Tesi sul tema "Latin America Wars of Independence"

The Napoleonic invasion of Iberia shattered the Spanish empire in 1808. The French emperor occupied Spain and forced Ferdinand VII to abdicate the throne. Once the war against the French began, most vassals also rejected the Spanish imperial government in Madrid that had recognized the change of dynasty. The implosion of the Crown severely tested the hierarchical, centralized, and interdependent nature of the empire. Historians of the Spanish Bourbon empire have rightly argued that the invasion catalyzed the emergence of the new nations from 1810 onward. Many of them, however, have failed to notice the concurrent and extraordinary efforts to reconstitute the empire--a critical history that contextualizes the decisions Spanish Americans faced in this tumultuous period.
History

À la fin du XVIIIe et au début du XIXe siècle prend forme en Europe un mouvement contestataire remettant en cause les bases et pratiques de l’institution esclavagiste qui s’étend jusqu’aux confins des territoires de l’expansion coloniale européenne. Cette révolution des idées va avoir un impact conséquent au niveau mondial, au point d’anéantir le système esclavagiste en l’espace d’un siècle. En suivant la méthode développée par O. Pétré-Grenouilleau, cette thèse propose une étude de l’impact de la révolution abolitionniste au Pérou sur une période qui s’étend de 1788 à 1854. La problématique majeure est d’y étudier les modalités de circulation et de fécondation des idées abolitionnistes au Pérou. Car, les indianos* du Pérou ont eu connaissance de ces thèses très rapidement, à peine un an après que l’A.T.S.S. (The committee for Abolition of the Slave Trade) ne soit constituée. Ainsi, cette révolution abolitionniste génère différentes réactions et commentaires autant critiques qu’élogieux de la part des contemporains du Pérou. La presse, les livres, les pamphlets, les tertulias* et les commentaires constituent les vecteurs privilégiés de la diffusion des idées émancipationnistes*, mais aussi, de la peur d’une révolution Noire au Pérou. Le débat politique sera particulièrement vif au moment des Cortès de Cadix, des guerres indépendantistes de 1810 à 1824, et de la guerre civile du Pérou (1853-1855)
At the end of the 18th and the beginning of the 19th century, a movement emerged in Europe, challenging the foundations and practices of the institution of slavery, and subsequently spreading to European colonial territories. This revolution of ideas was to have a significant impact worldwide, leading to the eradication of the slavery system within a century. Drawing on methodology developed by O. Pétré-Grenouilleau, this thesis outlines the impact of the abolitionist revolution in Peru between 1788 and 1854, focussing on the means by which abolitionist ideas were revived and circulated in Peru, especially considering the speed with which these ideas reached the Indianos* of Peru, within only a year of the formation of the A.T.S.S. (Anti-Trade Slavery Society [London. Bodleian library]). This abolitionist revolution provoked a range of both laudatory and critical reactions from contemporaries in Peru, with newspapers, books, leaflets, tertulias* and articles being the main sources of dissemination of emancipationist ideas. The political debate was particularly intense during the Cortes of Cádiz—the independence wars from 1810 to 1824—and the Peruvian Civil War from 1853 to 1855

"Spirited Enterprises: Venezuela, the United States, and the Independence of Spanish America, 1789-1823," argues that economic interests caused merchants and politicians in the United States to withhold diplomatic recognition from Spanish America's struggling revolutionary governments after 1810. It demonstrates how traditional interpretations of early U.S.-Latin American relations---based on ideological and diplomatic sources---fail to account for a highly important and influential decade of trans-Atlantic trade between the United States and the Spanish Empire during the tumultuous Age of Revolution.;This dissertation focuses on a case study of the multi-lateral trade and commercial networks that flourished between the United States and the Spanish colonial provinces of Venezuela, especially during and immediately after the crucial era of comercio neutral (neutral trade) between 1797 and 1808. It argues that trade between late-colonial Venezuela. and the United States was a forge of transcultural relations, and explores how commercial networks of traders, government officials, and diplomats influenced the decisions of policymakers in both regions.;U.S. merchants and traders helped sustain Spanish imperial commercial networks in Venezuela and the Spanish Caribbean. Shipping foodstuffs, arms, re-exported European manufactures, and slaves to the Spanish colonies were profitable enterprises for neutral U.S. traders. Through private negotiations and even Spanish-government contracts, partnerships between Venezuelan and U.S. merchants provided the shipping tonnage and merchandise that Spanish officials and colonial elites needed most to maintain their rule and to fend off the challenges of economic and environmental crises, slave conspiracies, and revolutionary plots before 1810.;Using period newspapers and books, mercantile correspondence, Spanish imperial archives, and the colonial records of the Caracas City Council, Consulado, and Venezuelan Intendancy, this dissertation highlights the enterprises of those who profited from sustaining the Spanish Empire in its frail and debilitated state. Whether they had prospered from or merely survived the commercial revolutions that shook the Atlantic World after 1789, all merchants and traders calculated the economic consequences of South American independence and encouraged their contemporaries to do so too.

