Tesi sul tema "Law – Middle East – Sources"

Family law regulates the formation of marriage, divorce, marital property rights, child custody, inheritance, and spousal duties. This study aims to demonstrate how family law formation in the Middle East and North Africa reflects the struggle among social and political forces to capture the state and assert authority. The balance of power between competing social forces impacts both the timing (short-term versus long-term struggle) and type (progressive or regressive) of family law after independence. The ability of one of two competing forces, broadly categorized as traditionalist versus modernist, to capture the state is necessary for codification and is predictive of family law content. Case studies reveal that systemic shocks (e.g. revolution, social unrest, or foreign intervention) tip the balance of power in favor of traditional or modernizing forces in the post-independence state-building process and facilitate the successful consolidation of power and the codification of family law.

Thesis advisor: Ali Banuazizi<br>Thesis advisor: Sarah Babb<br>This dissertation focuses on the intersection of global and indigenous advocacy strategies in feminist women&rsquo;s movements in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). I explore strategies of resistance and innovation in three contexts: (1) Globally, I analyze a sample of MENA NGOs in a transnational women&rsquo;s rights network, Women&rsquo;s Learning Partnership (WLP) and their interactions in the international funding sphere; (2) Domestically, I examine a local Moroccan NGO&rsquo;s strategy development process and their domestic and regional partnerships when organizing to reform the Moudawana (1999-2004); and (3) Regionally, I analyze inter-organizational collaboration and coalition building between three NGOs in the Campaign to Reform Arab Women&rsquo;s Nationality (2001-2008). I locate the dissertation in a feminist activist framework and draw from diverse data sources, including years of fieldwork with WLP (2004-2008); participant observation and notes from five transnational women&rsquo;s rights meetings (2005-2008); a content analysis of a sample of international funders&rsquo; and MENA feminist NGOs&rsquo; websites; and two in-depth case studies with data derived from historical analysis, three months of fieldwork in Morocco, interviews with Moroccan, Lebanese, and regional activists, and secondary document analysis. The findings provide deeper clarity into the strategic action of MENA feminist movements and the variety of social, political, and economic forces that shape their discourses and practices for achieving social change and gender equality. The findings contribute to the scholarly literature on transnational feminism and social movements and its intersection with the law<br>Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2009<br>Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences<br>Discipline: Sociology<br>Discipline: Psychology

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, Dec. 2001.<br>Thesis advisor: Glenn E. Robinson. "December 2001." Includes bibliographical references (p. 89-91). Also available online.

Le méthane (CH4) est un puissant gaz à effet de serre (GES) et un levier important pour atténuer le réchauffement climatique dans un avenir proche. Comprendre ses sources est donc crucial, mais la fraction anthropique (60 %) semble être sous-estimée dans les inventaires où des incertitudes persistent à échelle régionale. Les réseaux de mesure tels que ICOS (pour les GES) et ACTRIS (pour les composés réactifs) fournissent des données qui pourraient être utilisées pour séparer les sources dans le temps et l'espace. Cependant, les approches permettant d'utiliser ces données de manière synergique manquent.Les incertitudes sur les émissions sont marquées en région Méditerranée orientale et Moyen-Orient (EMME). Elle est connue pour être sensible au changement climatique et à la pollution de l'air et se développe rapidement, entraînant d'importantes émissions de GES. Au Moyen-Orient, les émissions de CH4 liées au pétrole et au gaz (PG) sont supposées dominer les autres secteurs.Parmi les composés organiques volatils, les hydrocarbures non méthaniques (NMHC) tels que les alcanes légers sont co-émis avec le CH4 dans les chaînes d'exploitation PG. Ainsi, ils ont été identifiés comme traceurs pour caractériser les émissions de CH4 de ce secteur clé.Pour relever les défis posés en région EMME, ce travail de thèse s'est concentré sur la capacité des mesures atmosphériques source-récepteur de CH4/NMHC, à caractériser les émissions de CH4 de la région EMME.Un analyseur Picarro G2401 et deux chromatographes en phase gazeuse avec détecteur par ionisation de flamme ont été déployés lors de campagnes de terrain. Des ensembles de données ont été obtenus avec des observations colocalisées de GES et de NMHC (C2 à C12). Les signaux d'hydrocarbures sont ainsi utilisés pour identifier et caractériser les sources locales et régionales de CH4. Associées à la modélisation lagrangienne de l'atmosphère, ces mesures permettent d'étudier davantage la contribution du transport à longue distance et d'évaluer les inventaires d'émissions de CH4 en région EMME.Chypre est idéalement située pour documenter la composition chimique des masses d'air contrastées dans cette région. Les premières observations continues de CH4 ont été effectuées sur l'île entre février 2020 et novembre 2021 sur un site suburbain de la capitale, Nicosie. Les mesures de NMHC ont rejoint le CH4 en février 2021. Sur une période de plusieurs mois, entre périodes froide et chaude, cette campagne a permis d'évaluer la méthodologie des mesures combinées CH4/NMHC et de l'appliquer à l'étude des émissions locales.Ensuite, des mesures ont été effectuées au sud-est de Chypre entre décembre 2021 et février 2022. Cette campagne de 3 mois, mise en place dans un laboratoire mobile sur un site rural pendant l'hiver, visait à se concentrer sur les signaux régionaux provenant du Moyen-Orient (avec le moins d'interférences locales possible). Ce travail suggère que les émissions de l'amont de la chaîne PG sont sous-estimées de près de moitié dans la zone d'étude.Enfin, une campagne menée sur un navire de recherche de Vigo (Espagne) à Abu Dhabi (EAU) autour de la péninsule arabique en novembre-décembre 2022 a contribué à clarifier, documenter et évaluer les influences des émissions régionales. Elle a également identifié des cibles pour de futures recherches sur les émissions de CH4 et a montré que d'importantes divergences spatiales subsistent au sein de cette région spécifique, notamment dans l'estimation des émissions liées aux activités d'exploitation PG.Les résultats expérimentaux obtenus durant cette thèse ont permis d'étudier les sources d'émissions locales et régionales de CH4 en région EMME. Nous avons souligné l'importance des observations au sol pour comprendre ces émissions et cibler les efforts d'atténuation. L'utilisation des alcanes légers pour démêler les contributions sectorielles aux émissions de CH4 est prometteuse et devrait être appliquée à des mesures de surveillance à long terme<br>Methane (CH4) is a potent greenhouse gas (GHG) and an important lever for mitigating global warming in the near future. Understanding its sources is therefore crucial, yet the anthropogenic fraction (60 %) appears to be underestimated in inventories. CH4 emissions retain large uncertainties at a regional scale. Current measurement networks such as ICOS (for GHG) and ACTRIS (for reactive compounds) provide data that could ultimately be used to separate the sources in time and space. However, approaches to synergistically use these data are lacking.Uncertainties in emission rates are particularly marked in the Eastern Mediterranean and Middle East (EMME), where large emissions occur. This region is known to be sensitive to climate change, has major concerns about air pollution and is undergoing significant development and hence GHG emissions. In the Middle East, oil and gas (OG) related CH4 emissions are expected to dominate other emission sectors.Among the volatile organic compounds, Non-Methane HydroCarbons (NMHC) such as light alkanes, are co-emitted with CH4 in OG supply chains. Thus, they have been identified as relevant tracers for characterizing CH4 emissions from this key sector.To address the challenges posed in the EMME region, our research in this thesis has been focused on investigating the capability of combined CH4/NMHC set of atmospheric remote measurements with source-receptor methodology to deliver insight into the CH4 emissions of the EMME region.A high-precision Picarro G2401 analyzer and two gas chromatographs with flame ionization detector were deployed during several field campaigns in the EMME region. Extensive datasets were obtained with co-localized observations of GHG and NMHC (C2 to C12). They can be used to identify and characterise local and regional sources of CH4 using hydrocarbon trace gas signals. Combined with Lagrangian modelling of the atmosphere, they can be used to further investigate the contribution of long-range transport to local sources and to assess the accuracy of CH4 emission inventories in the EMME region.The island of Cyprus is ideally located to document the chemical composition of contrasted air masses in the EMME region. The first continuous CH4 observations were performed on the island between February 2020 and November 2021 at a suburban site of the capital, Nicosia. NMHC measurements joined CH4 in February 2021. Over a period of several months between cold and warm periods, this campaign enabled the combined CH4 and NMHC measurement methodology to be evaluated and applied to the study of specific local emissions.Secondly, measurements were performed at a background site at the southeastern edge of Cyprus between December 2021 and February 2022. This three-month campaign set up in a mobile laboratory at a rural site during the winter aimed to focus on long-range regional signals originating from the Middle East (with as little local interference as possible). This work suggests that Middle Eastern emissions from the upstream OG stage are underestimated by almost half in the study area.Finally, a campaign carried out from a research vessel from Vigo (Spain) to Abu Dhabi (UAE) and around the Arabian Peninsula in November-December 2022 help to clarify, document and assess the regional emission influences. It also identified targets for future research on CH4 emissions and showed the major spatial discrepancies remaining within this specific region, especially in the estimation of the emissions from fuel exploitation activities.Ultimately, the experimental results obtained during this thesis provide an assessment of local and regional CH4 emissions sources in the EMME region. We highlighted the importance of ground-based observations for understanding CH4 emissions and targeting mitigation efforts. The use of light alkanes to disentangle sectoral contributions to CH4 emissions is promising and should be applied to long-term monitoring measurements

Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2009.<br>Title from title page (Digital Archive@GSU, viewed July 20, 2010) Michael Herb, committee chair; Jelena Subotic, Scott Graves, committee members. Includes bibliographical references.

The thesis comprises 5 chapters, including the conclusion. The first chapter is a review of the history of Middle Eastern studies and relevant collections in the UK together with an account of the four official reports commissioned by the UK Government on Oriental and African Studies in the UK. The second chapter is an account of a questionnaire based survey of Middle Eastern collections in the UK, which looks at 62 collections. The third chapter is a social survey, based on questionnaires and interviews on the information needs of library users in the UK with Middle Eastern interests. The fourth chapter is a statistical analysis of certain bibliographical tools on the Middle East (English) and in Middle Eastern languages. Following these analyses the findings from chapter 2 on collections, chapter 3 on users, and chapter 4 on bibliographical sources are compared in order to investigate the correlations between these elements. Having demonstrated the particular significance of the collection of libraries specialising in the Middle East to the conduct of Middle Eastern studies in the UK, ways in which the collections and services of these libraries might be improved are examined.

The goal of this study is to generate a more holistic picture of the diffusion and assimilation of universal human rights norms in diverse cultural and political settings such as the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). The overarching question to be investigated in this thesis is the relationship between the evolving international human rights regime and the emerging human rights normative and legal culture in the Middle East. This question will be investigated in detail with reference to regional human rights schemes such as the Arab Charter of Human Rights, as well as local human rights developments in three Middle Eastern states, Egypt, the United Arab Emirates, and the Islamic Republic of Iran. Having gauged the take-up of human rights norms on the ground at the local and regional levels, the thesis examines in full the extent of socialisation and internalisation of human rights norms across the Middle East region at large.

There is a legal separation in Jordan between Sharia' (Islamic) Law and Civil Law. Both types of law come together to create criminal law that has a negative effect on women's rights. Laws in Jordan are evolving in the right direction but are not going far enough to protect women from violence. This study explores the issues of violence against women in Jordan through a study the Jordanian legal system and the experience of women who suffer violence. The working of the Jordanian justice system is presented by analysing the responses of state and non-state institutions dealing with violence against women. Included in the research is an analysis of feminist concerns with the law and the position of women in society. My concern is with the way in which women's inferior position impacts on their experience of violence and their ability to obtain redress and access protection. The methods used to complete this study included qualitative data collections such as field observations, and semi-structured participant interviews. It also extended to archival work in which I studied official reports and public policies on VAW. My study attempts to explain the structure of gender relations and women's experiences of violence in the context of Jordanian society by using feminist theory. The empirical work conducted in Jordan considered the effectiveness of law in serving victims. Further analysis considers how the Jordanian socio-economic and legal environment influences women's decisions on whether to seek help. The research found that there is a need to introduce better-developed law accompanied by additional policy measures to affect an essential change in attitudes. This requires changing some laws and policy programmes to increase awareness of legal rights. Additionally, I will suggest that applying Islamic law to women's rights can also give women more freedom and provide them with additional opportunities to access protection. The research identified a need for coherence between Civil and Sharia' (Islamic) Law in developing civil and criminal remedies which would align Jordan's domestic law to its international obligations.

This thesis focuses on the effects of American foreign policy on the “democratization” of the Middle East in the post-September-2001 period. The author examines the case of the Middle East Partnership Initiative, a democracy assistance program created in 2002 within the context of the vast democracy promotion campaign undertaken by the Bush administration in response to the attacks of September 11, 2001. Following a theoretical analysis of the elements related to the process of democratization and a retrospective of democracy promotion in the recent history of the United States, the author introduces the different aspects of President Bush's new pro-democracy rhetoric, known as the Freedom Agenda. In describing and analyzing MEPI's programs, evolution and priorities, as well as its main shortcomings and challenges ahead, the author demonstrates that the positive effects of such democratization programs are difficult to show as there have been few “real” democratic advancements in the Middle East so far.<br>Ce mémoire porte sur les effets de la politique étrangère américaine après le 11 septembre 2001 sur la démocratisation du Moyen-Orient. Plus particulièrement, l'auteure y examine le cas du Middle East Partnership Initiative (MEPI), un programme d'assistance à la démocratie mis en œuvre en 2002 dans le cadre de la vaste campagne de promotion démocratique de l'administration Bush, lancée peu après les événements de 2001. Après une analyse théorique des éléments reliés au processus de démocratisation et une rétrospective de la place accordée à la promotion de la démocratie dans l'historique récente des affaires étrangères des États-Unis, l'auteure introduit les différents aspects de la nouvelle rhétorique pro-démocratique de l'administration Bush, communément appelée le Freedom Agenda. En décrivant et en analysant les programmes, l'évolution et les priorités du MEPI, ainsi qu'en examinant les critiques qui lui ont été adressées et les défis que l'initiative devra affronter dans les années à venir, l'auteure réussit à démontrer que les effets positifs de ce genre de programme de démocratisation sont difficiles à prouver, les avancées démocratiques « réelles » étant peu nombreuses au Moyen-Orient à ce jour.

