting an interest in the dispute pending before a tribunal between two genuine parties. The thesis, in particular, examines whether arbitration agreements can affect persons which are not contractually bound by these agreements. In addition, the thesis explores whether arbitral awards can affect persons that have not participated in the arbitration proceedings The thesis challenges the prevailing contractual approach to the issue of arbitration, focusing exclusively on the contractual characteristics of arbitration ag eements. According to this view, the main question is whether a non-signatory can be contractually bound by an arbitration agreement. The study demonstrates that focusing exclusively on the contractual nature of arbitration agreements obscures the real issue here, which is whether arbitration agreements may have any jurisdictional implications vis-a-vis `third parties'. Accordingly, the thesis takes a jurisdictional approach, and argues that the discussion should be focused on the dispute and on any implications this may have to third parties, rather than on the requirement of consent to arbitration agreements. Regarding the effect of arbitral awards on third parties, the thesis argues for a third-party effect of arbitral awards specially designed for the needs of international arbitration. More specifically, the case is made for the application of an arbitral effect different from that of res judicata, both in terms of quality and intensity, but that is nevertheless conclusive. It is also suggested that the third party effect of an arbitral award should be analogous to the degree of substantive association between the genuine and the false third parties. This is consistent with the basic premise of the whole thesis: the relations between several parties, in terms of jurisdiction and more generally in arbitration procedure, should correspond to the extent of association between those parties, in terms of substantive rights, interests and liability.
18
Delwit, Pascal. "Analyse comparée de l'évolution des positions des partis socialistes belge et français, et du parti travailliste britannique envers la construction européenne: 1950-1993". Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/212743.
19
Wilson, Kenneth. "Russia's political parties : party-system development and the 2001 law 'On political parties'". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.423333.
20
Russell, Eric Duane. "Issue Co-optation: A Historical Account of the Agenda-Setting Role of Minor Parties in the American Two-Party System". Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1218704282.
21
Villela, Renata Rocha. "Partidos políticos e regulamentação: limites e benefícios da legislação partidária no Brasil". Universidade de São Paulo, 2014. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2134/tde-20012015-135440/.
Abstract (sommario):
Dentre as instituições democráticas, os partidos políticos são as que gozam de menor confiança e prestígio perante a sociedade. Ainda assim, levando em consideração o papel essencial que desempenham no processo político democrático, o objetivo deste trabalho é analisar como o Direito pode contribuir para o fortalecimento dos partidos políticos brasileiros e para a reversão do atual quadro de descrença. Com esse escopo, o primeiro capítulo tratará da evolução histórica das agremiações que atuaram no cenário político nacional e da legislação partidária elaborada em cada período, a fim de identificar as origens dos problemas enfrentados atualmente e em que medida as leis já elaboradas foram suficientes para conter os desvios. Em seguida, o segundo capítulo, discorrerá sobre as principais funções exercidas pelos partidos nas arenas eleitoral e legislativa, bem como sobre a estrutura e funcionamento interno dos três maiores partidos nacionais, por meio da leitura dos seus Estatutos, com o intuito de apreender as falhas e êxitos resultantes de sua atuação. No terceiro capítulo, serão abordados o fenômeno da desconfiança e seus efeitos sobre a democracia, bem como o papel das leis na correção dos desvios, tomando como exemplo seu desempenho em outras áreas do Direito. Após, passaremos à análise dos entraves impostos à legislação partidária no Brasil, em especial a tutela excessiva da autonomia partidária. Por fim, tendo a legislação estrangeira como referência, faremos algumas sugestões com o intuito de aprimorar a atuação dos partidos políticos pátrios. Consciente de que o Direito não tem condições de resolver isoladamente as mazelas que assolam o sistema partidário brasileiro, cujas raízes estão profundamente fincadas na sociedade, esse trabalho procurará demonstrar que a Ciência Jurídica pode, ao menos, dar início às mudanças necessárias, seja incentivando os comportamentos corretos, seja proibindo e punindo os comportamentos desviadosEven though the political parties are the less prestigious and credible amongst democratic institutions, due to its unique role in the democratic political process this thesis aims to analyze how Law can contribute to the strengthening of the Brazilian political parties and to the regain of its credibility. Having this into account, the first chapter will examine the parties historical evolution on the Brazilian political scenario along with the related legislation of each period, focusing on identifying the origins of the currently problems and the role of the legislation on solving them. Afterwards, the second chapter will discuss the main functions of the political parties on the legislative and electoral arenas and the internal structure of the three main Brazilian political parties, trying to focus on the flaws and achievements of their performance. The third chapter will study the trust issues between political parties and their voters along with its effects on democracy and the role of the legislation on political parties, in comparison to its performance on the other legal areas. After this, it will be analyzed the barriers imposed to the Brazilian legislation on political parties, especially the excessive supervision of party autonomy. Finally, taking the foreign legislation as a reference, some suggestions will be made in order to improve the Brazilian political parties performance. Considering that Law, on its own, is unable to solve the Brazilian political parties issues, this paper aims to demonstrate that the importance of Legal Science is to initiate the necessary chances, stimulating proper behavior or punishing improper demeanor.
