Articoli di riviste sul tema "League of Kansas Municipalities"

The cigarette industry has an important role in the development of sports in Indonesia, especially football. Since before 1994 when at that time the competition was still divided into two, namely the United (Amateurs) and Galatama (non-Amateurs), the cigarette industry has become part of the league sponsorship. This continued in the 1994-1995 season, when the first league in Indonesia was merged into one, namely Ligina which stands for Liga Indonesia. In history, several cigarette brands that had become the main sponsors of the Indonesian football league starting in 1994 until 2012 are Dunhill, Kansas and Djarum.Industri rokok mempunyai peranan penting dalam perkembangan dunia olahraga di Indonesia, khususnya sepak bola. Sejak sebelum tahun 1994 dimana saat itu kompetisi masih terbagi menjadi dua yaitu Perserikatan (Amatir) dan Galatama (non-Amatir), industri rokok telah menjadi bagian dari sponsor liga. Hal ini berlanjut pada musim 1994-1995, ketika pertama kalinya liga di Indonesia digabung menjadi satu yaitu Ligina yang merupakan singkatan dari Liga Indonesia. Dalam sejarah, beberapa merek rokok yang sempat menjadi sponsor utama liga sepakbola Indonesia mulai tahun 1994 sampai tahun 2012 adalah Dunhill, Kansas, dan Djarum. The cigarette industry has an important role in the development of sports in Indonesia, especially football. Since before 1994 when at that time the competition was still divided into two, namely the United (Amateurs) and Galatama (non-Amateurs), the cigarette industry has become part of the league sponsorship. This continued in the 1994-1995 season, when the first league in Indonesia was merged into one, namely Ligina which stands for Liga Indonesia. In history, several cigarette brands that had become the main sponsors of the Indonesian football league starting in 1994 until 2012 are Dunhill, Kansas and Djarum. KeywordsSponsor, Cigarettes, Indonesian Football League Abstrak Industri rokok mempunyai peranan penting dalam perkembangan dunia olahraga di Indonesia, khususnya sepak bola. Sejak sebelum tahun 1994 dimana saat itu kompetisi masih terbagi menjadi dua yaitu Perserikatan (Amatir) dan Galatama (non-Amatir), industri rokok telah menjadi bagian dari sponsor liga. Hal ini berlanjut pada musim 1994-1995, ketika pertama kalinya liga di Indonesia digabung menjadi satu yaitu Ligina yang merupakan singkatan dari Liga Indonesia. Dalam sejarah, beberapa merek rokok yang sempat menjadi sponsor utama liga sepakbola Indonesia mulai tahun 1994 sampai tahun 2012 adalah Dunhill, Kansas, dan Djarum.

At the upcoming National Hockey League (NHL) owners’ meeting in Boca Raton, Florida, team owners are meeting to discuss franchise expansion. League executives believe adding two new franchises would increase viewership and popularity, generate higher revenues, and balance the Eastern and Western Conferences. However, it is unclear whether viable markets for two new franchises exist. Despite this concern, five ownership groups representing five distinct North American cities—Seattle, Washington; Las Vegas, Nevada; Kansas City, Missouri; Indianapolis, Indiana; and Québec City, Québec, Canada—have emerged as viable candidates for an expansion franchise. Given the five ownership groups, the NHL now needs to decide which cities to choose as the new homes for its two expansion teams, based on each city’s viability to host a professional team. Each ownership group will present a case on why its city should be the future home of a new NHL expansion team.

This article discusses the value that can be added to public sector salary surveys through the use of the Internet. Several public sector coalitions (the San Francisco Bay Area Employee Relations Service; Chicago suburban area MetroNet; Orange County Division of the League of California Cities; League of Minnesota Cities; and Association of Metropolitan Municipalities) have applied technology to improve sharing compensation data. Also highlighted are commercial ventures that generate salary information on the web. In particular, the article covers the challenges faced by two ventures ( www.ClassAndComp.com and GovernmentJobs.com ) that are attempting to launch compensation analysis products for the public sector market. The conclusion of this research is that the full potential of the Internet technology for sharing public sector compensation information will only be realized if there is significant cooperation between jurisdictions within a recruitment area.

Abstract: Where previous scholars have read Hemingway’s “Soldier’s Home” as a story about post-World War I disillusionment and the concomitant crisis in masculinity, this article examines Hemingway’s use of raced masculinity. By pointing to Oklahoma, a location of racial violence; Kansas, a location of extended Klan influence; and the National Baseball League, a site of exclusively White corruption, Hemingway builds a submerged text focused on the dangers of White Supremacy and White Privilege. Hemingway then engages the trope of White Womanhood as a tool of raced masculinity. “Soldier’s Home” shows how a spectral presence of anti-Black violence shapes one white soldier’s reintegration.

This article was originally accepted for presentation at the Baseball in Literature and Culture Conference at Ottawa University in Ottawa, Kansas, in April 2020 (conference cancelled due to Covid-19 outbreak) and presented virtually (via Zoom) for the 37th Sports Literature Association Conference, Virtual Edition June 19, 2020. This article commemorates the fiftieth anniversary of the Pittsburgh Pirates, when debuting in Three Rivers Stadium fifty years ago July 16, 1970, making a fashion statement in their new uniforms that would change the look of the game as much as the multi-purpose stadiums and artificial surface fields Major Leaguers played on. Their white double-knit uniforms would spark a revolution in uniform design soon to be adopted by all the Major League teams within a couple years. Their uniform’s nylon-cotton blend fabric changed the look of Major League Baseball at a time when advancements in textile technology combined with a freer spirit in graphics experimentation allowed for bold—and sometimes wild—fashion designs not seen before in professional sports. Several books along with news and commercial web sites/sources are referenced to confirm information in the article.

Abstract Since the 1950s, municipalities across the country have built stadiums to attract or retain Major League Baseball (MLB) teams. Because those teams were city-based and team owners have consistently aimed to attract middle- and upper-class white fans to their ballparks, changes in ballparks highlight how the white middle- and upper-classes thought about cities. When ballparks were popular, they provided something middle- and upper-class white fans were looking for; when they were not, something was missing. Using Houston's Astrodome, Baltimore's Camden Yards, and suburban Atlanta's Truist Park, this article traces a cyclical process in the locations of MLB ballparks and how those locations made most white fans feel safe. It shows that cities repelled middle- and upper-class whites in the 1960s and 1970s, that predictable facsimiles of urban life drew them in the 1990s, and that they again found cities unappealing in the 2010s.

This article investigates white-black race relations in postwar urban Kansas. Focusing on seven small and mid-sized cities, it explores how white Kansans continued to maintain discrimination, segregation, and exclusion in these years, even as they yielded slowly to the demands of civil rights activists and their supporters. Specifically, it examines the means employed by whites to assert their dominance in social interactions; to discriminate in housing, employment, and commerce; and, in some cases, to defend their all-white (or nearly all-white) municipalities, the so-called sundown towns, from any black presence at all. In addition, it briefly discusses the white backlash which followed as whites turned sharply to the right on racial issues, convinced that blacks now enjoyed full equality and no longer required further concessions. In so doing, the article provides insight into the history of the black freedom struggle in a sampling of cities in a midwestern state, supplements the historiography of racism in Kansas, and opens new lines of inquiry into the historiography of the freedom struggle in the North during this period of rapid and profound transformation.

While conducting my dissertation research on the professionalization of breastfeeding support, I identified key “founders” of lactation consulting. I focused on the people involved in the formation of the International Board Certified Lactation Consultant, as certified by the International Board of Lactation Consultant Examiners and represented by the International Lactation Consultant Association. Jan Riordan was at the top of my list. As the editor and co-author of the first text on breastfeeding and human lactation for non-physicians, Dr. Riordan shaped the professional body of knowledge for International Board Certified Lactation Consultants and others providing clinical breastfeeding support. She was a La Leche League leader and founding member of the Kansas La Leche League International Chapter, served on the first International Board of Lactation Consultant Examiners Board of Directors, and served on the first editorial review board of the Journal of Human Lactation. She was a professor of nursing at Wichita State University for 23 years. I met her at an International Lactation Consultant Association conference in San Antonio, Texas in 2010, just after she had retired from Wichita State, and I interviewed her by phone on August 10, 2010. This is from a taped interview. (AE = Aimee Eden’s initials; JR = Jan Riordan’s initials). The University of South Florida IRB approved the full study.