Since the Justice and Development Party’s (AKP) victory and government in 2002, Turkey entered a new phase in its history and witnessed major changes in all social, economic, and political aspects. Turkish foreign policy went through huge transformations and the new AKP government was able to revolutionise Turkey’s international position. In particular, relations with Middle Eastern countries have tremendously improved and Turkish interests and role have been growing ever since. This thesis investigates the sources of change in Turkish foreign policy since 2002 towards the Middle East, focusing on the role of the AKP (Justice and Development Party) as a ruling party in particular on the changes it went through in the first ten years from 2002 to early 2012. The significant changes in Turkish foreign policy appeared under the AKP government became one of the most debated issues in this field and created a puzzle that many scholars attempted to explain. Therefore, the thesis engages in recent debates between the different scholars and analysts in the literature and argues that there is a need for a more inclusive approach that can recognize the complex and multilateral nature of the Turkish case. The aim is to assess and evaluate the plausibility of the available competing explanations in the literature in explaining such foreign policy outcomes. Therefore, the thesis borrows and builds on the works of Alexander George & Andrew Bennet (2005), and Derek Beach & Rasmus Pedersen (2013) by adopting the Process Tracing Methodology, which helps to facilitate a better critical analysis and systematic evaluation of the selected explanations. The results of this thesis demonstrate that single factor based explanations actually drive researchers away from achieving a comprehensive explanation and only help provide a partial picture. Therefore, the best way to go forward is by adopting a much more inclusive and multiple factors based approach recognising the important opportunity that foreign policy theories offer in looking at the Turkish case from different perspectives. The results of this thesis suggest that the best way for understanding Turkish foreign policy change is by recognizing the multiple roles of domestic and international economic, political,and ideational sources, as well as the role of policy makers, particularly that of Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Ahmet Davutoglu. The contribution of this thesis lies within its analysis bringing the wide range of explanations in the literature together, exploring and summarizing the vast number of data in a more simplified manner, and examining the value and plausibility of the competing explanation to try and arrive at the most comprehensive explanation, all under one piece of work. Therefore, this thesis establishes a useful foundation for researchers to adopt and take forward in future studies.

The decision, in 2003, by the United States and the United Kingdom to go to war against Iraq was seen by many as a watershed moment for international law. Operation Iraqi Freedom seemed to herald the ultimate triumph ofthose "realist" critics of international law who had always maintained that powerful states should and did ignore international law when their national interest is at stake. This thesis offers a defence of international law in the face of such criticism. By analysing key Great Power interventions in the Middle East prior to the War on Iraq, it will be shown that international law has always been a minor concern for those leaders who believed their state's national interest would be furthered by intervening in the Middle East. Operation Iraqi Freedom was thus far from being a watershed moment. More importantly, however, the thesis will dispel the notion that international law necessarily conflicts with the national interest of powerful states. A detailed analysis of Great Power interventions in Palestine (1917-1948), at Suez (1956), and in Afghanistan (1979-2011) will demonstrate that in none of these key events did the pursuit of national interest in conscious violation of international law actually benefit the intervenor. Rather, the subsequent "blowback", resulting from these illegal endeavours, was frequently more serious than the danger the intervenor originally sought to combat. Here, too, the Iraq War and its disastrous aftermath seem to have followed the rule, rather than being the exception. The latter conclusion, it will be argued, does allow for some optimism as to the future role of international law. The repeated failure by the Great Powers to obtain their objectives by illegal means evidences that it is not adherence to international law , but rather the conduct of an unrealistic foreign policy in violation of it, that harms a state's national interest. International law, far from being utopian, is grounded in states' past experiences, therefore reflects the realities of international life, and can consequently be a useful guide for a more successful foreign policy.

What is the relationship between gender inequality and resource wealth in the Middle East? Why has progression of women’s rights in the Middle East advanced at a comparatively slower rate than most of the world? Conventional wisdom attributes the continued significant gaps in gender equality to the region’s strong patriarchic culture associated with Islam. However, recent statistical analysis conducted by Michael Ross suggests a correlation between oil production and women’s rights. This thesis examines an emerging schism in the literature and evaluates the relationship between social and political emancipation of women relative to Islam and oil wealth. The findings of this examination conclude that Ross’s theoretical framework is incomplete: Islamic law is a key causal mechanism left out of his examination. Furthermore, Islamic law has a more comprehensive negative impact on women’s social and political rights than oil wealth.

The entire banking systems in the western societies is based on the use of interest. The bank charges the borowers interest on its loans and pays its depositors interest on their deposits. On the other hand, the Middle Eastern banking system is an interest free system that prohibits the use of interest, either in receipt or in payment.

Morocco is oftentimes praised by academics, development workers, and women’s rights activists as a trailblazer for the empowerment of women in the Middle East and North African region. Its reforms in the realm of family legislation and progress made in human development place the country at the helm of liberalising Arab Muslim-majority societies, even more so after the Arab Spring and Morocco’s peaceful transition to a ‘new’ constitutional order. However, a closer look at women’s rights discourses, legal reforms, its texts and implementation, and the public attitudes towards the enhancement of women’s rights reveals a less empowering situation. The purported goals of the Family Code, as the extolled document showcasing Morocco’s attempt at ameliorating (married) women’s rights, of ‘doing justice to women’ while ‘preserving men’s dignity’ mask the reformed law’s reconsolidation of patriarchal family relations. Many legal grey areas within this particular law, as well as clashing principles emanating from other laws such as the Penal Code, allow judges and the ʿaduls (religious notaries) to exercise discretion and apply the law as they see fit and, to a large extent, as it conforms to their and the community’s vision of the ideal moral order. Moreover, because ‘doing justice to women’ affects men’s and family’s honour, the project of the enhancement of women’s rights has had as a result retraditionalisation of family relations and hierarchical gender structures. Nowhere is this more poignant than in the status of educated single adult girls from provincial areas. They may be poster girls for the development community, but they are pitied by their own communities because they fail to become complete women––married (non-employed) mothers. The story of Morocco’s professed progress is a story of empowering its citizens, but one which does so on paper only. It is also a story which hides the salient details of poorly written reformed laws, obstructed access to justice, continuing widespread misogyny, material poverty and social marginalisation, and cohesive socio-economic programmes, which are rarely followed through.

This thesis examines how Jews of the Ottoman Empire responded to newfound opportunities that emerged across the domains of the late Ottoman Empire in the nineteenth century due to the Ottoman bureaucratic reforms (Tanzimat). It challenges the discourses that argue that Jews engaged probing issues such as nationalism in a monolithic fashion. Rather, Sephardi and Arab Jews, based on socioeconomic status and geographic location in the Empire approached questions of affiliation with the Empire or attachment to new forms of nationalism based on divergent structures that informed their lives and personal political choices. This project explores the main avenues that Jews in the Ottoman world used to approach questions that animated the public discourse not just of Jews, but of peoples across the globe who struggled to find new avenues for belonging in shifting geopolitical terrains. For Jewish communities in the Ottoman world, four dominant avenues and attitudes emerged: traditionalists who desired to maintain the status quo; those who sought an Ottoman or Turkish Republican future; Sephardi Zionists who believed they were integral to Ottoman communal history; provincial nationalists who agitated for distinct regional identities. The thesis also briefly examines the Armenian millet’s socio-political situation during the nineteenth and twentieth century in order to show the ways in which the Jewish millet was both in tandem with broader nationalist discourses but were also less cohesively politically organized than other millets in the Empire.

The dissertation solves the empirical puzzle why similar regimes such as Morocco and Jordan vary in their engagement in family law reform between 1999 and 2013. Differences with respect to family law reform in the two monarchies are threefold: the way the reform processes were carried out, the content of the new family codes that were issued in Morocco in 2004 and in Jordan in 2010, and the way the laws were applied. Using Pierre Bourdieu's theory of practice as a theoretical framework the dissertation establishes the links between the designs of the legal systems, how reform processes are carried out, the family laws countries end up with, and the way the laws are applied. French and British colonialism had shaped the legal systems of Morocco and Jordan to different degrees, producing a legal system that was unified after independence in Morocco whereas the Jordanian one continued to be divided into regular and religious courts. As a result, Moroccan family courts are less autonomous and more subjected to political decisions than Jordanian sharia courts. The institutional design of both judicial systems affected how family law reform was carried out because those systems contain biases towards different actors who are seen as competent of reforming family law and thus came to influence the reform process. The different access criteria to the juridical fields promote different types of cultural capital, so that actors participating in the process have different preferences regarding the development of the content of family law. In Jordan, the absence of the Jordanian king allowed the sharia court administration to exploit the structural bias in its favour and come to dominate both the process and content of family law reform. For this reason the 2010 Jordanian family law reflects to a lesser extent the demands of women's groups. The absence of the Jordanian king from the reform process demonstrates that change in authoritarian states is not necessarily imposed from above nor is it predetermined from the beginning. The Jordanian reform process saw little engagement from the top-level of the regime and could be classified as a mid-level process. It was led by a government body, the sharia court administration, which however enjoyed relative autonomy from the upper echelon of the regime. By contrast, the Moroccan family law reform was a textbook example of authoritarian politics, the reform being imposed from above and the king playing a leading role during the process. In contrast to the process and content of reform, the application of the reformed law in Morocco challenges the notion of the omnipotent authoritarian regime. While the monarch could impose legislative change, the state is at best partially able to enforce this very law or to impose a consensus over its interpretation. The designs of the legal systems again had an impact here. International law occupies different places in the Moroccan and Jordanian constitutions: Jordanian sharia courts enjoy greater autonomy, reject international law, and thus were able to resist its intrusion.