22
Blew, Dennis Jan. "The Europeanization of Political Parties: A Study of Political Parties in Poland 2009-2014". PDXScholar, 2015. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2567.
Abstract (sommario):
On May 1st 2004, Poland entered the European Union (EU), introducing new variables into the domestic politics of the Polish Republic. Since gaining its independence from Soviet control in 1989, Poland’s political landscape can be described as a dynamic and ever changing force towards democratic maturation. With the accession of Poland to the EU, questions of European integration and Europeanization have arisen, most specifically with how these two processes effect and shape the behaviors of domestic political actors.
With Poland entering its second decade of EU membership, this study attempts to explain how, and if, further European integration has had any effect on the Europeanization of political parties in Poland. Building upon the work of various scholars, most notably Aleks Szczerbiak, this study examines the years 2009-2014, and examines Poland’s political parties through Robert Ladrech’s framework of Europeanization.
23
Günal, Erdoğan. "Türkiye'de seçim sistemlerinin siyasal kurumlar üzerindeki etkileri". Ankara : Turhan kitabevi, 2005. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb40152666r.
24
Silva, Carlos Rogério Gonçalves da 1977. "O militante em cena : Gianfrancesco Guarnieri e Eles não usam black tie /". São Paulo, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/127946.
Abstract (sommario):
Orientador: Alexandre MateBanca: Rosangela Patriota
Banca: Lúcia Romano
Resumo: O texto de Eles não usam black tie foi concluído em 1956 e sua primeira encenação ocorreu dois anos depois no Teatro de Arena de São Paulo, causando sensação imediata entre o público e chamando a atenção de parte dos meios intelectuais e acadêmicos. O protagonismo de uma família carioca operária, pobre e favelada era uma novidade bem-vinda ao cenário teatral brasileiro, assim como as inovadoras técnicas de representação em arena. Os anos 1950 fervilhavam politicamente com a conturbada sucessão de Getulio Vargas e a euforia coletiva advinda do nacional-desenvolvimentismo de Juscelino Kubitschek. O Partido Comunista do Brasil (PCB) tentava reorganizar-se diante dos desafios internos e do cataclismo vindo de fora: as denúncias de Nikita Kruschev em relação aos crimes perpetrados sob ordens de Josef Stálin. A década também foi marcada pela introdução em terras brasileiras do épico brechtiano e por um intenso debate sobre o papel político da dramaturgia nacional. Até que ponto a militância política e a sensibilidade dramatúrgica de Gianfrancesco Guarnieri sofrem tais influências? O texto Eles não usam black tie pode ser pensado como uma fonte histórica privilegiada a dialogar com a conjuntura política e estética em que foi elaborada? A militância política do autor surge em uma relação dialética com as diretrizes do PCB, os princípios do drama burguês e do épico brechtiano, em um texto embebido dos dilemas e contradições do Populismo
Abstract: The play Eles não usam black tie (They don't wear black tie) was finished in 1956. Its first performance occurred two years later in Arena Theatre in São Paulo, causing immediate impact in the public and catching intellectual and academic circles attention. The protagonism of a poor labor family in Rio de Janeiro was a welcome innovation to the Brazilian theatrical scenario, as well as the innovative techniques of performing in arena. In the fifties, the political environment was agitated over the difficult succession of Getulio Vargas and the collective euphoria coming from the national-development plan of Juscelino Kubitschek. The Communist Party of Brazil (PCB) was trying the reorganize itself in the face of internal challenges and crisis coming from outside: the speech delivered by Nikita Kruschev denouncing Stalin's crimes in the Soviet Union. This decade was also important for the introduction of brechtian epic theatre and for an intense debate over the political role of national dramaturgy. To which extent the political militancy and the dramaturgic sensibility of Gianfrancesco Guarnieri were affected by those influences? Can the play Eles não usam black tie be thought as a privileged historical source to dialogue with the political and esthetic conjuncture in which it was conceived? It can be observed a dialectical relation between Guarnieri's political militancy and the guidelines given by PCB at the time, the principles of bourgeois drama and the brechtian epic theatre in a text full of dilemmas and contradictions of Populism.
Mestre
25
Shirk, David A. "Democratization and party-building : the growing pains of Mexico's National Action Party /". Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p9975037.
26
McGovern, Clare. "Separatist parties in central parliaments". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/54535.
Abstract (sommario):
This dissertation examines separatist political parties who compete in central elections and sit in central legislatures, focusing on the Scottish National Party, the 19th-century Irish Parliamentary Party and the Bloc Québécois. These cases represent an intriguing paradox: politicians who engage with the very institutions they wish to leave, using the existing political system to make a case for exit. Contrary to previous scholarly work on anti-system parties, my findings suggest that separatists do not always attack the political system. Indeed, they sometimes participate actively in institutions, despite being fundamentally opposed to the current constitutional set-up. These parties vary their electoral and legislative behaviour over time, in response to the potential for self-government and the structure of electoral competition. When self-government is taken off the immediate political agenda (for example after a failed referendum) I find that parties get more involved in parliamentary activities at the statewide level, beginning to use the legislature as a platform for their region's grievances. When self-government is imminent, separatists only participate in parliament if they are pivotal and therefore able to bargain over the terms of self-government. In election campaigns, separatists do not always focus on their region's grievances and their desire for independence. Grieving occurred most frequently when the separatist party was competing with the government party, as it was in its electoral interest to paint a negative picture of the region's fortunes, blaming this on the electoral rival. However, when competing with the official opposition party, separatists campaigned as the region's champion in the central legislature, claiming credit for services that their region has received. In doing so, they tacitly supported the constitutional status quo, arguing that their region can prosper in the existing system.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
27
Grosse, Ingrid. "Political parties and welfare associations". Doctoral thesis, Umeå : Department of Sociology, Umeå University, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-1466.