In the last European elections the League became the first party in Italy also because, for the first time, it collected a large number of votes in the South, exceeding the 20% of votes in the Southern italian regions. In this article we try to evaluate whether that success is temporary or if it will consolidate over time. In other words, the central question is whether the vote to the Leauge party in the South of Italy is weak and volatile or it represents the first moment of its establishment also in these areas of the Country. In details, we try to verify if the success of the Leauge party in the South of Italy can be related to traditional aspects of the parties’ organization, such as the territorial root and the recruitment of political personnel who obtain in the electoral competition personal votes which improve the success of the list. The analysis was conducted through out macro and micro analysis tools. The analysis of the preference vote distribution highlights the electoral contribution offered by all the candidates to the European Parliament by region and by size of the municipalities. The description of some emblematic local cases describes the dynamics through which some local candidates for the European Parliament have contributed to increase the political consensus of the League party in the South of Italy.

The behavior of Grover Flanks, manager of the Topeka Turnips (a fictional Minor League affiliate of the Kansas City Royals), has become a worry for the owners of the team. Flanks, a local hero, has gone from hometown attraction to on-field distraction for the Turnips. For Flanks, profane, on-field tirades are commonplace, and rule-breaking is the norm. The manager’s bad behavior is threatening the owners’ ability to secure financing for a lucrative new stadium. However, Flanks is extremely popular with the fans and is the sole reason many fans come to see the mediocre club, so firing the manager is not an option. The owners are understandably worried.Gene Meebles is the young general manager of the Turnips who has been tasked by the owners to put an end to the Flanks problem and save the stadium deal. Meebles must find a way to relate to the fiery manager and curb his behavior. This case study examines how Meebles can do so using transactional and/or transformational leadership.

Local elections held on June 2016 in Italy asked voters to appoint more than 1,300 among mayors and municipal councilors, some of them in big cities like Rome, Milan, Turin. This article aims at assessing who is the real winner of this election. At first sight, the Five Stars Movement won this election. Nevertheless, some doubts arise because of its limited coverage of the territories, internal conflicts and the lack of homogeneity of its electoral results at the local level. Among the losers, Forza Italia and minor parties like NCD and extreme-left parties are to be counted, while the Northern League secured its previous elections' percentage. The Democratic Party reported huge losses but remained the leading party in half of the voting municipalities. A more in-depth analysis shows however that local lists (civic lists) strongly improved their results and voters' support. From this perspective it is the territory that won 2016 local election. The article claims that this may negatively affect the national political system and political establishment. Civic lists bring in fact together different political actors (such as notabilities, patrons and relevant clienteles) with populist local movements, and often show weak political capabilities in local government.l

Abstract According to pundits, Romanian football is at an unprecedented low in terms of sporting quality and fan followship altogether. A mix of mismanagement and public regulations have transformed football clubs into under-financed organizations, unable to groom their academic work, raise quality players and, subsequently, perform at highest level which ultimately led to a decrease in entertainment on the pitch and of the numbers in attendance. Adding to this is the loss of brand identity that has created a rupture between clubs and their fan-bases. The paper aims to look at customer relationship management principles that lower-league clubs can use to build better fan relationships, while also identifying, using the same CRM optic, what actually led to the decline in quality. Second tier football has been chosen as opposed to top-flight because it consists of several clubs with development potential within their municipalities, because some of their problems are more stringent than in the upper league and, last but not least, in many cases, total attendance per game is as low as 50-300 people. The research starts with a general presentation of customer relationship management. In order to prepare CRM’s adaptation to the business of professional sports, some focus will be set on the services industry. The article then presents how CRM can be applied to sports, and, in the end, it narrows down to the specific case of Romanian football by starting the investigation from some of the challenges currently faced by the sport. Particular attention is granted to the online environment, as the latter one is host to a wide range of not very expensive CRM strategies and tactics that clubs can use, cost being a factor to be taken into account for a sector with scarce monetary resources. Last but not least, the paper ends with a set of recommendations as well as future ideas for research.

Objectives: Proximal 5th metatarsal fractures in athletes are common and have been studied in NCAA athletics as well as professional basketball (NBA), football (NFL), and European soccer (UEFA). Given that Jones fractures have not been studied in Major League Soccer (MLS), we sought to: (1) quantify the burden of fractures, (2) compare outcomes, re-fracture rates, and complication rates with other professional sports, (3) analyze factors for treatment failure, and (4) report return to play characteristics. Methods: A HealtheAthlete (Cerner Corporation, North Kansas City, MO) database was used to catalog all MLS injuries including and after the 2012 season. We extracted all possible Jones fracture injuries from these data from the 2013 to 2017 seasons (January 1, 2013 through December 31, 2017) using key words “toe,” “Jones,” “metatarsal,” “fracture,” and “fifth.” Over 12,000 unique injuries were cataloged; 141 were initially further investigated. Eighty-four were deemed benign, leaving 57 injuries; 12 were reported twice and 3 had 2 different dates of injury, leaving 42 injuries. We then contacted each team chief medical officer for more information including: demographics, date and mechanism of injury, injury classification (zone), prior or contralateral injury, limb dominance, imaging, operative vs. non-operative treatment, details regarding operative treatment if relevant, time to radiographic healing, time to return to sport, and complications including known re-fracture. Twenty-one injuries were further excluded, leaving 21 operatively treated Jones fractures in 18 players. Results: We analyzed 21 operatively treated Jones fractures in 18 players over the five-year study period. Fracture incidence was 0.37 ± 0.08 fractures per 1000 game exposure hours, or 0.063 ± 0.014 fractures per 1000 total exposure hours. Average age, weight, height, and BMI of players at time of fracture was 25.0 ± 3.7 years, 171.3 ± 17.2 lbs, 70.6 ± 3.2 inches, and 24.2 ± 1.9, respectively. 73.7% of players were right foot dominant, and 52.4% of players had right-sided injuries; 1 player reported bilateral injuries. Player position was reported as predominantly defense, midfield, or forward 44.4%, 16.7%, and 28.9%, respectively. 38.1% of injuries occurred in pre-season, with 38.1% associated with chronic, worsening pain, 23.8% with a rolled ankle/foot, 23.8% with a traumatic event, and 14.3% with a quick cut or pivot. One player reported concomitant medial sesamoiditis, otherwise there were no reported associated injuries. Five (24%) reported a prior contralateral fracture. Two (10%) reported a prior ipsilateral non-operatively treated stress fracture. Zone 2 injuries represented 81% of fractures, with the rest classified as zone 3. Average time into MLS career was 2.6 seasons; 8 (38%) occurred in the rookie season. Re-fracture rate was 4/18 players (22.2%), with 1 player’s initial fracture outside the study period; 2 players re-fracture occurred within the study period; and 1 player sustained a re-fracture while on loan (primary fracture included in the study). Average time to re-fracture was 390 days. Treatment for primary fractures (n = 18) included solid screw fixation in 11, cannulated screw fixation in 3, headless cannulated screw fixation in 3, and plate fixation with bone autograft in 1. Treatment for re-fractures (n = 3) included screw exchange with BMAC for 1, screw exchange and bone scaffold with PDGF in 1, and BMAC injection alone with bone stimulator for 1. Average time to radiographic union was 8.3 weeks. Average time to return to play was 10.4 weeks with one outlier removed. Complications include 4 re-fractures, 1 player with screw irritation who required exchange to headless screw with BMAC at 4 months post-op before return to play, 1 mild soft tissue irritation, and 1 mild persistent drainage that resolved with antibiotics. Overall, 20/21 (95%) of players returned to play. Currently, 5 players are retired, 7 remain in MLS, and 6 play in other worldwide professional leagues. Retired players averaged 2.8 years of play after injury. Player return to play characteristics were examined, including games played, games started, full games played, and minutes played; no statistical differences were found. Conclusion: Incidence of Jones fractures appears to be about 1.7x higher than previously reported in European professional soccer (UEFA) (Ekstrand and van Dijk Br J Sports Med 2013). However, articles examining Jones fractures incidence in NFL have shown increased prevalence in the NFL combine over the past few decades (Low et al J Surg Orth Adv 2004, Tu et al FAI 2018, Spang et al OJSM 2018). A significant number of injuries occur in pre-season (38%) and in players’ rookie seasons (38%), with the majority playing non-midfield positions. Return to play of 95% and re-fracture rate of 22% are comparable to rates in other professional sports. There does not appear to be any detrimental effect on players’ ability to perform after Jones fracture fixation.