L’ère des révolutions et des Indépendances en Nouvelle-Grenade et au Venezuela (1770-1831), est une époque de nouvelles politisations et de nouvelles formes d’autorités. L’historiographie a habituellement opposé les chefs indépendantistes institutionnels d’une part, aux caudillos irréguliers d’autre part. Pourtant cette opposition mérite d’être discutée. Pendant les Indépendances, des hommes nouveaux accédèrent à des fonctions de commandement militaire et parfois au pouvoir politique. Ces ascensions furent rendues possibles par une transformation des sociétés par la guerre, qui ébranlait le pouvoir des élites. Ces dernières avaient pourtant activement participé au mouvement des juntes en 1808-1810. Ces assemblées s’étaient réunies dans les cités, au nom du roi Ferdinand VII, déposé par Napoléon Bonaparte. Puis elles se divisèrent entre loyalistes et indépendantistes. La guerre civile commença, mais rapidement les villes et les élites n’y jouèrent plus les premiers rôles. De nouvelles autorités guerrières autonomes surgirent dans les campagnes et acquirent une puissance militaire inattendue. Les révoltes de l’époque coloniale avaient déjà montré la capacité des subalternes à contester les pouvoirs en place, mais ce phénomène prit une nouvelle ampleur dans les guerres d’Indépendance. Des hommes nouveaux apparurent, comme José Tomás Boves dans les grandes plaines (les Llanos) du Venezuela qui rassembla des milliers d’hommes sous son commandement. Ce phénomène n’était pas propre à un camp politique. Certains étaient royalistes : à l’instar de Boves ou d’Agualongo dans le sud de la Colombie. D’autres étaient patriotes, comme José Antonio Páez, autre homme des Llanos, ou Manuel Piar dans la province de Guayana. Leur autorité guerrière ne procédait pas d’une domination charismatique irrationnelle, mais d’un profond travail d’organisation logistique, stratégique et politique. Mis en lumière, ce travail d’organisation invite à nuancer l’opposition entre chefs institutionnels et guérilleros, car ils avaient des pratiques en partage. La tendance à l’autonomisation du commandement militaire se cristallisait dans des juntes de guerre qui montraient le pouvoir des officiers. De plus, l’étude des conceptions de l’honneur et des rapports de genre permettent de comprendre les masculinités combattantes. Des femmes eurent un rôle fondamental dans certains domaines comme la logistique et le renseignement. Hors des champs de bataille, la guerre se livrait aussi dans les pamphlets et les périodiques : tantôt machines de gloire au service de certains chefs, tantôt redoutables instruments de délégitimation ou de stigmatisation. À la fin de la guerre, le césarisme s’imposa comme l’organisation politique capable de réunir la culture guerrière, la culture constitutionnelle, et la volonté des élites d’établir un nouvel ordre social
The Age of Revolutions and Independence Wars in New Grenada and Venezuela (1770-1831) was a time of new politics and new forms of authority. Historiography has usually opposed institutional independence leaders to irregular caudillos. Yet this opposition is worthy of discussion. During the Independences, new men acceded to military command functions and, some of them, to political power. These ascents were made possible by a transformation of societies through war, which shook the power of the elites. These groups had actively participated in the juntas movement in 1808-1810. These assemblies had met in the cities, in the name of King Ferdinand VII, deposed by Napoleon Bonaparte. They were then divided between loyalists and independentists. The civil war began, but soon the cities and the elites no longer played the leading roles. New autonomous warlike authorities arose in the countryside and acquired an unexpected military power. The revolts of the colonial era had already demonstrated the ability of subordinates to challenge the existing powers, but this phenomenon took on a new dimension during the wars of independence. New men appeared, like José Tomás Boves in the great plains (the Llanos) of Venezuela who gathered thousands of men under his command. This phenomenon was not exclusive of one political camp. Some were royalists, like Boves or Agualongo in southern Colombia. Others were patriots, like José Antonio Páez, another man from the Llanos, or Manuel Piar in the province of Guayana. Their warlike authority did not come from an irrational charismatic domination, but from a deep work of logistical, strategic and political organization. This work of organization invites us to nuance the opposition between institutional leaders and guerrillas, because they shared practices. The tendency to empower an autonomous military command crystallized in war juntas, demonstrations of the officers’ power. In addition, the study of conceptions of honor and gender relations allows us to understand the fighting masculinities. Women played a fundamental role in certain areas such as logistics and intelligence. Outside the battlefield, war was also fought in pamphlets and newspapers, that were at times glory machines at the service of certain leaders, and also formidable instruments of delegitimization or stigmatization. At the end of the war, Caesarism imposed itself as the political organization capable of uniting the warlike culture, the constitutional culture, and the will of the elites to establish a new social order