Qatar is among the fastest growing developing countries in all fields. Since the State of Qatar gained independence from the United Kingdom, the Qatari government has been focusing on the formation of state institutions to keep pace with global development. In 1971, Qatar released the first civil and commercial law. The country established the first step towards the separation of civil and commercial transactions of Islamic law. However, the ever-changing nature of business and global economy requires significant economic and societal changes. With the increase of foreign investors in Qatar, there had to be a law governing arbitration in contracts. Therefore, the government promulgated the arbitration clause in commercial contracts; the first code of civil and commercial procedure contains a chapter of the arbitration. However, the provisions of arbitration included in this law are not compatible with the UNCITRAL Model Law. Although there is a shortage in literature regarding arbitration in Qatar, several studies discussed issues related to arbitration in Qatar and called for the adoption of a new separate arbitration law in Qatar compatible with the UNCITRAL one. This prompted Qatar to work on a new draft law of arbitration, especially after the ratification of the New York Convention 1985 by Qatar. However, these studies did not cover other factors which affect arbitration; such as cultural attitude towards arbitration and issues affecting the practice of arbitration in Qatar. Unlike previous studies regarding arbitration in Qatar, this thesis uses multi-methods to get an answer of the main question of the research, which is: “Will the new Arbitration Draft Law solve all the issues related to arbitration in Qatar, thereby attracting international companies to Qatar and its law for their arbitration?” The thesis reviews the related literature in the first stage. Then it analyses interviews which were held with a number of arbitration stakeholders, the recent Qatari draft law of arbitration, the GCC unified arbitration draft law and the Qatar Financial Centre (QFC) draft law. After that it conducts a comparison between the current provisions of arbitration, the Qatari arbitration draft law and the GCC unified arbitration draft law in light of the UNCITRAL Model Law and the Egyptian Arbitration Law. This multi-methods study results in recommendations which are listed in its conclusion. It is worth mentioning that both the Qatari arbitration draft law and the QFC draft law are considered for the first time in a research study. Also, the interviews which were held for the purpose of this research enrich the outcome as the participants were chosen from various categories of arbitration stakeholder, where some of them represent official entities; such as the Legislation Department of the Ministries Council and some of them are high ranking officials of these entities; such as the Minister of Justice.

<p><p><p>L’eau est vitale dans toutes les économies. C’est à cause de son rôle prépondérant pour la survie que les tensions politiques autour des basins et des fleuves internationaux tendent à être particulièrement très épineuses. Actuellement, la mauvaise répartition de cette ressource pose un sérieux problème du fait qu’elle est gérée en fonction de stratégies politiques et non en fonction des réalités hydrologiques régionales. Nous expliquons à l’aide de la « Enhanced Power Matrix Model » (La Matrice de FREY et NAFF améliorée) que les tensions autour des bassins et des fleuves au Moyen – Orient n’aboutiront pas à des conflits armés mais à une situation de non guerre et de non paix, très peu propice à la coopération. Pour sortir de cette situation de blocage, nous proposons aux décideurs politiques et aux négociateurs, sur base de l’article 6 de la Convention de New York de 1997 sur « les cours d’eau internationaux à d’autres usages que la navigation », un modèle de répartition de la ressource hydrique entre les différents riverains d’un cours d’eau international. Face à cette situation, beaucoup de pays de la région tentent de mettre de façon unilatérale des modèles de gestion macroéconomique :réduction de la demande ou l’augmentation de l’offre de l’eau. Ces modèles se heurtent à des obstacles de nature économique, politique, sociologique et culturelle. Dans un objectif de conception de nouveaux modèles de gestion de l’eau, nous proposons un modèle coopératif, les projets de transfert inter – bassin, pour faire face à la mauvaise répartition de cette ressource au Moyen – Orient. <p>Nous appuyons sur la méthodologie multicritère d’aide à la décision pour opérationnaliser l’article 6 de la Convention de New York et pouvoir comparer les différents projets de transfert inter - bassin. Cette méthodologie fait appel à un logiciel d’aide à la décision « Décision Lab 2000 ». Le commentaire des résultats fournis par ce logiciel nous a permit de tirer l’enseignement suivant :seuls les projets qui présentent une faisabilité politique élevée arrivent en tête de classement. Ce qui nous fait dire que la question de l’eau au Moyen – Orient est, avant tout, une question politique. <p><br>Doctorat en Sciences économiques et de gestion<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

With almost 4 million registered Syrian refugees, the UN has called it the world’s worst refugee crisis. The influx of 628,000 asylum-seekers to neighboring Jordan has tested its strength and protection capabilities. The UNHCR is the organizational spearhead of the international refugee regime, the set of rights and procedural structures upon which signatory States agree to protect refugee rights. This ethnographic research contributes lived experience to the existing quantitative scholarship on the Syrian refugee influx in Jordan. Spending the long days of Ramadan with young adult Syrian national urban refugees, I learned about the gaps between respondents’ hardships in establishing secure lives, and the rights the UNHCR guarantees for them in Amman. This thesis argues that respondents’ experiences reflect the systematic failure of refugee protection due to inherent weaknesses of the refugee regime. Gaps in protections are the logical result of the expanding role of nation-states, as self-interested actors, in making important decisions in the enforcement of refugee rights. I argue that the expanding interest of Northern States’ to limit immigration since September 11th has rendered the UNHCR incapable of providing refugees the levels of protection they are guaranteed. The refugee regime makes certain assumptions of the host country’s carrying capacity, as well as assumptions that other nation-states will willingly open its doors for Syrian refugee resettlement. Since the UNHCR cannot rely upon Northern states committing themselves to third country resettlement, refugees can no longer expect the refugee regime to uphold its mandate that it was founded to ensure.

Internally Displaced Persons ('IDPs') outnumber refugees by two to one and often have the same fears, needs and wants as refugees recognised as such under international law. However, refugee status entails international protection, while IDPs are left to the protection of their own state, which may, but by no means necessarily, be the very entity that has forced them to flee in the first place. In recent years, there have been significant developments in the realm of IDP protection. This includes the conclusion of two regional treaties on the protection of IDPs, the development of relevant soft law instruments, and the reformed 'Cluster Approach' of humanitarian response. Although the increased focus on IDP protection is a welcome development, the UNHCR has expressed the fear that 'activities for the internally displaced may be (mis)interpreted as obviating the need for international protection and asylum.' This thesis represents the first legal analysis of the relationship between the protection of IDPs and International Refugee Law. It will discuss five key challenges in this respect. First, the challenge of drawing the attention of the international community to the plight of IDPs; second, the challenge of developing an appropriate framework for the protection of IDPs; third, the challenge of ensuring that internal protection is not interpreted as a substitute for asylum; fourth; the challenge of determining the relationship between complementary protection and internal displacement; and fifth, the challenge of ensuring that IDP protection in an inter-agency context does not trigger the application of Article 1D of the Refugee Convention, rendering the Convention inapplicable to the recipients of that protection. This thesis will conclude by setting out the future challenges in the relationship between IDP protection and International Refugee Law, by identifying questions left open for further research, and by illustrating the overall impact and importance of this thesis' findings.