This design case details the critical design decisions used in the development of an e-learning module library for North Carolina local government officials focused on land use regulations. These modules cover topics from an introduc-tion to land use regulations, to evidentiary hearing conduct guidelines, defining vested rights, and explaining how to adopt and amend an ordinance. This project was in response to the North Carolina League of Municipalities (NCLM) members’ increased requests for training in this subject area. This organization requested the assistance of the two faculty members at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill School of Government (SOG) who specialize in this content area. Additionally, the professional organization wanted to mitigate risk from cases going to litigation for improper land use decisions. The Target Accomplishment Past Prototype Artifact (TAPPA) Process (Moore, 2016) was used for the module development. This five-step process emphasizes the rapid development of distance education content artifacts in close collaboration with subject matter experts. Between 2013 and 2018, the TAPPA iterative design process guided the development of sixteen modules moving from initial script to finished modules. This design case is relevant for instructional designers who need to develop comprehensive e-learning modules covering complex and often complicat-ed tasks. Examples of design decisions, informed by Clark and Mayer (2016)’s principles of multimedia design, are dispersed through the design case.

Banja Luka and 14 other municipalities of ​​Bosnian Krajina (western Bosnia and Herzegovina) were hit by a series of strong earthquakes on October 26 and 27, 1969. The quake area had a population of over 750,000 in 803 settlements. The total estimated damage in the entire area affected by the earthquake amounted to 7,150 million dinars and there were also human losses. Assistance to the affected area came from all over the country and from abroad. Western countries (mostly the USA, Switzerland, Italy and FR Germany) sent money and goods of five times higher value than the socialist countries. The structure of international aid shows that it was almost exclusively conditioned by the prevailing political relations. Until 1974, the question of the amount of financial resources needed for reconstruction caused a political crisis in the relations between the Prime Minister Mitja Ribičič and the leadership of the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, but also within the League of Communists of Bosnia and Herzegovina, where important personnel changes took place. Under pressure from the Yugoslav President Josip Broz Tito, Bosnia and Herzegovina’s leadership has agreed to reduce the funds originally earmarked for reconstruction by one-third. This was opposed by old wartime communist cadre. This served the new, young leadership to remove Osman Karabegović, Avdo Humo, Hajro Kapetanović and Čedo Kapor from the political life. These officials opposed the confederalization of Yugoslavia and the strengthening of the statehood of the republics, which was insisted on by the new leadership, led by Branko Mikulić. The greatest intensity of reconstruction was immediately after the earthquake. At the beginning of 1976, the state settled its obligations to Bosnian Krajina.

In Peru every year there are 1200 new cases of skin cancer, of which 80% is caused by overexposure to unprotected ultraviolet rays. In Peru, there was no culture of ultraviolet prevention. The population believed that they should only be protected from solar radiation in the summer season. Therefore, in 2017 the League Against Cancer - Peru, two major objectives were set: breaking the paradigm about protection only in summer and/or in aggressive solar exposure, and generate annual preventive check-ups. To achieve this, we created “Prevention 365”, a campaign designed to sensitize the population about the importance of protecting from the ultraviolet rays 365 days a year and not only in summer (Fig 1). Aim: Promote a change in the culture of skin cancer prevention in Peru, breaking the paradigm that you only have to protect yourself from ultraviolet rays in summer, and generate annual preventive check-ups. Strategy/Tactics: We identified the regions with the highest index of ultraviolet radiation at national level and the group of people who work under solar radiation who are more vulnerable for developing the disease, such as policemen, serene, cleaning staff, workers, journalists, taxi drivers, fishermen, among others, to carry out awareness actions. To achieve a greater impact, we convinced various characters from theater, television and sports to become spokespersons and image of the campaign, and to influence Peruvians to prevent skin cancer. We implemented a powerful digital plan that included communication on various platforms - our own and those of third parties. In this way we are able to exponentially expand the scope of our message. The mobile unit of the institution - outpatient clinic - visited municipalities, buildings, police stations, among others, where they conducted screening, educational talks and delivery of information material. Outcomes: More than 900 publications in media, which obtained 389,425,940 views and an advertising investment savings of more than US $5,660,452.00 dollars. More than 200 celebrities who shared each of our messages. More than 10 thousand people who were sensitized through outdoor advertising and media. More than 100 thousand Peruvians from areas more exposed to ultraviolet rays sensitized by materials and informative talks. More than 2 million people who received our message through our official fan page. Thanks to the campaign “Prevention 365” more than 130 thousand people made for the first time a preventive skin check. That is, more than 300% of what was projected. We have understood that a well-structured communication campaign can achieve great results. Thanks to this, the League Against Cancer has helped to reduce the incidence of skin cancer thanks to the fact that more than 130,000 Peruvians were screened for skin cancer for the first time. [Figure: see text]

Fodboldens krav til kommunale stadionfaciliteter – et institutionelt perspektiv (Danish pro-football’s demand for bigger stadiums: an institutional perspective) Although attendance figures in Danish football’s first tier are not in line with the Danish FA’s stadium requirements, the municipalities, which to a large degree fund the stadiums, comply with the stadium requirements and assist the clubs in obtaining their necessary league licenses. Taking on an institutional perspective, this study answers the question of why Danish municipalities follow these requirements and fund professional football stadiums that have a much bigger capacity than their regular attendance demands. The findings of the study can be summarized in three parts. First, coercive isomorphic processes are present within the homogenization process Danish stadiums are facing. As it is believed to be necessary to enhance facilities in order to keep Danish clubs competitive at the national and international level, the Danish FA, the Danish league, as well as the clubs, have been successful in realizing their demands for bigger stadiums. Second, it is also possible to discern mimetic isomorphic processes in the study. The competitive situation between municipalities, along with a conception of the clubs’ significance in the new experience economy, have contributed to the Danish municipalities’ compliance with the stadium requirements. Thirdly, although the municipalities have complied with the stadium requirements and funded the facilities, the analysis reveals a municipal opposition towards the requirements. However, the power balance between the clubs and municipalities seems to indicate that the clubs have the advantage, as the municipalities, despite their opposition, have conceded to making investments on the basis of the FA’s requirements.

Over the course of 20 years, from 1999 to 2018, the Chinese Go League has gradually developed and flourished, becoming a significant part of urban sports culture. Using mathematical statistics, spatiotemporal trajectory, and geospatial analysis, this research investigates the spatiotemporal distribution pattern and diffusive evolution characteristics of Chinese Go League clubs from the perspective of sports geography. The results of this study show that the following: (1) Over the past 20 years, the number of Chinese Go League clubs has increased in a “stepped” pattern, and there is still plenty of room for expansion. (2) Chinese Go League clubs are primarily located in municipalities directly under the central government and provincial capital cities (accounting for 82.6% of the total), with the Bohai Rim, Yangtze River Delta, and Southwest region of China forming a spatial pattern. (3) Host cities of Chinese Go League clubs are generally discrete, with clustering and random distribution occurring only seldom. The spatial distribution also tends to favor southern cities. (4) Chinese Go League clubs frequently change their names and host cities, and they have a variety of links with those cities, which primarily includes urban stability, urban transition, and urban fluctuation. In future, the professionalization and sustainable development of Chinese Go industry can be enhanced by the marketability of Chinese Go clubs, developing new markets for Chinese Go, and building a healthy development model with multiple linkages of Chinese Go clubs, sponsors, and host cities.