Between 1810 and 1826 Spain lost most of her possessions in the Americas, and the inhabitants of Spanish America ceased to be subjects of the king, and became citizens of a series of new republics such as Mexico, Peru, Chile and Colombia. This thesis explores how the transition from colonial to republican rule was experienced by the inhabitants of the provinces of Santa Marta and Riohacha (Colombia), and the extent to which the transition implied a radical break with the colonial past. Santa Marta was among the most important royalist strongholds in the northern part of Spanish South America, and the thesis offers an interpretation of the much-neglected theme of Spanish American royalism during the independence period. It focuses on the social and 'ethnic' configuration of the provinces, and it discusses how different social/ 'ethnic' groups were constructed in the colonial period, how they responded and acted during the wars of independence and what the transition to republican rule implied for the make-up of nineteenth-century society. The analyses of late colonial and early republican society are done principally (but not exclusively) through a detailed discussion of marriage practices and patterns. The study is based primarily on archival sources from Spanish and Colombian depositories.

Conventional wisdom holds that constitutions shape behavior, structures, and institutions. Looking at provisions in the constitutions of 19 Latin American countries, I show the level of judicial independence exercised by a country’s courts and judges is a function of constitutional provisions.

Since the 1960s, the inhabitants of the British Overseas Territory of Bermuda have serially considered and rejected becoming a sovereign nation. This thesis investigates the extent to which the positions taken by politicians and social commentators, who are involved in the debates concerning independence, are informed by their lived experiences and understandings of the island’s past. Grounded in an analysis of the island’s past, this thesis also investigates how Bermudians have historically defined belonging in the political sphere and public spaces according to ‘race’ and class and how this affects the way in which they interact with each other and regard their relationship with the United Kingdom. The study critically engages with postcolonial theory and asks what the existence of this 21st century colony says about the processes of colonialism and post-colonialism. It also considers how this study fits with other research concerning other remaining Overseas Territories to show the value of conducting in-depth studies of specific societies. By surveying archival documents and conducting interviews a fuller understanding of the political and social development of this island is gained, as viewed by colonial administrators, local government officials, and those who publicly challenged the norms that allowed for social and political inequality on the island. These methods are used to engage with questions of how ideas of self and nation were shaped by segregationist formal education and how this was either reinforced or challenged by what was taught around the kitchen table and in the wider society. It explores how Trade Unionist and the fledgling Progressive Labour Party (PLP) saw a move to independence as part of a wider aim to rectify social injustices. The continuity and change in the debate is then reviewed to see how and the extent to which changes both internally and externally interact with narratives of the past to inform how those involved in the debate imagine the island’s future.