28
Chinkin, Christine. "Third parties in international law /". Oxford : Clarendon Press, 1993. http://www.gbv.de/dms/spk/sbb/recht/toc/277409462.pdf.
29
Poulet, Laurent. "Transaction et protection des parties /". Paris : L.G.D.J, 2005. http://www.gbv.de/dms/spk/sbb/recht/toc/506829855.pdf.
30
Kim, Jongcheol. "Constitutionalising political parties in Britain". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1998. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1510/.
Abstract (sommario):
Although Britain has developed a reasonably successful model of party democracy, there is little legal recognition of political parties in the constitutional order. My hypothesis is that the legal status of political parties relates to deep-seated political and social theories subsisting in British society. Britain's self-regulating political parties still adhere to the liberal theory of parliamentary democracy. However, there is increasing dissatisfaction with this status quo, which tends to ignore the pluralist reality. Therefore, demands are now being made for the creation of a new theory of democracy and for a range of constitutional reforms which such a theory requires. I propose to adopt a model of double democratisation which implies a refocusing of the liberal distinction between state and society. This model develops an equilibrium between state and society within a constitutional framework which can be called 'constitutionalised democratic autonomy'. I seek to argue that all agencies of power should be regulated within a constitutional framework which allows public scrutiny of the political system as a whole while affording, on the one hand, the greatest measure of freedom to civil society and, on the other, parity of autonomy to the state. The fact that political parties now play a powerful role within the state adds additional urgency to the task of reformulating the democratic agenda. In connecting a new perspective on political parties to the reformulated theory of democracy, the dual relationship of political parties to the state and civil society, i.e., their character both as a social sphere and as a political sphere, will be stressed. Based on these theoretical arguments, this dissertation critically analyses British law relating to political parties and maintains that there is a need for the legal institutionalisation of political parties. It discusses various possibilities for the constitutionalisation of political parties, which are envisaged to encourage in a balanced way inter- and intra-party democracy. This constitutionalisation will require, inter alia, (a) intra-party democracy, (b) electoral reform and (c) the juridification of the financial affairs of political parties. This dissertation concludes that the constitutionalisation of political parties is part and parcel of the modernisation of the British political system in the direction of correcting a divergence between the pluralist reality and the liberal constitutional ideal.
31
Margulies, William Benjamin. "Liberal parties and party systems". Thesis, University of Essex, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.654481.
Abstract (sommario):
Nagel and Wlezien (2010) found that the Liberal Democrats in Britain tended to gain votes when the Conservatives moved to the right on the left-right spectrum, and the Labour Party moved to the left. They also found that, as the Liberal Democrats gained votes, they pushed the Conservatives to the right, but not Labour. Nagel and Wlezien took their left-right measurements from the Comparative Manifesto Project (CMP) This thesis studies whether these phenomena occur cross-nationally across other advanced democracies. Using a dataset of 26 established wealthy democracies, mainly long-term members of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, this work measures whether increased distance between conservative and social democratic parties benefits parties in the liberal party family. The thesis finds that the dynamics that Nagel and Wlezien observed in Great Britain appear in other democracies more generally. It also finds that liberal party strength pushes conservatives farther to the right (which Nagel and Wlezien found in Britain) and social democrats farther to the left (which was not the case in Britain). The work also tests how more general measures of polarization impact liberal parties, finding either no impact or an unexpected negative association. Finally, the work concluded with an examination of the role of some liberal parties as players in the postmaterialist arena, and provides a qualitative study of some new parties which are being or which may be classified as liberal.
32
Poulet, Laurent. "Transaction et protection des parties". Paris 2, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004PA020020.
33
Rozan, Sophie Bobin-Dubigeon Christine. "Raves-parties et substances consommées". [S.l.] : [s.n.], 2004. http://theses.univ-nantes.fr/thesemed/PHrozan.pdf.
34
Moreno, Erika. "Small parties in Latin America". Diss., The University of Arizona, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/290602.