Abstract This article offers a much-needed reconsideration of the Hitler Youth law's purpose and impact. It contends that Hitler's cabinet adopted the 1936 law for two reasons: first, to pressure boys and girls to join the Hitler Youth and the League of German Girls, and second, to compel municipalities to finance the construction of thousands of new Hitler Youth Heime (homes). The first part of the article focuses on the drafting of the Hitler Youth law and locates the origins of the Hitler Youth's Heimbeschaffung (home procurement) campaign. It argues that Nazi leaders deliberately inserted language into Article 2 of the final law that would pressure municipal and district authorities to fund the construction of new homes in their communities. The second part of the article documents Nazi leaders’ repeated efforts to persuade and compel municipalities to finance new construction, assume the costs of ongoing maintenance and, after 1939, pay rental and maintenance costs for temporary accommodations.

The term digital equity is at the forefront of municipal government planning to mitigate digital equity. Digital equity signifies a desired future to be achieved, yet its meaning is not well-established. As such, planning for digital equity offers an opportunity for new discursive construction. This study examines how municipal governments have constructed the concept of digital equity through textual evidence, the digital equity plans of Kansas City, MO, Portland, OR, San Francisco, CA, and Seattle, WA. Adopting an approach from critical discourse studies, comparative analysis of the texts demonstrates how digital equity plans conceive of digital equity, characterize current problematic circumstances, and prescribe actions to make change. The plans have strikingly little to say about why digital inequality has emerged, yet they prescribe actions that indicate a more complex understanding of the problem than they articulate. The dynamics of policy diffusion suggest that the work of early adopters will influence other municipalities to create similar plans. Thus, the current moment is ripe for scholars to influence municipal planning for digital equity and participate in its discursive construction in both academic research and policymaking circles.