The U.S. War on Drugs has been underway for several decades. Since it was declared by the Nixon Administration narcotics have been understood as a growing security threat to the American public, their health, economy and society. Illicit drugs have gradually become a securitised issue. From the Nixon Administration onward, the law enforcement and eventually military assets of the United States government were increasingly deployed in an effort to counter this drug threat. While initially regarded as a minor issue, as the potency and addictive qualities of illicit drugs increased during the 20th Century, so too did the concerns of influential actors from the political and public spheres. Nixon's actions did not represent the high-water mark of U.S. counter-narcotics. There was growing violence on American streets linked to the drug trafficking cartels out of Colombia, especially in Southern Florida where traffickers battled each other for lucrative drug markets. In response to this national security threat, the Reagan Administration – followed by the successor Bush and Clinton Administrations – gradually increased the involvement of the U.S. military in counter-narcotics policy. This occurred both at home in the form of greater militarisation of police forces, and abroad in support of several Latin American countries’ security forces. In 2000, drug-related instability in Colombia resulted in the launch of the Plan Colombia initiative, a dedicated package of American financial and security assistance, with counter-narcotics the primary purpose. In 2008, as drug-related violence in Mexico reached epidemic proportions and threatened to spillover across the American border, the U.S. launched the Merida Initiative in an attempt to aid Mexican counter-narcotics efforts. This thesis uses qualitative research methods to examine the militarisation of U.S. foreign counter-narcotics policy by analysing the case studies of Colombia and Mexico and their American-backed efforts. It also examines domestic policy, by considering the historical development of U.S. counter-narcotics, the progressive militarisation of law enforcement as a consequence of the drug war, and the security situation on the southern border with Mexico. This empirical research is facilitated by the development of a militarisation analytical framework, which builds upon the securitisation framework. Based on the findings of the case studies, the processes that drive militarisation are explored, and the framework itself is further developed and refined. The research possibilities for counter-narcotics policy and future direction for militarisation research are also explored in the Conclusion. Ultimately, this thesis offers a detailed analysis of militarisation in U.S. foreign and domestic counter-narcotics policy, the processes behind this, and develops a militarisation framework applicable to any security situation, contributing to the overall securitisation debate.

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This work addresses the determinants of the decisions made by small powers to fight alongside great powers in major conflicts. When faced with the request from a great power to participate in wars, some peripheral countries abide and others remain uninvolved. To explain this variation, the case study of the Colombian participation in the Korean War is used, comparing the country to other Latin American cases. Building on rational choice models of leaders’ behavior, I expect that leaders decide to go to war when the rewards for this action increase their likelihood of remaining in power. I use explicit process tracing to investigate the causes for the Colombian decision and organize them into necessary and sufficient conditions. Evidence suggests that the causes for the Colombian participation in Korea were an attempt from the president to improve his relationship with the United States in order to obtain more foreign aid, the Colombian authoritarian regime, and an attempt from the president to please the armed forces, which had the power to keep him in office. I also use synthetic control method to test whether the Colombian decision increased the foreign aid received by the country from the United States. Results show a significant increase in received aid. These findings corroborate the expectation that leaders of small powers will go to war in order to receive more aid and to make policy concessions for those who hold the power to keep them in office, and that they are rewarded from the great power for this decision under certain conditions.

José Cecilio del Valle (1777-1834) fut un intellectuel et un journaliste centraméricain engagé dans la vie politique dès 1804. Rédacteur de l’acte d’indépendance de 1821, Valle devient dès lors un homme politique de premier plan et participe à la fondation de la République fédérale centraméricaine. Dans ce cadre, José del Valle fonde le Redactor General, périodique qui occupe une place importante dans son oeuvre et dans les premières années du journalisme centraméricain (32 numéros en 1825-1826). Or, le Redactor General n’a pas encore fait l’objet d’une étude systématique, et demeure aujourd’hui inaccessible au grand public. Cette thèse a trois objectifs : — transcrire et éditer les 32 numéros du Redactor General ; — Proposer une étude systématique des éléments de ce corpus qui interviennent dans la construction de l’imaginaire national chez Valle ; — Contextualiser la publication de ce corpus par une biographie de l’auteur et par une étude de l’émergence de la presse périodique centraméricaine
José Cecilio del Valle (1777-1834) was a Central American author and journalist, who had been committed to political life since 1804. By writing of the 1821 Declaration of Independence, Valle becomes a leading politician and is one of the founders of the Central American Federal Republic. Within that context, José del Valle founds the Redactor General, a periodical publication that is an important part of his works and of the first years of Central American journalism (32 issues in 1825-1826). Nevertheless, the Redactor General has not been the object of a systematic study so far, and remains inaccessible to the general public to this day. The three aims of this investigative project are to: − Develop and publish a scholarly publication of all of the issues of the Redactor General; − Develop an introductory study to this corpus with a biography of the author and a study of the appearance of the Central American periodical press; − Develop a systematic study of the elements involved in del Valle´s national imaginary construction
José Cecilio del Valle (1777-1834) fue un intelectual y periodista centroamericano activo en la vida política desde 1804. Autor del acta de independencia de 1821, Valle pasa a ser entonces un político de primer orden y participa en la fundacíon de la República federal centroamericana. En este contexto, José del Valle funda el Redactor General, periódico que ocupa un lugar importante en su obra y en los primeros años del periodismo centroamericano (32 números en 1825-1826). Ahora bien, el Redactor General no se ha estudiado de manera sistemática hasta la fecha y queda hoy inaccesible al gran público. El presente proyecto de investigacíon tiene tres objetivos: - transcribir y editar los 32 números del Redactor General; -proponer un estudio sistemático de los elementos de este corpus que intervienen en la construcción del imaginario nacional de Valle; - contextualizar la publicación de este corpus con una biografía del autor y un estudio de la emergencia de la prensa periódica centroamericana