Abstract (sommario):
Empirical research on political parties has shed light on many aspects of party organization and behavior. Unfortunately, there is a great deal that we do not know about small parties, especially in presidential systems. I take a two-pronged approach to studying small parties in Latin America's presidential regimes. First, I examine the factors that impact the election of small parties across Latin America's democratic regimes from 1980 to 1998, accounting for both institutional and cultural factors. Next, I move toward an examination of the representation and governance roles that small parties play in three carefully selected presidential democracies: Chile, Colombia, and Venezuela. Since small parties are rarely studied, it is unclear what, if any, impact they have on the representativeness of the political system. Small parties may act as promoters of new policies which reside outside the boundaries of traditionally dominant parties. This may mean identifying with issues that are important to those sectors of society that have been ignored (e.g. minority rights) or representing new issues that cut across sectors of society (e.g. decentralization). Alternatively, they may promote mainstream issues, or they may have no substantive policy import (acting primarily as personalistic vehicles). With respect to governance roles, they may play an important supportive role in major party coalitions. Indeed, their coalition behavior may substantively impact the legitimacy of the system by supporting minority governments.
35
Gardner, Mark J. "Restructuring social bargains : the politics of trade and labor policy in the US Democrats and British Labour /". Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10770.
36
Westlake, Daniel Jesse. "Multiculturalism and political parties : exploring the positions that parties take and their influence on policy". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/62130.
Abstract (sommario):
Global migration and the rise of far-right parties have increased the importance of political debates surround multiculturalism. These two forces pull parties in competing directions. On one hand, migration increases the number of ethnic minority voters in countries, increasing the pressure on parties to support multiculturalism. As ethnic minorities become a larger portion of the electorate, parties have a greater incentive to respond to their interests. On the other hand, the emergence of far-right parties places pressure on parties to oppose multiculturalism as parties try to prevent anti-multicultural voters from defecting. This dissertation maps the development of multiculturalism over time, examines parties’ influence over policy adoption, and ethnic minorities’ and far-right parties’ influence over mainstream party positions. It includes three sets of findings. First, multiculturalism policies are subject to path dependence. Second, parties influence policy adoption but only when there is cross-party support for policy adoption, with mainstream right parties having a particularly important effect on adoption. Third, parties respond to the competing pressures of ethnic minorities and far-right parties. Increases in ethnic minority electoral strength increase mainstream parties’ support of multiculturalism, but only in single member district electoral systems, while the emergence of far-right parties decreases it. Both of these factors have a particularly powerful affect on mainstream right parties.
The dissertation employs a mix of cross-country and single country analysis. Cross-country analysis establishes trends in policy development, parties’ impact on policy, and ethnic minorities’ and far-right parties’ influence over mainstream parties. It analyzes data from 21 industrialized countries using descriptive statistics, time-series cross-section regression, and Cox proportional hazard models in order to establish broadly generalizable trends in policy development and parties’ influence over policy. The dissertation then conducts detailed case analysis focusing on Canada and the Netherlands. Analysis of Canada demonstrates the impact of ethnic minority pressure and electoral systems on party positions. Analysis of the Netherlands demonstrates the impact that far-right parties are having on mainstream parties.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
37
Kekelekis, Mihail K. "An analysis of the rights of notifying parties and third parties in EC merger proceedings". Thesis, University of Essex, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.343567.
38
Hanry-Knop, Diana. "Trois partis verts latino-américains en perspective comparée avec les pays européens. Concurrence avec la gauche et stratégies de démarcation". Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015USPCA194.
Abstract (sommario):
Le Partido Verde brésilien, le Partido Ecologista chilien et le Proyecto Sur argentin sont des partis politiques appartenant à la mouvance des partis verts ou de tendance écologiste. Ils constituent, dans leurs pays respectifs, des forces politiques nouvelles, qui entendent se distinguer par l’affirmation d’une identité particulière, fondée sur la place centrale accordée à la protection de l’environnement et au développement durable ainsi que sur la volonté de « faire de la politique autrement ». Si les membres de ces partis estiment ainsi se démarquer de la gauche, ils s’en rapprochent néanmoins par les idées qu’ils défendent en matière sociétale, mais aussi en matière économique et sociale. Ils participent ainsi au mouvement plus vaste de recomposition de la gauche et se trouvent en concurrence avec les autres forces de gauche, dont ils partagent l’électorat. Ces trois partis ont émergé, dans un contexte de renouvellement démocratique, en lien avec les acteurs de la société civile. Ils continuent à entretenir des liens étroits avec le monde associatif, syndical et artistique. Leur organisation est fondée sur un modèle basé sur des principes démocratiques tels que le pluralisme, la représentativité, la territorialité. Néanmoins, comme leurs homologues d’Europe occidentale et d’Europe centrale et orientale, ils font face à la difficulté de mettre effectivement ces principes en œuvre dans leur fonctionnement quotidien et sont confrontés à un phénomène de concentration du pouvoir à la tête du parti. Si le Partido Eccologista chilien, le Partido Verde brésilien et le Proyecto Sur argentin ont chacun su occuper un espace jusqu’alors vacant sur la scène politique de leur pays respectif, leurs perspectives d’évolution et de développement demeurent incertainesThe Partido Verde from Brazil, the Partido Ecologista from Chile and the Proyecto Sur from Argentina are political parties belonging to the movement of green or ecologist parties. They represent, in each country, new political forces which aim at differentiating themselves through a particular identity, built on the focus on sustainable development and the strong will to do politics in a new fashion. Members of those three political parties believe they are apart from left-wing activists. Nevertheless, they do share similar ideas, regarding societal issues, as well as economic and social questions. These parties appeared in a particular context, influenced by democratic renewal, in connection with civil society activists. They continue to keep strong ties with associations, unions, and artistic movements. Their organisation is based on democratic principles such as pluralism, representativeness and territoriality. However, like their European counterparts, they have trouble applying these principles in actual fact. They also face the issue of monopolized power by party leaders. The Partido Verde, the Partido Ecologista and the Proyecto Sur were able to fill a political vacuum in their respective countries, yet their prospects in terms of electoral success remain uncertain
39
Scherlis, Gerardo. "Presidents and parties in Latin America: the exceptionality of peronism in the Latin American context". Politai, 2013. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/91944.