Image 1: A Little Free Library. Image credit: Nadine Kozak.IntroductionLittle Free Libraries give people a reason to stop and exchange things they love: books. It seemed like a really good way to build a sense of community.Dannette Lank, Little Free Library steward, Whitefish Bay, Wisconsin, 2013 (Rumage)Against a backdrop of stagnant literacy rates and enduring perceptions of urban decay and the decline of communities in cities (NCES, “Average Literacy”; NCES, “Average Prose”; Putnam 25; Skogan 8), legions of Little Free Libraries (LFLs) have sprung up across the United States between 2009 and the present. LFLs are small, often homemade structures housing books and other physical media for passersby to choose a book to take or leave a book to share with others. People have installed the structures in front of homes, schools, libraries, churches, fire and police stations, community gardens, and in public parks. There are currently 50,000 LFLs around the world, most of which are in the continental United States (Aldrich, “Big”). LFLs encompass building in multiple senses of the term; LFLs are literally tiny buildings to house books and people use the structures for building neighbourhood social capital. The organisation behind the movement cites “building community” as one of its three core missions (Little Free Library). Rowan Moore, theorising humans’ reasons for building, argues desire and emotion are central (16). The LFL movement provides evidence for this claim: stewards erect LFLs based on hope for increased literacy and a desire to build community through their altruistic actions. This article investigates how LFLs build urban community and explores barriers to the endeavour, specifically municipal building and right of way ordinances used in attempts to eradicate the structures. It also examines local responses to these municipal actions and potential challenges to traditional public libraries brought about by LFLs, primarily the decrease of visits to public libraries and the use of LFLs to argue for defunding of publicly provided library services. The work argues that LFLs build community in some places but may threaten other community services. This article employs qualitative content analysis of 261 stewards’ comments about their registered LFLs on the organisation’s website drawn from the two largest cities in a Midwestern state and an interview with an LFL steward in a village in the same state to analyse how LFLs build community. The two cities, located in the state where the LFL movement began, provide a cross section of innovators, early adopters, and late adopters of the book exchanges, determined by their registered charter numbers. Press coverage and municipal documents from six cities across the US gathered through a snowball sample provide data about municipal challenges to LFLs. Blog posts penned by practising librarians furnish some opinions about the movement. This research, while not a representative sample, identifies common themes and issues around LFLs and provides a basis for future research.The act of building and curating an LFL is a representation of shared beliefs about literacy, community, and altruism. Establishing an LFL is an act of civic participation. As Nico Carpentier notes, while some civic participation is macro, carried out at the level of the nation, other participation is micro, conducted in “the spheres of school, family, workplace, church, and community” (17). Ruth H. Landman investigates voluntary activities in the city, including community gardening, and community bakeries, and argues that the people associated with these projects find themselves in a “denser web of relations” than previously (2). Gretchen M. Herrmann argues that neighbourhood garage sales, although fleeting events, build an enduring sense of community amongst participants (189). Ray Oldenburg contends that people create associational webs in what he calls “great good places”; third spaces separate from home and work (20-21). Little Free Libraries and Community BuildingEmotion plays a central role in the decision to become an LFL steward, the person who establishes and maintains the LFL. People recount their desire to build a sense of community and share their love of reading with neighbours (Charter 4684; Charter 8212; Charter 9437; Charter 9705; Charter 16561). One steward in the study reported, “I love books and I want to be able to help foster that love in our neighbourhood as well” (Charter 4369). Image 2: A Little Free Library, bench, water fountain, and dog’s water bowl for passersby to enjoy. Image credit: Nadine Kozak.Relationships and emotional ties are central to some people’s decisions to have an LFL. The LFL website catalogues many instances of memorial LFLs, tributes to librarians, teachers, and avid readers. Indeed, the first Little Free Library, built by Todd Bol in 2009, was a tribute to his late mother, a teacher who loved reading (“Our History”). In the two city study area, ten LFLs are memorials, allowing bereaved families to pass on a loved one’s penchant for sharing books and reading (Charter 1235; Charter 1309; Charter 4604; Charter 6219; Charter 6542; Charter 6954; Charter 10326; Charter 16734; Charter 24481; Charter 30369). In some cases, urban neighbours come together to build, erect, and stock LFLs. One steward wrote: “Those of us who live in this friendly neighborhood collaborated to design[,] build and paint a bungalow themed library” to match the houses in the neighbourhood (Charter 2532). Another noted: “Our neighbor across the street is a skilled woodworker, and offered to build the library for us if we would install it in our yard and maintain it. What a deal!” (Charter 18677). Community organisations also install and maintain LFLs, including 21 in the study population (e.g. Charter 31822; Charter 27155).Stewards report increased communication with neighbours due to their LFLs. A steward noted: “We celebrated the library’s launch on a Saturday morning with neighbors of all ages. We love sitting on our front porch and catching up with the people who stop to check out the books” (Charter 9673). Another exclaimed:within 24 hours, before I had time to paint it, my Little Free Library took on a life of its own. All of a sudden there were lots of books in it and people stopping by. I wondered where these books came from as I had not put any in there. Little kids in the neighborhood are all excited about it and I have met neighbors that I had never seen before. This is going to be fun! (Charter 15981)LFLs build community through social interaction and collaboration. This occurs when neighbours come together to build, install, and fill the structures. The structures also open avenues for conversation between neighbours who had no connection previously. Like Herrmann’s neighbourhood garage sales, LFLs create and maintain social ties between neighbours and link them by the books they share. Additionally, when neighbours gather and communicate at the LFL structure, they create a transitory third space for “informal public life”, where people can casually interact at a nearby location (Oldenburg 14, 288).Building Barriers, Creating CommunityThe erection of an LFL in an urban neighbourhood is not, however, always a welcome sight. The news analysis found that LFLs most often come to the attention of municipal authorities via citizen complaints, which lead to investigations and enforcement of ordinances. In Kansas, a neighbour called an LFL an “eyesore” and an “illegal detached structure” (Tapper). In Wisconsin, well-meaning future stewards contacted their village authorities to ask about rules, inadvertently setting off a six-month ban on LFLs (Stingl; Rumage). Resulting from complaints and inquiries, municipalities regulated, and in one case banned, LFLs, thus building barriers to citizens’ desires to foster community and share books with neighbours.Municipal governments use two major areas of established code to remove or prohibit LFLs: ordinances banning unapproved structures in residents’ yards and those concerned with obstructions to right of ways when stewards locate the LFLs between the public sidewalk and street.In the first instance, municipal ordinances prohibit either front yard or detached structures. Controversies over these ordinances and LFLs erupted in Whitefish Bay, Wisconsin, in 2012; Leawood, Kansas, in 2014; Shreveport, Louisiana, in 2015; and Dallas, Texas, in 2015. The Village of Whitefish Bay banned LFLs due to an ordinance prohibiting “front yard structures,” including mailboxes (Sanburn; Stingl). In Leawood, the city council argued that an LFL, owned by a nine-year-old boy, violated an ordinance that forbade the construction of any detached structures without city council permission. In Shreveport, the stewards of an LFL received a cease and desist letter from city council for having an “accessory structure” in the front yard (LaCasse; Burris) and Dallas officials knocked on a steward’s front door, informing her of a similar breach (Kellogg).In the second instance, some urban municipalities argued that LFLs are obstructions that block right of ways. In Lincoln, Nebraska, the public works director noted that the city “uses the area between the sidewalk and the street for snow storage in the winter, light poles, mailboxes, things like that.” The director continued: “And I imagine these little libraries are meant to congregate people like a water cooler, but we don’t want people hanging around near the road by the curb” (Heady). Both Lincoln in 2014 and Los Angeles (LA), California, in 2015, cited LFLs for obstructions. In Lincoln, the city notified the Southminster United Methodist Church that their LFL, located between the public sidewalk and street, violated a municipal ordinance (Sanburn). In LA, the Bureau of Street Services notified actor Peter Cook that his LFL, situated in the right of way, was an “obstruction” that Cook had to remove or the city would levy a fine (Moss). The city agreed at a hearing to consider a “revocable permit” for Cook’s LFL, but later denied its issuance (Condes).Stewards who found themselves in violation of municipal ordinances were able to harness emotion and build outrage over limits to individuals’ ability to erect LFLs. In Kansas, the stewards created a Facebook page, Spencer’s Little Free Library, which received over 31,000 likes and messages of support. One comment left on the page reads: “The public outcry will force those lame city officials to change their minds about it. Leave it to the stupid government to rain on everybody’s parade” (“Good”). Children’s author Daniel Handler sent a letter to the nine-year-old steward, writing as Lemony Snicket, “fighting against librarians is immoral and useless in the face of brave and noble readers such as yourself” (Spencer’s). Indeed, the young steward gave a successful speech to city hall arguing that the body should allow the structures because “‘lots of people in the neighborhood used the library and the books were always changing. I think it’s good for Leawood’” (Bauman). Other local LFL supporters also attended council and spoke in favour of the structures (Harper). In LA, Cook’s neighbours started a petition that gathered over 100 signatures, where people left comments including, “No to bullies!” (Lopez). Additionally, neighbours gathered to discuss the issue (Dana). In Shreveport, neighbours left stacks of books in their front yards, without a structure housing them due to the code banning accessory structures. One noted, “I’m basically telling the [Metropolitan Planning Commission] to go sod off” (Friedersdorf; Moss). LFL proponents reacted with frustration and anger at the perceived over-reach of the government toward harmless LFLs. In addition to the actions of neighbours and supporters, the national and local press commented on the municipal constraints. The LFL movement has benefitted from a significant amount of positive press in its formative years, a press willing to publicise and criticise municipal actions to thwart LFL development. Stewards’ struggles against municipal bureaucracies building barriers to LFLs makes prime fodder for the news media. Herbert J. Gans argues an enduring value in American news is “the preservation of the freedom of the individual against the encroachments of nation and society” (50). The juxtaposition of well-meaning LFL stewards against municipal councils and committees provided a compelling opportunity to illustrate this value.National media outlets, including Time (Sanburn), Christian Science Monitor (LaCasse), and The Atlantic, drew attention to the issue. Writing in The