Dans la production de longs métrages des années 2000 il y a un numéro spécial de films où la figure de l'enfant semble être le chemin à parcourir, restaurer et critiquer le passé traumatique issue des dictatures du Cône Sud et les guerres révolutionnaires des années 60, 70 et 80 du XXe siècle. La présence d'enfants dans ces récits mémoriels a des implications importantes pour la définition des formes narratives à travers lequel le passé est mis à jour. Ce travail établit d'abord un genre poétique qui naît de la présence des enfants au cinéma en trois constellations (l'enfant et de la misère, la sexualité et de l'enfant, et les enfants et le passé) pour, dans une seconde moment, approfondir l'analyse des formes narratives de la troisième constellation. Sa complexité et son intérêt naissent de la multiplicité des opérations narratives qui se trouvent dans ces films dans lesquels l'enfance surgit dans le récit des adultes porte sur un passé nostalgique qui au même temps implique la dénonciation des conditions d'une enfance impossible et de la perte de celle-ci. Mais ces films non seulement doivent convoquer un passé traumatique lié à la fin de l'enfance, ils sont contraints aussi de prendre en compte les règles du cinéma de fiction ce qui donne lieu, dans la négociation, à une poétique (comme émergence dans l'histoire) dont son analyse sera l'objet final de ce travail. Cette poétique, comprise comme un horizon narratif, politique et idéologique, est le résultat de l'analyse fait sur les sept films du corpus qui parlent du passé des dictatures chilienne et argentine et les guerres révolutionnaires de l’Équateur, de la Colombie, du Venezuela, du Nicaragua et du Salvador
During the 2000s there is a special production of Latin-American fiction films in which the figure of the child appears as the path to visit, restore and criticize the southern cone’s dictatorships traumatic past and the revolutionary wars of the 60s, 70’s and 80’s of the twentieth century. The presence of childhood in these memorial stories has important implications for the definition of the narrative forms through which that past is updated. This work aims to establish a poetics of the genre in three constellations (the child and the misery, sexuality and the child, and the childhood and the past). In a second moment it will go deepen in the analysis of the narrative forms of the third constellation. Its complexity and interest result from the multiplicity of narrative operations that take place in these films where childhood manifests itself through the nostalgia of the adult story about a past that at the same time is object of denunciation of the conditions of an impossible childhood and of the loss of it. But these films not only call a traumatic past linked to the end of childhood, they must also assume the rules of storytelling, producing in the negotiation a poetics (such as the emergence of history) that will be the final object of this work. This poetics, understood as a narrative, political and ideological horizon, will be the result of the analysis made of the seven films of the corpus that relate the past of the dictatorships of Chile and Argentina, and the revolutionary wars of Ecuador, Colombia, Venezuela, Nicaragua, Costa Rica and El Salvador
En la producción de largometrajes argumentales en América Latina en los años 2000 hay una cantidad especial de películas en las que la figura del niño aparece como el camino para recorrer, restablecer y criticar el pasado traumático de las dictaduras del cono sur y las guerras revolucionarias de los años 60, 70 y 80 del siglo XX. La presencia de la infancia en estos relatos memoriales tiene implicaciones importantes para la definición de las formas narrativas a través de las cuales se actualiza ese pasado. Este trabajo establece en un primer momento una poética del género que surge de la presencia de los niños en el cine en tres constelaciones (el niño y la miseria, la sexualidad y el niño, y la infancia y el pasado), para en un segundo momento profundizar en el análisis de las formas narrativas de la tercera constelación. Su complejidad e interés surge de la multiplicidad de operaciones narrativas que tienen lugar en estas películas donde la infancia se manifiesta a través de la nostalgia del relato adulto sobre un pasado que al tiempo es objeto de denuncia de las condiciones de una infancia imposible y de la pérdida de la misma. Pero estas películas no sólo convocan un pasado traumático vinculado con el fin de la infancia, también deben asumir las reglas propias delcine argumental, produciendo en la negociación una poética (como el surgimiento a la historia) cuya dinámica será el objeto final de este trabajo. Esta poética, entendida como un horizonte narrativo, político e ideológico, será el resultado del análisis hecho de las siete películas del corpus que relatan el pasado de las dictaduras de Chile y Argentina, y las guerras revolucionarias de Ecuador, Colombia, Venezuela, Nicaragua, Costa Rica y El Salvador