Abstract (sommario):
Political parties have ceased fulfilling substantial representative functions. Their legitimacy lies now on their role as governmental agencies. This led to an increasing interpenetration between parties and the states, and to the empowerment of those leaders that occupy executive offices. In the Latin American context these features are particularly intense in the case of ruling parties in countries where traditional parties collapsed or suffered significant brand dilution. In these cases the president controls the ruling party, while the «really existent» party organization is built up on the basis of networks recruited by the elected leader to run the government. The central argument of this article is that Peronism is the sole political force which has managed to adapt successfully to the conditions of electoral competition in contemporary Argentina. The president´s autonomy in terms of public policies´ in relation to a political machine sustained on the basis of the control of sub-national states makes it possible to disentangle the legitimacy of the party from that of its current national leadership. This scheme provides Peronism with a successful self-preservation mechanism, which is exceptional in the Latin American context.Los partidos políticos han dejado de cumplir funciones representativas significativas para legitimarse a partir de su rol como agencias de gobierno. Esto ha implicado la creciente inter- penetración entre partidos y estados, así como la concentración de recursos en los líderes que ocupan cargos ejecutivos. En el contexto latinoamericano, estas características alcanzan mayor intensidad en los partidos de gobierno de países en los que se ha producido el colapso o la dilu- ción del valor de la etiqueta de los partidos tradicionales. En estos casos, el presidente controla al partido de gobierno, mientras la estructura partidaria realmente existente se constituye sobre la base de las redes reclutadas por el líder electo para el ejercicio del gobierno.El argumento central del artículo consiste en que el peronismo es la única fuerza política que ha logrado adaptarse exitosamente a las condiciones de la competencia electoral en la Argentina contemporánea. La autonomía del presidente en términos de orientación de políticas públicas frente a una máquina partidaria sostenida sobre la base del control de los estados subnacionales hace posible escindir la legitimidad del partido respecto a la de su coyuntural liderazgo. Esto provee al peronismo de un exitoso mecanismo de preservación, excepcional en el contexto latinoamericano.
40
Fernández, Rubio Jorge Eliécer. "Cambio en la estructura organizacional de los partidos políticos, Bogotá, Colombia (1950-2010)". Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/667924.
Abstract (sommario):
La teoría de la interdependencia integra perspectivas multi-dimensionales, multi-causales y complejas a los métodos de estudio de las organizaciones de los partidos políticos. Propicia su estudio como unidades aisladas dentro de su ambiente. Pese a su crítica contra los métodos de investigación del sistema racional y del sistema natural, este proyecto de investigación es complementario de aquellos enfoques que asumen perspectivas de comprensión macro de las organizaciones de los partidos. Los métodos interdependientes permiten relacionar múltiples conceptos con fines de integración explicativa. Por ejemplo relacionan el “Análisis de las Tres Caras de los Partidos Políticos” (partido en el gobierno, partido en la oficina y partido entre actores sociales) y los Tipos Ideales de las organizaciones internas de los Partidos, TIPs (“Partido Burocrático de Masas”, “Partido Profesional Electoral” y “Partido Cartel”) para comprender la estabilidad y cambios de las Coaliciones Políticas Dominantes, CPD; la Institucionalización de las Estructuras Organizacionales Internas, IEO y los Tipos Ideales de Legitimación de las Zonas de Incertidumbre ZI como el conjunto de factores interdependientes que determinan los cambios de las estructuras de Partidos Políticos. Como resultado de la aplicación de estos conceptos al análisis histórico comparado de las dos organizaciones internas del partido liberal y conservador, Bogotá, 1950-2010, hoy se puede comprender mejor los sistemas de autoridad y las formas organizacionales en entornos locales como producto de un orden negociado en el que participan múltiples actores interesados.
41
Ferreira, André Lopes [UNESP]. "A unidade política das esquerdas no Uruguai: das primeiras experiências à Frente Ampla (1958-1973)". Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/103150.