Atlantic, Conor Friedersdorf critically noted:I wish I was writing this to merely extol this trend [of community building via LFLs]. Alas, a subset of Americans are determined to regulate every last aspect of community life. Due to selection bias, they are overrepresented among local politicians and bureaucrats. And so they have power, despite their small-mindedness, inflexibility, and lack of common sense so extreme that they’ve taken to cracking down on Little Free Libraries, of all things. (Friedersdorf, n.p.)Other columnists mirrored this sentiment. Writing in the LA Times, one commentator sarcastically wrote that city officials were “cracking down on one of the country’s biggest problems: small community libraries where residents share books” (Schaub). Journalists argued this was government overreach on non-issues rather than tackling larger community problems, such as income inequality, homelessness, and aging infrastructure (Solomon; Schaub). The protests and negative press coverage led to, in the case of the municipalities with front yard and detached structure ordinances, détente between stewards and councils as the latter passed amendments permitting and regulating LFLs. Whitefish Bay, Leawood, and Shreveport amended ordinances to allow for LFLs, but also to regulate them (Everson; Topil; Siegel). Ordinances about LFLs restricted their number on city blocks, placement on private property, size and height, as well as required registration with the municipality in some cases. Lincoln officials allowed the church to relocate the LFL from the right of way to church property and waived the $500 fine for the obstruction violation (Sanburn). In addition to the amendments, the protests also led to civic participation and community building including presentations to city council, a petition, and symbolic acts of defiance. Through this protest, neighbours create communities—networks of people working toward a common goal. This aspect of community building around LFLs was unintentional but it brought people together nevertheless.Building a Challenge to Traditional Libraries?LFL marketing and communication staff member Margaret Aldrich suggests in The Little Free Library Book that LFLs are successful because they are “gratifyingly doable” projects that can be accomplished by an individual (16). It is this ease of building, erecting, and maintaining LFLs that builds concern as their proliferation could challenge aspects of library service, such as public funding and patron visits. Some professional librarians are in favour of the LFLs and are stewards themselves (Charter 121; Charter 2608; Charter 9702; Charter 41074; Rumage). Others envision great opportunities for collaboration between traditional libraries and LFLs, including the library publicising LFLs and encouraging their construction as well as using LFLs to serve areas without, or far from, a public library (Svehla; Shumaker). While lauding efforts to build community, some professional librarians question the nomenclature used by the movement. They argue the phrase Little Free Libraries is inaccurate as libraries are much more than random collections of books. Instead, critics contend, the LFL structures are closer to book swaps and exchanges than actual libraries, which offer a range of services such as Internet access, digital materials, community meeting spaces, and workshops and programming on a variety of topics (American Library Association; Annoyed Librarian). One university reference and instruction librarian worries about “the general public’s perception and lumping together of little free libraries and actual ‘real’ public libraries” (Hardenbrook). By way of illustration, he imagines someone asking, “‘why do we need our tax money to go to something that can be done for FREE?’” (Hardenbrook). Librarians holding this perspective fear the movement might add to a trend of neoliberalism, limiting or ending public funding for libraries, as politicians believe that the localised, individual solutions can replace publicly funded library services. This is a trend toward what James Ferguson calls “responsibilized” citizens, those “deployed to produce governmentalized results that do not depend on direct state intervention” (172). In other countries, this shift has already begun. In the United Kingdom (UK), governments are devolving formerly public services onto community groups and volunteers. Lindsay Findlay-King, Geoff Nichols, Deborah Forbes, and Gordon Macfadyen trace the impacts of the 2012 Localism Act in the UK, which caused “sport and library asset transfers” (12) to community and volunteer groups who were then responsible for service provision and, potentially, facility maintenance as well. Rather than being in charge of a “doable” LFL, community groups and volunteers become the operators of much larger facilities. Recent efforts in the US to privatise library services as governments attempt to cut budgets and streamline services (Streitfeld) ground this fear. Image 3: “Take a Book, Share a Book,” a Little Free Library motto. Image credit: Nadine Kozak. LFLs might have real consequences for public libraries. Another potential unintended consequence of the LFLs is decreasing visits to public libraries, which could provide officials seeking to defund them with evidence that they are no longer relevant or necessary. One LFL steward and avid reader remarked that she had not used her local public library since 2014 because “I was using the Little Free Libraries” (Steward). Academics and librarians must conduct more research to determine what impact, if any, LFLs are having on visits to traditional public libraries. ConclusionLittle Free Libraries across the United States, and increasingly in other countries, have generated discussion, promoted collaboration between neighbours, and led to sharing. In other words, they have built communities. This was the intended consequence of the LFL movement. There, however, has also been unplanned community building in response to municipal threats to the structures due to right of way, safety, and planning ordinances. The more threatening concern is not the municipal ordinances used to block LFL development, but rather the trend of privatisation of publicly provided services. While people are celebrating the community built by the LFLs, caution must be exercised lest central institutions of the public and community, traditional public libraries, be lost. Academics and communities ought to consider not just impact on their local community at the street level, but also wider structural concerns so that communities can foster many “great good places”—the Little Free Libraries and traditional public libraries as well.ReferencesAldrich, Margaret. “Big Milestone for Little Free Library: 50,000 Libraries Worldwide.” Little Free Library. 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Minneapolis, MN: Coffee House Press, 2015.Annoyed Librarian. “How to Protect Little Free Libraries.” Library Journal Blog 9 Jul. 2015. 26 Mar. 2017 <http://lj.libraryjournal.com/blogs/annoyedlibrarian/2015/07/09/how-to-protect-little-free-libraries/>.American Library Association. “Public Library Use.” State of America’s Libraries: A Report from the American Library Association (2015). 25 Feb. 2017 <http://www.ala.org/tools/libfactsheets/alalibraryfactsheet06>.Bauman, Caroline. “‘Little Free Libraries’ Legal in Leawood Thanks to 9-year-old Spencer Collins.” The Kansas City Star 7 Jul. 2014. 25 Feb. 2017 <http://www.kansascity.com/news/politics-government/article687562.html>.Burris, Alexandria. “First Amendment Issues Surface in Little Free Library Case.” Shreveport Times 5 Feb. 2015. 25 Feb. 2017 <http://www.shreveporttimes.com/story/news/local/2015/02/05/expert-use-zoning-law-clashes-first-amendment/22922371/>.Carpentier, Nico. 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Deciding What’s News: A Study of CBS Evening News, NBC Nightly News, Newsweek, and Time. Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 2004.“Good Luck Spencer.” Spencer’s Little Free Library Facebook Page 25 Jun. 2014. 26 Mar. 2017 <https://www.facebook.com/Spencerslittlefreelibrary/photos/pcb.527531327376433/527531260709773/?type=3>.Hardenbrook, Joe. “A Little Rant on Little Free Libraries (AKA Probably an Unpopular Post).” Mr. Library Dude (9 Apr. 2014). 25 Feb. 2017 <https://mrlibrarydude.wordpress.com/2014/04/09/a-little-rant-on-little-free-libraries-aka-probably-an-unpopular-post/>.Harper, Deb. “Minutes.” The Leawood City Council 7 Jul. 2014. <http://www.leawood.org/pdf/cc/min/07-07-14.pdf>. Heady, Chris. “City Wants Church to Move Little Library.” Lincoln Journal Star 9 Jul. 2014. 25 Feb. 2017 <http://journalstar.com/news/local/city-wants-church-to-move-little-library/article_7753901a-42cd-5b52-9674-fc54a4d51f47.html>. Herrmann, Gretchen M. “Garage Sales Make Good Neighbors: Building Community through Neighborhood Sales.” Human Organization 62.2 (2006): 181-191.Kellogg, Carolyn. “Officials Threaten to Destroy a Little Free Library in Texas.” Los Angeles Times (1 Oct. 2015). 25 Feb. 2017 <http://www.latimes.com/books/jacketcopy/la-et-jc-little-free-library-texas-20150930-story.html>.LaCasse, Alexander. “Why Are Some Cities Cracking Down on Little Free Libraries.” Christian Science Monitor (5 Feb. 2015). 25 Feb. 2017 <http://www.csmonitor.com/Books/chapter-and-verse/2015/0205/Why-are-some-cities-cracking-down-on-little-free-libraries>.Landman, Ruth H. Creating the Community in the City: Cooperatives and Community Gardens in Washington, DC Westport, CT: Bergin & Garvey, 1993. Little Free Library. 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Average Prose, Document, and Quantitative Literacy Scores of Adults: 1992 and 2003. National Assessment of Adult Literacy. 25 Feb. 2017 <https://nces.ed.gov/naal/kf_demographics.asp>.Oldenburg, Ray. The Great Good Place: Cafés, Coffee Shops, Bookstores, Bars, Hair Salons, and Other Hangouts at the Heart of a Community. New York: Marlowe & Company, 1999.“Our History.” Little Free Library. Little Free Library Organization (2017). 25 Feb. 2017 <https://littlefreelibrary.org/ourhistory/>.Putnam, Robert D. Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2001.Rumage, Jeff. “Little Free Libraries Now Allowed in Whitefish Bay.” Whitefish Bay Patch (8 May 2013). 25 Feb. 2017 <http://patch.com/wisconsin/whitefishbay/little-free-libraries-now-allowed-in-whitefish-bay>.Sanburn, Josh. “What Do Kansas and Nebraska Have against Small Libraries?” Time 10 Jul. 2014. 25 Feb. 2017 <http://time.com/2970649/tiny-libraries-violating-city-ordinances/>.Schaub, Michael. “Little Free Libraries on the Wrong Side of the Law.” LA Times 4 Feb. 2015. 25 Feb. 2017 <http://www.latimes.com/books/jacketcopy/la-et-jc-little-free-libraries-on-the-wrong-side-of-the-law-20150204-story.html>.Shumaker, David. “Public Libraries, Little Free Libraries, and Embedded Librarians.” The Embedded Librarian (28 April 2014) 26 Mar. 2017 <https://embeddedlibrarian.com/2014/04/28/public-libraries-little-free-libraries-and-embedded-librarians/>.Siegel, Julie. “An Ordinance to Amend Section 16.13 of the Municipal Code with Regard to Exempt Certain Little Free Libraries from Front Yard Setback Requirements.” Village of Whitefish Bay, Wisconsin (5 Aug. 2013).Skogan, Wesley G. Police and Community in Chicago: A Tale of Three Cities. New York: Oxford University Press, 2006.Solomon, Dan. “Dallas Is Regulating ‘Little Free Libraries’ for Some Reason.” Texas Monthly (14 Sept. 2016). 25 Feb. 2017 <http://www.texasmonthly.com/the-daily-post/dallas-regulating-little-free-libraries-reason/>.“Spencer’s Little Free Library.” Facebook 15 Jul. 2014. 25 Feb. 2017 <https://www.facebook.com/Spencerslittlefreelibrary/photos/pcb.527531327376433/527531260709773/?type=3>.Steward, M. Personal Interview. 7 Feb. 2017.Stingl, Jim. “Village Slaps Endnote on Little Libraries.” Milwaukee Journal Sentinel 11 Nov. 2012: 1B, 7B.Streitfeld, David. “Anger as a Private Company Takes over Libraries.” The New York Times (26 Sept. 2010). 25 Feb. 2017 <http://www.nytimes.com/2010/09/27/business/27libraries.html>.Svehla, Louise. “Little Free Libraries—The Possibilities Are Endless.” Public Libraries Online (8 Mar. 2013). 25 Feb. 2017 <http://publiclibrariesonline.org/2013/03/little-free-libraries-the-possibilities-are-endless/>.Tapper, Jake. “Boy Fights Council to Save His Library.” CNN 4 Jul. 2014. 25 Feb. 2017 <http://thelead.blogs.cnn.com/2014/07/04/boy-fights-to-save-his-library/>.Topil, Greg. “Little Free Libraries in Lincoln.” City of Lincoln, Nebraska (n.d.). 25 Feb. 2017 <http://lincoln.ne.gov/City/pworks/engine/row/little-library.htm>.