Este trabalho tem dois grandes objetivos: analisar a intervenção internacional ocorrida na Líbia em 2011 pelas perspectivas do direito internacional e das relações internacionais, e tratar da atual conjuntura do país no pós-intervenção. Quanto ao primeiro objetivo, aborda-se toda a evolução do uso da força no sistema internacional até o desenvolvimento do conceito de Responsabilidade de Proteger, que constitui o ponto de confluência da longa tradição de guerra justa, do adensamento normativo do direito internacional (sobretudo do jus ad bellum e do jus in bello), da ampliação das atribuições do Conselho de Segurança da ONU e das transformações dos conflitos armados. Após, verificam-se as resoluções aprovadas entre fevereiro e outubro de 2011, sobretudo a Resolução 1973, que autorizou o uso da força para a proteção de civis. Passa-se a estabelecer os limites jurídicos do mandato interventor, visando a determinar se as ações dos Estados mandatados se coadunaram com os parâmetros jurídicos existentes. Nesse sentido, recorre-se ao contexto político no Conselho de Segurança da ONU existente na aprovação da Resolução 1973 e no decorrer da intervenção. Conclui-se que a coalition of the willing violou a Resolução 1973 e o direito internacional ao promover mudança de regime, ao fornecer aos rebeldes armamentos ofensivos e treinamento militar, bem como ao coordenar-se com eles, ao bombardear civis, ao rejeitar propostas de paz da União Africana após a proteção a Benghazi e ao procurar derrotar militarmente o regime de Kadafi. Em seguida, estudam-se as políticas externas dos Estados-membros permanentes do Conselho de Segurança da ONU em 2011, tanto suas diretrizes gerais quanto os objetivos específicos para o Oriente Médio e a Líbia. São analisadas as razões por que Estados Unidos, França e Reino Unido decidiram intervir e por que não houve vetos de Rússia e China. Quanto ao segundo objetivo, estuda-se a atual situação da Líbia, a fim de verificar as principais causas de sua presente instabilidade, bem como os fatores por que Estados mandatados pouco se comprometeram com a reconstrução do país após a intervenção. Apontam-se como fatores de instabilidade a proliferação de grupos armados fora de efetivo controle estatal, fronteiras porosas aliadas a crescimento de tráficos e contrabando, vazio institucional desde a independência, hesitante identidade nacional e constante dicotomia centro-periferia. Iniciativas de reconstrução pós-conflito tampouco constituíram norma jurídica a obrigar os Estados. Alto custo financeiro e político de missões de paz/estabilização (capacetes azuis), a exemplo daquelas no Afeganistão e Iraque, em contexto de crise econômica, falta de apoio popular nos principais Estados mandatados e entre as novas lideranças líbias contribuíram para missão da ONU de baixo perfil. Eventos na Líbia de 2011 indicam que intervenções para proteção de civis seguem lógica de maximizar benefícios pretendidos e minimizar custos (Rationality to Protect). Spillover regional da instabilidade e novas intervenções internacionais na Líbia pós-2011 seguido de Mea culpa das principais lideranças dos Estados mandatados.<br>This research has two objectives: to analyse the 2011 international intervention in Libya through the lenses of both international law and international relations, and to discuss Libya\'s post-intervention political process. Regarding the first objective, the historic evolution of the use of force in international law until the development of the concept of Responsibility to Protect is discussed. Responsibility to Protect is the point into which the long tradition of just war, the development of international law (especially the rules of jus ad bellum and jus in bello), the growing responsibilities of the UN Security Council in the maintenance of world peace and security, and the changing nature of armed conflicts converge. Also, all the resolutions passed by the UN Security Council between February and October 2011 are examined in detail, especially Resolution 1973, which authorised the use of force to protect civilians in Libya, in order to verify if the actions of the states that took part in the intervention were consistent with the existing legal parameters. In this regard, the political context of the UN Security Council when Resolution 1973 was passed and during the intervention is taken into consideration. It is therefore concluded that the coalition of the willing violated Resolution 1973 and international law by promoting regime change, by sending weapons to the rebels, by training and coordinating with them, by bombing civilians, by rejecting the African Union peace overtures after Benghazi was secured, and by pursuing the military defeat of Gaddafi\'s forces. Moreover, the foreign policies of the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council are analysed, including the strategies concerning the Middle East and North Africa, as well as those concerning Libya in 2011. Thus, the motives that led the United States, France, and Great Britain to push for intervention, as well as those that drove Russia and China to abstain, are explained. As for the second objective, the current political situation of Libya is analysed, especially the reasons for its post-intervention instability, as well as the causes of the intervening states\' lack of commitment to post-conflict reconstruction. Libya\'s political instability derives mostly from the proliferation of armed groups that are not placed under effective government control, from porous borders, from the growth of human and drug trafficking as well as smuggling routes, from the inexistence of strong state institutions since independence, from a hesitant national identity, and from a constant dichotomy between centre and periphery. Post-conflict reconstruction does not constitute a binding legal obligation. High financial and political costs of peace/stabilisation operations, like those in Afghanistan and Iraq, economic crisis, lack of popular support in the leading members of the coalition of the willing and among new Libyan leaders contributed to a low-key UN mission. Interventions to protect civilians are influenced by political calculations of minimising risks and maximising benefits (Rationality to Protect). Libya\'s instability has spread to its neighbours and new international interventions have taken place in the country, as the leaders of the 2011 intervening states have recognised their mistakes.