Abstract (sommario):
Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:32:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0
Previous issue date: 2011-02-25Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:43:05Z : No. of bitstreams: 1
ferreira_al_me_assis.pdf: 2006885 bytes, checksum: 97d09e023549d8e319968442a6359223 (MD5)Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
A Frente Ampla (FA), fundada em 1971 como coalizão de partidos de esquerda e grupos políticos progressistas, encerrou com pelo menos uma década de discussões e tentativas de aproximação entre os partidos minoritários no Uruguai. Além disso, a nova força pôs fim ao histórico predomínio político-eleitoral dos partidos Nacional (Blanco) e Colorado. Desde meados dos anos 50, PCU (Partido Comunista do Uruguai) e PS (Partido Socialista) debatiam a questão da unidade, não chegando, porém, a nenhum acordo efetivo. A partir de 1962, experiências de unificação foram feitas por um e outro partido, mas nunca englobando todas as esquerdas. Mais tarde, no curso de 1968, a Democracia-Cristã (PDC) sugeriu criar uma grande aliança de oposição ao governo autoritário de Jorge Pacheco Areco, bem como uma alternativa democrática à luta armada dos Tupamaros, contudo, tal iniciativa não teve resultados imediatos. Após muitas polêmicas e extensas negociações durante 1970, comunistas, democrata cristãos, socialistas e setores desprendidos dos partidos majoritários, se uniram formando a Frente Ampla, culminando um longo processo de exigências, concessões e aprendizado político.
The Frente Ampla (FA), established in 1971 as a coalition of the left parties and the progressive political parties, ended with, at least, one decade of discussions and approaching attempts between the minority parties in Uruguay. Besides, the new power put an end to the historical political-electoral predominance of the parties Nacional (Blanco) and Colorado. Since the fifties, PCU (Uruguay´s Communist Party) and PS (Socialist Party) debated the unit issue, however, not coming to an agreement. Since 1962, experiences of unification were made by one and another party, but never joining all the left parties. Later on, in 1968, the Christian-Democracy (PDC) suggested forming a great opposition alliance to the authoritarian government of Jorge Pacheco Areco, as well as a democratic alternative to the armed conflict of Tupamaros, nevertheless such initiative didn´t have the immediate results. After a lot of controverse and extensive negotiations during 1970, communists, christian democrats, socialists and detached sections of the majority parties, got together forming the Frente Ampla, culminating in a long process of requirements, concessions and political learning.
42
Alparslan, Mine. "Les modes de gouvernement des partis politiques en Turquie : l’exemple du Parti de la justice et du développement (AK Parti) et le Parti républicain du peuple (CHP) (2001-2010)". Thesis, Paris 1, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA010316.
Abstract (sommario):
Malgré le poids considérable des structures internes des organisations partisanes dans la structuration du champ politique turc, l’analyse sociologique de celles-ci reste un terrain assez délaissé dans l’étude des partis turcs. La scène politique turque des années deux mille a été marquée par la prédominance de deux partis : d’une part, le Parti de la justice et du développement (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AK Parti) qui a remporté les élections de 3 novembre 2002 en obtenant 34,28% des voix juste un an après sa fondation ; et d’autre part, le Parti républicain du peuple (Cumulatrice Halk Partisi, CHP) – le premier parti politique de la période républicaine refondé en 1992 par Deniz Baykal – qui a réussi à siéger de nouveau à la Grande Assemblée nationale de Turquie (Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi, TBMM) avec 19, 39% des suffrages exprimés. Contrairement au nombre limité des recherches universitaires, les développements récents concernant les dynamiques internes des partis, tant au niveau national que local, font souvent l’objet d’articles des journalistes spécialisés sur les partis ou même apparaissent à la une de la presse nationale notamment en période de congrès ou d’élections législatives ou locales. Dans cette perspective, nous proposons de faire une analyse sociologique, d’une manière comparative, des organisations partisanes de l’AK Parti et du CHP pour mettre en perspective les modes de gouvernement des partis politiques en Turquie. Afin de procéder à une telle étude, il nous semble nécessaire de prendre en compte certains éléments historiques et constitutifs du phénomène partisan en Turquie. Nous proposons de faire le point sur ces éléments par l’intermédiaire d’un état des lieux des travaux sur les partis turcs à travers une mise en perspective théoriqueNo English summary available
43
Gish, Kathleen. "NATIVIST NOTIONS: THE EFFECTS OF ANTI-IMMIGRATION PARTIES ON MAINSTREAM CONSERVATIVE PARTIES IN WESTERN EUROPEAN DEMOCRACIES". UKnowledge, 2010. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/gradschool_theses/74.
Abstract (sommario):
This is an analysis of flank and shift effects in political sociology that focuses on anti-immigrant parties in eight European countries. In a positive radical flank effect the radical party makes the moderate and mildly-threatening parties look good. In turn, that moderate party then gains power or at least many of their ends. A negative radical flank effect occurs when the actual or perceived association of the moderate party with the radical party causes the moderate party to lose support. Radical shift effects are when the moderate or conservative party shifts its policy toward the radical direction. In this case, the radical party may become a coalition partner with the moderate or conservative party. And conservative or moderate shift is when the radical party shifts its policy toward a more moderate direction in order to assume power or court votes. The radical flank effects have some currency in the civil rights literature, but the other two effects have been largely ignored. This thesis shows that the radical shifts, radical flank, and moderate shift effects do have explanatory value in political sociology.
44
Freij, Martin, e Andreas Gartnell. "Political Parties in Social Media : A case study of political parties’ crisis management in social media". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för marknadsföring (MF), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-35242.