Probably the most (in)famous Australian teenager of recent times, now-17-year-old Kim Duthie—better known as the “St Kilda Schoolgirl”—first came to public attention when she posted naked pictures of two prominent St Kilda Australian Football League (AFL) players on Facebook. She claimed to be seeking revenge on the players’ teammate for getting her pregnant. This turned out to be a lie. Duthie also claimed that 47-year-old football manager Ricky Nixon gave her drugs and had sex with her. She then said this was a lie, then that she lied about lying. That she lied at least twice is clear, and in doing so, she arguably reinforced the pervasive myth that women are prone to lie about rape and sexual abuse. Precisely what occurred, and why Duthie posted the naked photographs will probably never be known. However, it seems clear that Duthie felt herself wronged. Can she therefore be held entirely to blame for the way she went about seeking redress from a group of men with infinitely more power than she—socially, financially and (in terms of the priority given to elite football in Australian society) culturally? The many judgements passed on Duthie’s behaviour in the media highlight the crucial, seldom-discussed issue of how problematic behaviour on the part of women might reinforce patriarchal norms. This is a particularly sensitive issue in the context of a spate of alleged sexual assaults committed by elite Australian footballers over the past decade. Given that representations of alleged rape cases in the media and elsewhere so often position women as blameworthy for their own mistreatment and abuse, the question of whether or not women can and should be held accountable in certain situations is particularly fraught. By exploring media representations of one of these complex scenarios, we consider how the issue of “complicity” might be understood in a rape culture. In doing so, we employ Auschwitz survivor Primo Levi’s highly influential concept of the “grey zone,” which signifies a complex and ambiguous realm that challenges both judgement and representation. Primo Levi’s “Grey Zone,” Patriarchy and the Problem of Judgement In his essay titled “The Grey Zone” (published in 1986), Levi is chiefly concerned with Jewish prisoners in the Nazi-controlled camps and ghettos who obtained “privileged” positions in order to prolong their survival. Reflecting on the inherently complex power relations in such extreme settings, Levi positions the “grey zone” as a metaphor for moral ambiguity: a realm with “ill-defined outlines which both separate and join the two camps of masters and servants. [The ‘grey zone’] possesses an incredibly complicated internal structure, and contains within itself enough to confuse our need to judge” (27). According to Levi, an examination of the scenarios and experiences that gave rise to the “grey zone” requires a rejection of the black-and-white binary opposition(s) of “friend” and “enemy,” “good” and “evil.” While Levi unequivocally holds the perpetrators of the Holocaust responsible for their actions, he warns that one should suspend judgement of victims who were entrapped in situations of moral ambiguity and “compromise.” However, recent scholarship on the representation of “privileged” Jews in Levi’s writings and elsewhere has identified a “paradox of judgement”: namely, that even if moral judgements of victims in extreme situations should be suspended, such judgements are inherent in the act of representation, and are therefore inevitable (see Brown). While the historical specificity of Levi’s reflections must be kept in mind, the corruptive influences of power at the core of the “grey zone”—along with the associated problems of judgement and representation—are clearly far more prevalent in human nature and experience than the Holocaust alone. Levi’s “grey zone” has been appropriated by scholars in the fields of Holocaust studies (Petropoulos and Roth xv-xviii), philosophy (Todorov 262), law (Luban 161–76), history (Cole 248–49), theology (Roth 53–54), and popular culture (Cheyette 226–38). Significantly, Claudia Card (The Atrocity Paradigm, “Groping through Gray Zones” 3–26) has recently applied Levi’s concept to the field of feminist philosophy. Indeed, Levi’s questioning of whether or not one can—or should—pass judgement on the behaviour of Holocaust victims has considerable relevance to the divisive issue of how women’s involvement in/with patriarchy is represented in the media. Expanding or intentionally departing from Levi’s ideas, many recent interpretations of the “grey zone” often misunderstand the historical specificity of Levi’s reflections. For instance, while applying Levi’s concept to the effects of patriarchy and domestic violence on women, Lynne Arnault makes the problematic statement that “in order to establish the cruelty and seriousness of male violence against women as women, feminists must demonstrate that the experiences of victims of incest, rape, and battering are comparable to those of war veterans, prisoners of war, political prisoners, and concentration camp inmates” (183, n.9). It is important to stress here that it is not our intention to make direct parallels between the Holocaust and patriarchy, or between “privileged” Jews and women (potentially) implicated in a rape culture, but to explore the complexity of power relations in society, what behaviour eventuates from these, and—most crucial to our discussion here—how such behaviour is handled in the mass media. Aware of the problem of making controversial (and unnecessary) comparisons, Card (“Women, Evil, and Gray Zones” 515) rightly stresses that her aim is “not to compare suffering or even degrees of evil but to note patterns in the moral complexity of choices and judgments of responsibility.” Card uses the notion of the “Stockholm Syndrome,” citing numerous examples of women identifying with their torturers after having been abused or held hostage over a prolonged period of time—most (in)famously, Patricia Hearst. While the medical establishment has responded to cases of women “suffering” from “Stockholm Syndrome” by absolving them from any moral responsibility, Card writes that “we may have a morally gray area in some cases, where there is real danger of becoming complicit in evildoing and where the captive’s responsibility is better described as problematic than as nonexistent” (“Women, Evil, and Gray Zones” 511). Like Levi, Card emphasises that issues of individual agency and moral responsibility are far from clear-cut. At the same time, a full awareness of the oppressive environment—in the context that this paper is concerned with, a patriarchal social system—must be accounted for. Importantly, the examples Card uses differ significantly from the issue of whether or not some women can be considered “complicit” in a rape culture; nevertheless, similar obstacles to understanding problematic situations exist here, too. In the context of a rape culture, can women become, to use Card’s phrase, “instruments of oppression”? And if so, how is their controversial behaviour to be understood and represented? Crucially, Levi’s reflections on the “grey zone” were primarily motivated by his concern that most historical and filmic representations “trivialised” the complexity of victim experiences by passing simplistic judgements. Likewise, the representation of sexual assault cases in the Australian mass media has often left much to be desired. Representing Sexual Assault: Australian Football and the Media A growing literature has critiqued the sexual culture of elite football in Australia—one in which women are reportedly treated with disdain, positioned as objects to be used and discarded. At least 20 distinct cases, involving more than 55 players and staff, have been reported in the media, with the majority of these incidents involving multiple players. Reports indicate that such group sexual encounters are commonplace for footballers, and the women who participate in sexual practices are commonly judged, even in the sports scholarship, as “groupies” and “sluts” who are therefore responsible for anything that happens to them, including rape (Waterhouse-Watson, “Playing Defence” 114–15; “(Un)reasonable Doubt”). When the issue of footballers and sexual assault was first debated in the Australian media in 2004, football insiders from both Australian rules and rugby league told the media of a culture of group sex and sexual behaviour that is degrading to women, even when consensual (Barry; Khadem and Nancarrow 4; Smith 1; Weidler 4). The sexual “culture” is marked by a discourse of abuse and objectification, in which women are cast as “meat” or a “bun.” Group sex is also increasingly referred to as “chop up,” which codes the practice itself as an act of violence. It has been argued elsewhere that footballers treating women as sexual objects is effectively condoned through the mass media (Waterhouse-Watson, “All Women Are Sluts” passim). The “Code of Silence” episode of ABC television program Four Corners, which reignited the debate in 2009, was even more explicit in portraying footballers’ sexual practices as abusive, presenting rape testimony from three women, including “Clare,” who remains traumatised following a “group sex” incident with rugby league players in 2002. Clare testifies that she went to a hotel room with prominent National Rugby League (NRL) players Matthew Johns and Brett Firman. She says that she had sex with Johns and Firman, although the experience was unpleasant and they treated her “like a piece of meat.” Subsequently, a dozen players and staff members from the team then entered the room, uninvited, some through the bathroom window, expecting sex with Clare. Neither Johns nor Firman has denied that this was the case. Clare went to the police five days later, saying that professional rugby players had raped her, although no charges were ever laid. The program further includes psychiatrists’ reports, and statements from the police officer in charge of the case, detailing the severe trauma that Clare suffered as a result of what the footballers called “sex.” If, as “Code of Silence” suggests, footballers’ practices of group sex are abusive, whether the woman consents or not, then it follows that such a “gang-bang culture” may in turn foster a rape culture, in which rape is more likely than in other contexts. And yet, many women insist that they enjoy group sex with