Le Liban est l’une des nations où la construction de l’Etat s’est révélée inachevée dans la seconde moitié du 20ème siècle. Cet Etat était donc incapable de régler les crises politiques internes et de limiter l’impact des conflits régionaux et internationaux dont il a été victime. L’aggravation des crises au Liban, leur transformation en conflits armés, à partir de 1958, ont constitué des menaces pour la paix et la sécurité internationale. Les grandes puissances et l’O.N.U. n’ont pu dénouer les crises libanaises. Néanmoins, la communauté internationale ne s’est jamais désengagée à l’égard du Liban. Deux puissances occidentales, ayant des influences indéniables au Liban, se sont trouvées constamment face au problème libanais, après la Seconde guerre mondiale : la France et les Etats-Unis. Cette thèse examine les diplomaties française et américaine à l’épreuve des crises libanaises depuis 1958 jusqu’à 2008, leurs convergences et surtout leurs divergences. Il s’agit de comparer et expliquer leurs attitudes, leurs initiatives, leurs motivations, leurs intentions et leurs buts à court, à moyen et à long terme. L’objectif est de montrer dans quelle mesure l’enjeu libanais a fait l’objet d’un différend entre Paris et Washington, constituant une source d’affrontement et de rivalité entre eux, et d’examiner comment leurs politiques ont influé – ou non – sur les crises récurrentes au Liban. On peut constater que la France et les Etats-Unis n’ont pu empêcher la transformation de la crise en conflit armé, et ont échoué pour éviter la décomposition de l’Etat libanais face à l’enjeu arabo-palestinien qui a pesé entre 1958 et 1982. De même, les deux pays ont été impuissants, depuis 1982, pour rétablir la souveraineté de l’Etat et restaurer son effectivité face à l’enjeu syro-iranien. A vrai dire, les Etats-Unis ont toujours refusé de déployer les efforts nécessaires pour régler les causes du problème libanais. La France avait l’intention de le faire, mais elle était incapable en raison de l’inaction volontaire des Etats-Unis sur la question palestinienne. La divergence franco-américaine vis-à-vis du conflit israélo-arabe, depuis 1967, n’a pas permis de formuler une coopération franco-américaine concrète et constructive qui puisse contribuer à mettre fin à la guerre libanaise et trouver une solution définitive au problème libanais interne qui est resté lié aux évolutions géopolitiques dans la région. Cette constatation permet de comprendre la situation actuelle qui est inquiétante pour l’avenir du Liban et démontre la limite du rôle des puissances<br>Lebanon is a nation where the construction of the State is still unachieved in the second half of the 20th century. In fact, this State was incapable to settle political internal crises and limit the impact of regional and international conflicts from which it was suffering. And it was the aggravation of crises in Lebanon and their transformation to armed conflicts as of 1958 that threatened peace and international security. Great powers and the U.N. did not indeed succeed in resolving Lebanese crises. Nevertheless, the international community never disengaged itself from Lebanon. There are two Western powers with an undeniable influence in Lebanon that were constantly facing the Lebanese issue after World War II: France and the United States. This thesis looks into the French and U.S. diplomacies facing the Lebanese crises from 1958 till 2008, as well as their convergences and mostly their divergences. It will compare and explain their attitudes, initiatives, motivations, intentions and objectives on the short, medium and long terms. The aim is to show to which extent the Lebanese issue was the subject of a disagreement between Paris and Washington originating confrontation and rivalry between both countries, and to study how their policies influenced – or not – recurrent crises in Lebanon. In fact, France and the United States did not succeed to prevent the transformation of the crisis into an armed conflict, and failed to avoid the collapse of the Lebanese State facing the Arab- Palestinian issue that strongly weighted on the situation between 1958 and 1982. Furthermore, both countries were unable since 1982 to re-establish the State sovereignty and restore its effectiveness facing the Syria-Iran issue. In fact, the United States always refused to deploy the necessary efforts to resolve the causes of the Lebanese problem. France had the intention to do it but it was incapable because of the voluntary inaction of the United States on the Palestinian issue. The French-American divergent opinions on the Arab-Israeli conflict since 1967 did not help formulate any tangible and constructive cooperation between France and the United States that would contribute to end the Lebanese war and find a permanent solution to internal problems in Lebanon that remained linked to the region’s geopolitical developments. This observation helps to understand the current situation, which is worrying for the country’s future, and demonstrates the limits of the Great powers’ role

Considéré comme un tournant dans l'histoire de la Syrie moderne, les raisons qui ont conduit Housni al-Zaim, Commandant des Forces Armées Syriennes en 1949, à effectuer son coup contre le président Kouatli, ce qui l’a conduit à prendre les décisions qui ont été les siennes sur le plan syrien mais surtout au niveau de la géopolitique moyen-orientale, restent ouvertes aux interprétations. L'objectif de cette thèse de doctorat est de fournir une nouvelle interprétation historique de l'interaction entre le principal protagoniste du premier coup d’Etat en Syrie, Housni al-Zaim, d'une part, et les acteurs moyen-orientaux et internationaux d'autre part, à travers l'étude de sources précédemment inexploitées et le réexamen de certaines déjà étudiées. Méthodologiquement, nous employons l'approche de Collingwood, « l’histoire étant le vécu, par l’historien, des pensées passées de son sujet d’étude », en nous penchant ainsi sur la reconstruction progressive des expériences de tous ceux qui furent impliqués dans les évènements du premier coup d’Etat de 1949, pour pouvoir nous prononcer sur la nature de la relation et de l’interaction, tout au long du régime d’al-Zaim avec les puissances étrangères, et jusqu’à quel point cette relation et interaction a-t-elle influencé le déroulement des événements. Notre étude s'appuie sur un large éventail de sources qui compose ainsi notre inventaire, et qui comprendra le plus grand nombre de mémoires et témoignages de personnalités et d'acteurs-clés rédigés en langue arabe, complétés par des rapports des services de renseignements libanais et américains, ainsi que par des documents d’archives diplomatiques françaises, britanniques et américaines<br>Although considered to be a turning point in the history of modern Syria, the reasons that led Housni al-Zaim, the commander of the Syrian Armed Forces in 1949, to effectuate his coup against President Kouatli, as well as the reasons that led him to take the decisions he did in the course of his reign, decisions that both impacted Syria and Middle Eastern geopolitics, remained open to speculation. The objective of this doctoral dissertation is to provide a new historical interpretation of the interaction between Syria’s first coup d’Etat’s main protagonist – Husni al-Zaim, on one hand, and the regional and international actors on the other, an interaction that has long been a matter of discussion and speculation, through the study of previously untapped sources and the re-examination of some that have already been studied. Methodologically, we are employing Collingwood’s approach of history as the historian’s re-living of his subject’s past experience, by using a select number of sources to understand al-Zaim’s approach towards regional and international relations, in an attempt to first reconstruct the personal experiences of al-Zaim, and as much as possible, all of those of the protagonists of the events that his rule witnessed, so as to finally give our verdict on the extent to which this interaction with foreign actors influenced the turn of the events that his rule witnessed. Our study draws on a wide range of sources making up our inventory, which includes the largest number of memoirs and testimonies of key figures and actors written in Arabic, complemented with Lebanese and American intelligence reports, as well as with French, British and American diplomatic documents