Abstract (sommario):
Title: Political Parties’ in Social Media - A case study of political parties’ crisis management in social media Introduction: The emergence of social media platforms has transformed how organizations communicate with stakeholders. The concept of social media is top of agenda for many business executives today. While some argue social media to provide unique opportunities for organizations, others argue the opposite. The rise of social media enables crises to escalate, implying that organizations need to have well-established crisis management strategies. In the Swedish election of 2014, social media is predicted to have enormous influence on the end result for the political parties. Prior to this thesis, no previous research has looked deeper into the context of crisis management in social media for political parties in Sweden. It is in the political context where this study contributes to the research area. Purpose: The aim of this paper is to investigate political parties’ crisis management in social media, using strategies developed for commercial organizations, and thereby contribute to the research of non-commercial organizations. Methodology: A triangulation method was used of semi structured interviews and archival analysis on four crises of political parties. Eight parties in the Swedish parliament where deliberately selected. However, only four of the parties, Socialdemokraterna (S), Sverigedemokraterna (SD), Vänsterpartiet (V) and Centerpartiet (C), had the possibility to participate in the study. Conclusion: (S), (V) and (C) all used both Facebook and Twitter as a crisis communication channel especially due to its speed and spread. However, (SD) did not use social media as crisis communication channel. The crisis management in social media of each party could improve immensely, however limited resources of employees and finance was found to be the main reasons holding the progress back. Conclusively, dialogue strategies and to some extent response strategies used by commercial organizations are indeed frequently used by political parties as well.
45
Ghosh, Sudaita. "Role of political parties in India : a study of the Indian national Congress and the left parties (1967-2000)". Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1308.
46
Hays, Bradley David. "Party with the court : political parties and the national judiciary in the creation, maintenance, and transformation of political orders /". College Park, Md. : University of Maryland, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/2884.
Abstract (sommario):
Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2005.Thesis research directed by: Government and Politics. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.
47
Lazzari, Eduardo Alves. "Por que os brasileiros não confiam em partidos políticos?" Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-25112016-134150/.
Abstract (sommario):
Esta pesquisa visa fornecer uma explicação para o quadro de ampla desconfiança em partidos políticos no Brasil. Mobilizando modelos culturalistas e racionalistas para entender esse fenômeno, o trabalho se inicia com uma discussão teórica sobre o lugar da desconfiança numa democracia representativa, passando para o debate pormenorizado de como a literatura tentou tratar do objeto dessa dissertação, nacional e internacionalmente. Por sua vez, os capítulos empíricos, fundamentados sobre testes de qui-quadrado, análises de correspondência e regressões logísticas ordinais, revelam os efeitos assimétricos das principais variáveis elencadas pela literatura, em que seu efeito negativo sobre a desconfiança é maior do que seu efeito positivo sobre a confiança. Argumenta-se que o quadro ilustra a consolidação de uma cultura de desconfiança em partidos políticos no Brasil, com consequências e importância incertas atualmente para a compreensão da intrincada relação entre partidos políticos e sociedade civil.This research aims to provide an explanation to the broad distrust in political parties in Brazil. Using culturalist and racionalist models to assess this phenomenon, this work starts with a theoretical discussion about the place that distrust has in a representative democracy, going through a detailed discussion on how the literature tried to study this dissertations object, nationally and internationally. The empirical chapters, grounded in chi-square tests, correspondence analysis, and ordinal logistic regressions, reveal asymmetric effects from the main variables brought out by the literature, where its negative effects on distrust are bigger than its positive effects on trust in political parties. It is argued that this scenario illustrates the consolidation of a culture of distrust in political parties in Brazil, with unknown consequences and importance for the comprehension of the intricate relation between political parties and civil society.
48
Vrânceanu, Alina. "Political parties' position and public opinion on immigration". Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/666993.