This dissertation deals with court-executive relations in post-authoritarian Argentina (1983-2006). Specifically, I analyse Supreme Court behaviour in highly sensitive cases to determine whether the tribunal has cooperated with or obstructed the government’s policy preferences in three key policy areas: human rights, economic emergency and pensions. This innovative type of approach – i.e., focusing on a small number of highly sensitive decisions – allows me to concentrate on cases that are genuinely important for the government or, more precisely, for the country’s political administration. There are cases that are significant for the State apparatus but irrelevant for the president (thinking of politicians as self-interested actors). My research uses a rational choice approach to courts, underscoring the strategic nature of judicial behaviour. This vision of judges provides a more accurate account of judicial-executive relations by bringing politics into the study of courts. By focusing exclusively on attitudes and apolitical jurisprudence, other visions take for granted the institutional context. Political stability, for example, cannot be assumed in many developing democracies. My findings indicate that the Argentine Supreme Court has consistently avoided obstructing the president’s policy preferences. Such behaviour is motivated by strategic considerations: judges are risk-averse actors that avoid clashing with the executive. For most of the time, the Supreme Court has operated under unified government, which increases the chances of being punished for anti-government decisions. Two other factors also account for the court’s risk-averse behaviour. First, procedural rules grant the Supreme Court wide discretion over its docket. The tribunal has used such discretion to strategically select the timing of its decisions. Second, recurrent democratic breakdowns have repeatedly led to attacks against the court, such as impeachment, irregular dismissals, and/or enlargements. Third, politicians exert broad control of judicial promotions, allowing them to block the careers of independent, courageous judges that act as a check on political power.

The Latin American centennial celebrations of independence (ca.1909-1925) constituted a key moment in the consolidation of national symbols and tropes, while also producing a renewed focus on transnational affinities that generated a series of discourses on continental unity. At the same time, a boom in archaeological explorations, within a general climate of scientific positivism, provided Latin Americans with new information about their ‘grandiose’ former civilisations, such as the Inca and the Aztec, which some then argued for as an American equivalent to ancient Greek and Egyptian cultures. These discourses moved from the political to the cultural sphere, themselves shaping ideas about Latin American national and continental identity. In the arts, and particularly in music, artists as a result began to move from using European techniques and depicting European themes, to produce an art that could be considered Latin American. This dissertation explores discourses surrounding the Inca in particular as a source for the creation of a ‘national’ and ‘continental’ art music during the first three decades of the twentieth century, with a concentration on ‘nationalist’ composers of Peru, Ecuador and Argentina. Three main topics bind together my analysis: interpretations of the Inca musical system, the postcolonial style called yaraví, and the composition of opera. To this end, I look into early twentieth-century writings on Inca music and its origins, investigate attempts to reconstruct it, describe how certain composers applied ‘Inca’ techniques into their own works, and consider how this music was perceived by local audiences. Ultimately, I argue that faced with the difficulties of constructing national unity at the time, the turn to Inca culture and music in pursuit of such unity could only succeed within particular intellectual circles, and that the idea that the Inca example could produce a ‘music of America’ would ultimately remain a utopia.

This work, the way its name suggests it, is intent on the theme of process of achievement of the Latin American states' independence of Spain and Portugal, and on situating of this process in the context of the events of this time in further world's parts, and mainly in the context of the policies of single powers which had, or could have, some interests in the said spaces. Likewise the name itself suggests, its chief interest is intent primarily on the period of the years 1815-1826. While in Europe the Napoleonic Wars had definitively ended, and a new order here was creating, according to principles of the Vienna Congress, and under the supervision of the Holy Alliance, Spanish America had gone through first phase of her own wars of liberation, and it could seem, on the beginning, the situation here was coming anew to profit of the Spanish monarchy, recuperating from the precedent years of the French rule and the war with French intruders. However, the struggle of independence of single Hispanic-American states was continuing, like the Portuguese Brazil reached for own independence of colonial metropolis as well. In the Spanish America's case, Spain, really isolated, despite the negative attitudes of the Holy Alliance's monarchical governments towards the development in her oversea possessions, and...