Le Tribunal spécial pour le Liban (TSL) est établi en vertu d’un accord bilatéral conclu entre l’ONU et le Gouvernement libanais; mais ses instruments constitutifs ne sont entrés en vigueur qu’en vertu de la résolution 1757 (2007) du Conseil de sécurité adoptée sur la base du Chapitre VII de la Charte. Le TSL, siégeant aux Pays-Bas, composé de juges étrangers et libanais, s’avère un tribunal pénal internationalisé sui generis. Son mandat principal consiste à poursuivre les responsables de l’attentat du 14 février 2005 ôtant la vie à l’ancien Premier Ministre libanais Rafic HARIRI et de 22 autres personnes ; toutefois la compétence du TSL peut être élargie pour couvrir des attentats connexes. Plusieurs caractéristiques distinguent le TSL du fait qu’il est le premier tribunal pénal créé sous les auspices des Nations Unies, sans appartenir à la discipline du droit international humanitaire, et qui ne juge que des crimes de terrorisme en temps de paix à la lumière du droit national libanais ; comme il est le premier tribunal pénal international qui mène des procès in absentia; et le premier qui est doté d’un Bureau pour la Défense - comme organe autonome du TSL – sur un même pied d’égalité avec le Bureau du Procureur en conférant des pouvoirs larges aux conseils de la Défense. Le TSL fonctionne selon son propre Règlement de procédure et de preuve - adopté par ses juges - associant à la fois le système romano-germanique et le système anglo-saxon. Le fonctionnement du TSL confronte des défis juridiques, de par son financement mixte assuré à travers la contribution conventionnelle du Gouvernement libanais et les contributions volontaires des États membres, ou de par sa primauté restreinte qui est juste limitée aux juridictions libanaises, générant une coopération problématique avec les États tiers et hésitante avec le Liban. Également, le Statut du Tribunal est réticent sur la question des immunités. La mise en place du TSL a créé une grande polémique politique au Liban, son fonctionnement au cœur d’un cadre géopolitique instable provoque des enjeux stratégiques pertinents ayant des impacts sur la scène politique au Liban et au Moyen-Orient. Le TSL encourt des enjeux stratégiques du fait que son premier acte d’accusation incrimine des membres appartenant au Hezbollah - une résistance armée contre Israël - allié de l’Iran et de la Syrie. Le Printemps arabe et ses implications sur la révolte syrienne générèrent une instabilité politique et sécuritaire au Liban, alertant une nouvelle série d’attentats terroristes. La mission principale du TSL consiste à mettre fin à l’impunité au Liban, principalement celle relative aux assassinats politiques. Du fait que le TSL est établi juste pour juger un seul attentat et un nombre restreint de crimes connexes dans un cadre temporel et spatial restreints, alors qu’un grand nombre de crimes graves de droit international humanitaire et de crimes politiques et terroristes restent impunis au Liban, le TSL est conçu comme un instrument de justice sélective. Pour ses détracteurs, le TSL concrétise le dilemme entre « paix civile » et « justice internationale », bien que sa finalité consiste à consolider la réconciliation nationale à travers la découverte de la vérité<br>The Special Tribunal for Lebanon (STL) is created through a bilateral agreement concluded between the UN and the Lebanese Government; but its essential instruments didn’t come into force until the adoption of the binding resolution 1757 (2007) of the Security Council adopted under Chapter VII of the UN Charter. The STL, sitting in the Netherlands, composed of foreign and Lebanese judges, is an internationalized criminal tribunal sui generis. Its primary mandate consists on prosecuting those responsible for the 14th February 2005 attempt which caused the death of the former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafic HARIRI and 22 other people; nevertheless the STL’s jurisdiction can be extended to cover connected attacks. Many features distinguish the STL, since it is the first criminal tribunal that was created under the UN’s framework outside of the International humanitarian law’s discipline; it judges terrorism crimes in peace time under the Lebanese domestic law; moreover, it is the first international criminal tribunal which holds trials in absentia, establishes an Office for the Defense as an autonomous organ equally with the Office of the Prosecutor giving the defense counsel large powers. The STL works according to its proper Rules of Procedure and Evidence – adopted by its judges – associating the civil law system and the common law system. The STL’s functioning confronts legal challenges due to its combined funding mechanism, assured by the conventional contribution of the Lebanese Government as by the voluntary contributions of member States; or due to its restricted primacy limited only to Lebanese courts, arising a problematical horizontal cooperation. In addition, the STL’s Statute expresses reluctance on the immunities’ question. The implementation of the STL has created a large political controversy in Lebanon; its work in an unstable geopolitical framework triggers relevant strategic issues having impacts on the political scene in Lebanon and Middle-East. The STL incurs strategic challenges since its first indictment incriminates Hezbollah members – an armed resistance against Israel – ally of Iran and Syria. The Arab spring and its implications on the Syrian revolution generate instability to the political and security conditions of Lebanon, alerting a new series of terrorist attempts. The main mission of the STL consists to end impunity in Lebanon related first and foremost to political assassinations. The STL is considered as an instrument of selective justice since it is established only to judge a single attempt and a small number of connected crimes in a restricted spatiotemporal framework, whereas a large number of serious crimes of International humanitarian law and political crimes perpetrated in Lebanon are still unpunished. For its detractors, the STL embodies the dilemma between "civil peace" and "international justice", although its finality seeks to consolidate the national reconciliation through the discovery of the truth

L’existence d’un « régulateur financier » ayant pour mission d’encadrer les marchés financiers est un phénomène répandu qui confronte les systèmes juridiques à une question délicate : celle de l’intégration de ce régulateur dans le paysage institutionnel classique. C’est cette question qui est au coeur de la recherche menée en droit comparé, en France et au Moyen-Orient. D’origine anglo-saxonne, la formule frappe par son originalité fonctionnelle et structurelle. L'appréciation du phénomène passe d'abord par l’étude de la spécificité de la fonction de régulation. Comment appréhender le fait que le régulateur financier cumule des compétences normatives, contentieuses et administratives ? Ne dessaisit -il pas le législateur, le juge et l’exécutif d'une partie de leur activité? L’analyse révèle que la raison d'être du régulateur financier est de fonctionner en complémentarité avec les pouvoirs de l’État. Ne constituant pas un quatrième pouvoir, le régulateur financier diffuse l’art de la régulation résultant de son statut de gendarme de la Bourse et de magistère moral. L’approche fonctionnelle est complétée par une analyse du statut du régulateur financier. Quel positionnement occupe-t-il, alors qu'il combine des éléments privés et publics ? L’étude montre que le régulateur financier résiste aux distinctions classiques. Dépassant les frontières public/privé, il est à mi-chemin entre l'Etat et le marché. Il se nourrit des valeurs du privé par l’association des professionnels dans la régulation, le recours à des mécanismes contractuels pour régler les différends et la soumission au contrôle du juge judiciaire. Mais il maintient en même temps un statut public spécifique en vue d’assurer son indépendance. Il en résulte l'émergence d'un nouveau mode d’action de troisième voie ayant pour objet la mise en oeuvre d'une nouvelle fonction de l'Etat qui est la régulation dont l'avènement nécessite la conception d'une formule institutionnelle inédite<br>The existence of a "financial regulator" whose mission is to control the financial markets is a widespread phenomenon that faces legal systems with a delicate issue: that of the integration of this regulator in the classic institutional landscape. It is this question which is at the core of research in comparative law between France and the Middle East. The formula, being of an Anglo-Saxon origin, is intriguing for its functional and structural originality. The evaluation of this phenomenon begins with the study of the specificity of the regulatory function. The question is how to apprehend that the financial regulator combines normative, administrative and litigation functions. Would not it divest the legislator, the judge and the executive of a part of their own activities? The analysis reveals that the purpose of the financial regulator is to function as a complement to the State’s powers. The financial regulator doesn’t constitute a fourth power itself; it rather diffuses the art of the regulation resulting from its status as a markets watchdog and its moral authority. The functional approach is complemented by examining the status of the financial regulator. What position does it occupy while combining both private and public elements? The study shows that the financial regulator is resistant to conventional legal distinctions. It is halfway between the State and the market surpassing by that the boundaries of the public/private law. In fact, it is nourished by private values through associating professionals in the regulation, using contractual mechanisms to resolve disputes, and submission to the judicial court control. However, it maintains, at the same time, a specific public status to ensure its independence. The result is the emergence of a new third mode of action whose purpose is the exercise of a new function of the State, which is the regulation, whose advent requires designing an unprecedented institutional formula

This study focuses on the factors shaping innovation in online newsrooms in three nations of the Arab World, with particular interest in the adoption of multimedia news innovations. Applying theoretical perspectives from the social shaping of technology and the diffusion of innovation literature, this study sought to identify the key factors shaping the innovation process. Field studies were based in three Arabic newsrooms: Aljazeera Net in Qatar, Almasry Alyoum in Egypt, and Almassae in Morocco. The case studies are grounded in two weeks of participant-observation field research within each online newsroom, along with over 100 in-depth interviews with those involved in the production of online news, and online archival reviews of the three news portals since their inception. Field research began with participant observation at Aljazeera in 2010, prior to the uprisings of the Arab Spring, and continued through early 2013. The political context of each newsroom during the field research became a major aspect of the innovation process of each case study. The thesis reinforces a wide range of social, economic, and organizational factors in the adoption and adaptation of multimedia technologies in the newsrooms studied, supporting earlier research on newsroom innovation across other regions of the world. For example, conceptions about ‘ideal’ industry multimedia models for the modern newsroom were important in each case. However, in the political context of events related to the Arab Spring, the overriding importance of the larger political context emerged in each case. The significance of this observation suggests that research on news organizations cannot take the political context for granted and should more explicitly embed it in discussion of the social shaping of innovation, even under more stable and liberal political conditions. There is a relative lack of systematic empirical research on Arabic newsrooms among studies of news innovation. Looking at the political context of emergent or weak democracies and their influence on modern multimedia newsrooms especially during crisis events, therefore, can contribute to the development of theory and research in Western democracies; and reintroduce politics into theories of innovation within modern newsrooms. This study suggests that future scholarship brings politics into the study of the social shaping of newsroom innovation without losing the many significant advances of existing research in more liberal democratic Western contexts of the multimedia newsroom.

yes<br>This paper sets out to provide a deeper understanding of the regulatory framework to drive energy transformation processes in the MENA region and the barriers for change. The recent developments in a global scale have encouraged States to look towards alternative sources of energy to power their nation, with nuclear energy and renewable technologies. Technologies such as wind power and solar energy appear to be attracting interest in many countries and regions, and in the MENA region this is primarily solar energy. However, all States are at different stages of development and therefore, it poses a challenge for taking into consideration definitively the costs and efficiency of renewable energy technologies. This paper investigates the state of preparedness of the legal framework in the region in order to deploy renewable sources of energy to power these countries in years to come.