footballers (Barry; Drill 86), complicating issues of consent and the degradation of women. Feminist rape scholarship documents the repetitive way in which complainants are deemed to have “invited” or “caused” the rape through their behaviour towards the accused or the way they were dressed: defence lawyers, judges (Larcombe 100; Lees 85; Young 442–65) and even talk show hosts, ostensibly aiming to expose the problem of rape (Alcoff and Gray 261–64), employ these tactics to undermine a victim’s credibility and excuse the accused perpetrator. Nevertheless, although no woman can be in any way held responsible for any man committing sexual assault, or other abuse, it must be acknowledged that women who become in some way implicated in a rape culture also assist in maintaining that culture, highlighting a “grey zone” of moral ambiguity. How, then, should these women, who in some cases even actively promote behaviour that is intrinsic to this culture, be perceived and represented? Charmyne Palavi, who appeared on “Code of Silence,” is a prime example of such a “grey zone” figure. While she stated that she was raped by a prominent footballer, Palavi also described her continuing practice of setting up footballers and women for casual sex through her Facebook page, and pursuing such encounters herself. This raises several problems of judgement and representation, and the issue of women’s sexual freedom. On the one hand, Palavi (and all other women) should be entitled to engage in any consensual (legal) sexual behaviour that they choose. But on the other, when footballers’ frequent casual sex is part of a culture of sexual abuse, there is a danger of them becoming complicit in, to use Card’s term, “evildoing.” Further, when telling her story on “Code of Silence,” Palavi hints that there is an element of increased risk in these situations. When describing her sexual encounters with footballers, which she states are “on her terms,” she begins, “It’s consensual for a start. I’m not drunk or on drugs and it’s in, [it] has an element of class to it. Do you know what I mean?” (emphasis added). If it is necessary to define sex “on her terms” as consensual, this implies that sometimes casual “sex” with footballers is not consensual, or that there is an increased likelihood of rape. She also claims to have heard about several incidents in which footballers she knows sexually abused and denigrated, if not actually raped, other women. Such an awareness of what may happen clearly does not make Palavi a perpetrator of abuse, but neither can her actions (such as “setting up” women with footballers using Facebook) be considered entirely separate. While one may argue, following Levi’s reflections, that judgement of a “grey zone” figure such as Palavi should be suspended, it is significant that Four Corners’s representation of Palavi makes implicit and simplistic moral judgements. The introduction to Palavi follows the story of “Caroline,” who states that first-grade rugby player Dane Tilse broke into her university dormitory room and sexually assaulted her while she slept. Caroline indicates that Tilse left when he “picked up that [she] was really stressed.” Following this story, the program’s reporter and narrator Sarah Ferguson introduces Palavi with, “If some young footballers mistakenly think all women want to have sex with them, Charmyne Palavi is one who doesn’t necessarily discourage the idea.” As has been argued elsewhere (Waterhouse-Watson, “Framing the Victim”), this implies that Palavi is partly responsible for players holding this mistaken view. By implication, she therefore encouraged Tilse to assume that Caroline would want to have sex with him. Footage is then shown of Palavi and her friends “applying the finishing touches”—bronzing their legs—before going to meet footballers at a local hotel. The lighting is dim and the hand-held camerawork rough. These techniques portray the women as artificial and “cheap,” techniques that are also employed in a remarkably similar fashion in the documentary Footy Chicks (Barry), which follows three women who seek out sex with footballers. In response to Ferguson’s question, “What’s the appeal of those boys though?” Palavi repeats several times that she likes footballers mainly because of their bodies. This, along with the program’s focus on the women as instigators of sex, positions Palavi as something of a predator (she was widely referred to as a “cougar” following the program). In judging her “promiscuity” as immoral, the program implies she is partly responsible for her own rape, as well as acts of what can be termed, at the very least, sexual abuse of other women. The problematic representation of Palavi raises the complex question of how her “grey zone” behaviour should be depicted without passing trivialising judgements. This issue is particularly fraught when Four Corners follows the representation of Palavi’s “nightlife” with her accounts of footballers’ acts of sexual assault and abuse, including testimony that a well-known player raped Palavi herself. While Ferguson does not explicitly question the veracity of Palavi’s claim of rape, her portrayal is nevertheless largely unsympathetic, and the way the segment is edited appears to imply that she is blameworthy. Ferguson recounts that Palavi “says she was able to put [being raped] out of her mind, and it certainly didn’t stop her pursuing other football players.” This might be interpreted a positive statement about Palavi’s ability to move on from a rape; however, the tone of Ferguson’s authoritative voiceover is disapproving, which instead implies negative judgement. As the program makes clear, Palavi continues to organise sexual encounters between women and players, despite her knowledge of the “dangers,” both to herself and other women. Palavi’s awareness of the prevalence of incidents of sexual assault or abuse makes her position a problematic one. Yet her controversial role within the sexual culture of elite Australian football is complicated even further by the fact that she herself is disempowered (and her own allegation of being raped delegitimised) by the simplistic ideas about “assault” and “consent” that dominate social discourse. Despite this ambiguity, Four Corners constructs Palavi as more of a perpetrator of abuse than a victim—not even a victim who is “morally compromised.” Although we argue that careful consideration must be given to the issue of whether moral judgements should be applied to “grey zone” figures like Palavi, the “solution” is far from simple. No language (or image) is neutral or value-free, and judgements are inevitable in any act of representation. In his essay on the “grey zone,” Levi raises the crucial point that the many (mis)understandings of figures of moral ambiguity and “compromise” partly arise from the fact that the testimony and perspectives of these figures themselves is often the last to be heard—if at all (50). Nevertheless, an article Palavi published in Sydney tabloid The Daily Telegraph (19) demonstrates that such testimony can also be problematic and only complicate matters further. Palavi’s account begins: If you believed Four Corners, I’m supposed to be the NRL’s biggest groupie, a wannabe WAG who dresses up, heads out to clubs and hunts down players to have sex with… what annoys me about these tags and the way I was portrayed on that show is the idea I prey on them like some of the starstruck women I’ve seen out there. (emphasis added) Palavi clearly rejects the way Four Corners constructed her as a predator; however, rather than rejecting this stereotype outright, she reinscribes it, projecting it onto other “starstruck” women. Throughout her article, Palavi reiterates (other) women’s allegedly predatory behaviour, continually portraying the footballers as passive and the women as active. For example, she claims that players “like being contacted by girls,” whereas “the girls use the information the players put on their [social media profiles] to track them down.” Palavi’s narrative confirms this construction of men as victims of women’s predatory actions, lamenting the sacking of Johns following “Code of Silence” as “disgusting.” In the context of alleged sexual assault, the “predatory woman” stereotype is used in place of the raped woman in order to imply that sexual assault did not occur; hence Palavi’s problematic discourse arguably reinforces sexist attitudes. But can Palavi be considered complicit in validating this damaging stereotype? Can she be blamed for working within patriarchal systems of representation, of which she has also been a victim? The preceding analysis shows judgement to be inherent in the act of representation. The paucity of language is particularly acute when dealing with such extreme situations. Indeed, the language used to explore this issue in the present article cannot escape terminology that is loaded with meaning(s), which quotation marks can perhaps only qualify so far. Conclusion This paper does not claim to provide definitive answers to such complex dilemmas, but rather to highlight problems in addressing the sensitive issues of ambiguity and “complicity” in women’s interactions with patriarchal systems, and how these are represented in the mass media. Like the controversial behaviour of teenager Kim Duthie described earlier, Palavi’s position throws the problems of judgement and representation into disarray. There is no simple solution to these problems, though we do propose that these “grey zone” figures be represented in a self-reflexive, nuanced manner by explicitly articulating questions of responsibility rather than making simplistic judgements that implicitly lessen perpetrators’ culpability. Levi’s concept of the “grey zone” helps elucidate the fraught issue of women’s potential complicity in a rape culture, a subject that challenges both understanding and representation. Despite participating in a culture that promotes the abuse, denigration, and humiliation of women, the roles of women like Palavi cannot in any way be conflated with the roles of the perpetrators of sexual assault. These and other “grey zones” need to be constantly rethought and renegotiated in order to develop a fuller understanding of human behaviour. References Alcoff, Linda Martin, and Laura Gray. “Survivor Discourse: Transgression or Recuperation.” Signs 18.2 (1993): 260–90. 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