Abstract (sommario):
This PhD dissertation is interested in the mass-elite linkages in the context of the immigration issue. It examines, on the one hand, factors likely to influence party responsiveness to public opinion (bottom-up connection) and, on the other hand, the impact of party stances and policies on public preferences in this policy area (top-down connection). Two chapters are dedicated to analysing the bottom-up process. Here, I examine to what extent party characteristics and party system features influence the responsiveness of parties to public opinion on immigration. The third chapter analyses the degree to which individual attitudes toward immigration are influenced by party positions and by immigration policies and policy outcomes (top-down process). The results indicate that parties do not track changes over time in the preferences of their party supporters. There is weak evidence that mainstream parties and parties with low distinctiveness in their immigration-emphasis profile are more sensitive to temporal changes in the mean voter's preferences. In addition, mainstream parties tend to be more responsive to changes in public opinion and in the objective migration context when they face a strong radical right party. Finally, there is evidence of weak but predictable impacts of party positions and immigration policies on individual attitudes toward immigration.Esta tesis doctoral se centra en la conexión entre ciudadanos y elites en el tema de la inmigración. Esa cxamina, por un lado, factorcs que pueden influir en la reccptividad dc los partidos políticos hacia la opinión pública sobre el terna dc la inmigración (conexión bottom-up) y, por otro lado, el impacto dc los posicionamientos de Ios partidos políticos y de las políticas en materia de inmigración sobre las prefercncias de los ciudadanos en esta área (conexión top-down). Dos capítulos de la tesis se dedican al análisis del proceso bottom-up. Aquí, examino la medida en que las características de los partidos y de los sistemas de partidos influyen en la receptividad de los partidos políticos hacia la opinión pública sobre la inmigración. El tercer capítulo analiza la medida en que las actitudes individuales hacia la inmigración están influenciadas por los posicionamientos de los partidos políticos y por las políticas en temas de inmigración y sus resultados. Los resultados de los análisis empíricos sugieren que los partidos no son receptivos hacia los cambios a lo largo del tiempo en las preferencias de sus simpatizantes. Hay alguna evidencia, aunque débil, que los partidos 'mainstream' y los que tienen baja especificidad en términos de énfasis sobre temas de inmigración son más sensibles a los cambios temporales en las preferencias del votante mediano. Asimismo, los partidos 'mainstream' son más receptivos hacia los cambios en la opinión pública y en el contexto migratorio cuando compiten en contra de un partido fuerte de derecha radical. Finalmente, hay evidencia de impactos débiles pero predictibles de los posicionamientos de los partidos políticos y de las políticas en temas de inmigración sobre las actitudes de los ciudadanos hacia la inmigración.
49
Dargent, Bocanegra Eduardo, e Paula Muñoz. "Democracy against parties? Party system deinstitutionalization in Colombia". Politai, 2013. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/92199.
Abstract (sommario):
This article argues that in Colombia, decentralization and electoral reforms adopted in the late 1980s and in the 1991 Constitution – designed to improve democratic quality – brought about a gradual deinstitutionalization of this country’s traditional party system as an unintended consequence. Building upon resource-based theories of party configuration, we contend that in developing countries, where resources are usually crucial for party aggregation, democratizing reforms designed to distribute power and resources in the political system can reduce local candidates’ incentives to join and remain loyal to political parties, particularly when those parties’ reputations are weak. In Colombia, these reforms (i) reduced the power of intermediate-level party leaders over the distribution of selective incentives, making these leaders less important for local politicians, and (ii) gave more political and financial autonomy to local candidates, reducing their need to join parties in order to advance their electoral goals. As a result, party cohesion and discipline become difficult to maintain, and the party system gradually deinstitutionalizes.Este trabajo argumenta que las reformas descentralizadoras y electorales adoptadas a fines de los años ochenta y en la Constitución de 1991 en Colombia – diseñadas para mejorar la calidad democrática – provocaron, como consecuencia no esperada, una desinstitucionalización gradual del sistema de partidos tradicional de este país. Basándonos en teorías que resaltan el efecto de los recursos sobre la configuración partidaria, argumentamos que en países en vías de desarrollo, donde los recursos suelen ser cruciales para la agregación partidaria, reformas «democratizadoras» diseñadas para distribuir poder y recursos en el sistema político pueden reducir los incentivos de los candidatos locales para unirse y permanecer leales a los partidos políticos, particularmente cuando la reputación de estos últimos es débil. En Colombia, estas reformas(i) redujeron el poder de los líderes de nivel intermedio de los partidos sobre la distribución de incentivos selectivos, lo que los volvió menos importantes para los políticos locales, y (ii) dio más autonomía política y financiera a los candidatos locales, lo cual redujo su necesidad de afiliarse a partidos a fin de alcanzar sus objetivos electorales. Como resultado, la cohesión y disciplina partidaria se hicieron más difíciles de mantener y el sistema de partidos se desinstitucionalizó gradualmente.
50
Martins, Richard de Oliveira 1989. "A regulamentação do direito de tendências no Partido dos Trabalhadores (1986-1992)". [s.n.], 2015. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279725.
Abstract (sommario):
Orientador: Oswaldo Martins Estanislau do AmaralDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-27T03:58:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Martins_RicharddeOliveira_M.pdf: 1918200 bytes, checksum: c2303a7b52e13bc0703224afe53488bf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015
Resumo: Empreendemos uma reconstrução crítica do debate sobre a regulamentação do direito de tendências internas no Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) entre 1986 e 1992. Na análise do processo, constatamos o caráter seletivo da implementação das resoluções sobre tendências, mais relacionada com as estratégias e táticas de atuação de cada grupo do que propriamente com sua (in)adequação às regras formais de funcionamento partidário. Assim, a regulamentação se configurou como um instrumento disciplinar de restrição, que pôde ser mobilizado para excluir agrupamentos inteiros do PT
Abstract: Our work undertakes a critical reconstruction of the debate on the regulation of the internal tendencies¿ right in Brazilian Workers¿ Party (PT) between 1986 and 1992. We state that the process of regulation and interpretation of this right had a selective character, and that its consequences were more related to the different strategies and tactics chosen by each fraction than properly to the (in)adequacy of those groups to the formal party rules. Thus, the regulation could be used as a disciplinary restriction tool, mobilized to exclude fractions of the party
Mestrado
Ciencia Politica
Mestre em Ciência Política