Książka Współczesna dynamika prawa muzułmańskiego wobec problemów bioetycznych. Studium wybranych przypadków dotyczy działania prawa muzułmańskiego w odniesieniu do kontrowersyjnych kwestii z zakresu bioetyki. W pracy zaprezentowano wyniki badań dotyczących działania prawa muzułmańskiego w trzech krajach arabskich: Egipcie, Libanie oraz Autonomii Palestyńskiej. Podstawowym celem książki jest pokazanie skali dynamiki jurysprudencji muzułmańskiej oraz sposobów rozwiązywania dylematów bioetycznych w islamie. Wprowadza czytelnika w zagadnienia dotyczące tej tematyki przez prezentację historycznego rozwoju prawa muzułmańskiego, jego źródeł i najważniejszych instytucji, zagadnień etyki i bioetyki w islamie. W pracy uporządkowano też podstawowe koncepcje, wartości i zasady w islamie, które są stosowane do prawnego rozstrzygania dylematów etycznych dotyczących medycyny. Zasadniczą część książki stanowi analiza stanowisk, dyskusji i różnic w odpowiedziach specjalistów prawa muzułmańskiego w odniesieniu do problemów takich, jak: rozumienie momentu początku życia w islamie, dopuszczalność aborcji, techniki wspomaganego rozrodu, transplantacja organów od dawców żywych i tkanek pochodzących od zwierząt, ustalenia momentu śmierci i uznania śmierci mózgowej, odłączenia chorego w stanie śmierci mózgowej od aparatury podtrzymującej życie, eutanazji oraz transplantacji organów od dawców martwych. Poza prawno-religijnymi dyskusjami uwzględniony został również zakres regulacji wyżej wspomnianych problemów w ramach państwowych porządków prawnych. Na podstawie przeprowadzonych analiz zostały usystematyzowane argumenty wykorzystywane w muzułmańskich opiniach prawnych, co umożliwiło pokazanie, z jednej strony, kontynuacji tradycji doktrynalnych, a z drugiej - wykorzystywania nowoczesnych interpretacji przez uczonych muzułmańskich. Szczególnie mocno jest podkreślona różnorodność tego prawa, od przywiązania do tradycji doktrynalnych po pojawianie się nowych zjawisk w jurysprudencji muzułmańskiej. Wnioski z tych badań świadczą o tym, że prawo muzułmańskie jest dynamiczne i ewoluuje w odpowiedzi na zmiany rzeczywistości naukowej. Szeroka analiza przypadków dotyczących prawa i bioetyki w islamie pozwala także udzielić odpowiedzi na pytanie, czym obecnie jest bioetyka muzułmańska.<br>The book Contemporary dynamics of Islamic law regarding bioethical problems. Study of selected cases deals with functioning of Islamic law in relation to contemporary bioethical issuess. This work presents the results of research on Islamic law in three Arab countries: Egypt, Lebanon and the Palestinian Authority. The primary goals of the book are: showing the scale of the dynamics of Islamic jurisprudence and ways of solving bioethical problems in Islam. It leads the reader into the subject by presenting the historical development of Islamic law, its sources and major institutions, issues of ethics and bioethics in Islam. The work also organizes the basic concepts, values and principles in Islam that are used to resolve ethical dilemmas in medicine. An essential part of the book is the analysis of positions, discussions and differences in the responses of specialists of Islamic law in relation to problems such as: understanding the beginning of life in Islam, acceptability of abortion, assisted reproductive techniques, organ transplantation from living donors and transplantation of tissues derived from animals, determining the moment of death, recognition of brain death, disconnection of a brain-dead patient from life support equipment, euthanasia, and organ transplantation from deceased donors. In addition to legal and religious discussions regarding these problems in Islam, the scope of regulation within the state legal systems is considered. Based on the analyses, the arguments used in Islamic legal opinions were systematized, showing continuity of doctrinal traditions, and at the same time application of modern interpretations by the Muslim scholars. The diversity of Islamic law is particularly emphasized, presenting scope of attitudes between attachment to doctrinal traditions and emergence of new phenomenae in Islamic jurisprudence. Findings of this reasearch show that Islamic law is as a dynamic system that evolves in response to changes of scientific reality. Wide analysis of cases relating to law and bioethics in Islam makes it possible to answer also the question what is Muslim bioethics today.

This dissertation provides a survey of the available archaeological sources that have been discovered that help illuminate the history of the Northern Kingdom of Israel from King Omri (876 BCE) into the Assyrian Exile (721 BCE) of the Iron II a and b periods. This history is given in the Hebrew Scriptures as found in 1 Kings 16:16 to 2 Kings 17:6. To accomplish this research, several resources have been organized in a systematic approach. The artifacts and physical remains are examined in categories including: pottery, town planning, architecture, literacy and inscriptions, temples, gods, cult objects, metallurgy, weapons and warfare, weights and measures, farming, food preparation, music, jewelry, art, and burial. Photographs of several artifacts are included. With the background developed on the material culture, the next topic of importance to be considered is the archaeological sites and their relationship to this historic period. The relevant archaeological excavations and in-situ artifacts surveyed were found in areas of the former cultures including: Israel, Judah, Sinai, Edom, Moab, Amman, Lebanon, Syria, Aram, Assyria, Babylon and Persia. A vast number of these sited reveal information regarding the time period from King Omri, his son King Ahab and Ahab's wife, Queen Jezebel. There was interaction between Israel and Judah, and the kingdoms in Moab, Ammon, Lebanon, Aram, and Assyria. Eventually in 721 BCE many people were taken from the Israel into Exile and captivity by the Assyrians. The conclusion of this dissertation ties together the findings of the material sources with the historic events. The material sources have given considerable light on the history of the Northern kingdom as was given in the Hebrew Scriptures as is presented in this final section of the dissertation.<br>Religious Studies and Arabic<br>D.Litt. et Phil. (Biblical Studies)

abstract: Immigrants, refugees, asylum seekers. Three words describing the same group of people. Individuals seeking a better, safer life. Western media is focused right now, in 2016, on the humanitarian crisis from the Middle East to the European Union; just like two years ago it was centered on the huge numbers of unaccompanied minors immigrating into the United States from Central America. Media changes its focus but problems do not end with a change of headlines. Unaccompanied minors are the most vulnerable population looking for asylum. This study looks at two different immigration flows of unaccompanied minors: one from the Middle East going to the European Union; and the other one from Central America to the United States. This research finds similarities and differences between these two flows of migrant children related to the reasons why they leave their countries of origin, their experiences during the trip to the destination countries, the asylum process, the legal status of these children and how these minors are perceived by societies in the destination countries. Using a human rights law framework, this thesis will explore the continuum of violations of human rights that these children endure on their journey from their origin countries to their destination states. Through interviews with former and current direct providers of unaccompanied minors seeking asylum, previous scholarly work, documentaries and news articles on the subject, it will make clear that these two flows of children fleeing to different destinations have much more in common than what may be initially perceived. This emergent, exploratory and inductive qualitative research will bring light to asylum law and question why the social responsibility to protect children seems to skip the most vulnerable ones: unaccompanied minors seeking asylum.<br>Dissertation/Thesis<br>Documents to be included in addendum<br>Masters Thesis Social Justice and Human Rights 2016