Bibliografie tematiche / Laos politics

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Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Laos politics"

Autore: Grafiati
Pubblicato: 4 giugno 2021
Ultima modifica: 20 febbraio 2023

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Articoli di riviste sul tema "Laos politics"

1

Main, John. "Laos: politics, economics and society". International Affairs 63, n. 2 (1987): 346–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3025500.

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Smyth, Dion. "Politics and palliative care: Laos". International Journal of Palliative Nursing 19, n. 7 (luglio 2013): 362. http://dx.doi.org/10.12968/ijpn.2013.19.7.362.

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Thayer, Carlyle A., e Martin Stuart-Fox. "Laos: Politics, Economics and Society." Pacific Affairs 61, n. 2 (1988): 366. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2759344.

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Baird, Ian G. "Elite family politics in Laos before 1975". Critical Asian Studies 53, n. 1 (2 gennaio 2021): 22–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14672715.2020.1869573.

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Stuart-Fox, Martin. "Laos: Politics in a Single-party State". Southeast Asian Affairs 2007, n. 1 (aprile 2007): 161–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/seaa07h.

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Faming, Manynooch. "Big (wo)man politics: gender equality in Laos?" Asian Anthropology 17, n. 2 (3 aprile 2018): 116–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1683478x.2018.1463595.

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7

Singh, Sarinda. "Governing Anti-conservation Sentiments: Forest Politics in Laos". Human Ecology 37, n. 6 (21 agosto 2009): 749–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10745-009-9276-8.

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Singh, Sarinda. "Contesting moralities: the politics of wildlife trade in Laos". Journal of Political Ecology 15, n. 1 (1 dicembre 2008): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/v15i1.21685.

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Abstract (sommario):
This article examines the intricacy within stylized debates that surround conservation and the regulation of wildlife trade in Southeast Asia. Illegal and unregulated trade in wildlife has been characterized by conservation groups as a great risk for wildlife worldwide and the prime threat for remaining wildlife populations in Laos. The Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species (CITES) is the centrepoint of the global discourse on wildlife trade. Popular representations of wildlife trade promoted by conservation organizations construct an image of regulation through CITES as a global necessity. The assumed morality of such interventions can provoke counter accusations about the immorality of impositions by Western conservationists. Yet both of these competing representations of wildlife trade regulation encourage externally-focused moralized debates that obscure the internal dynamics within global conservation, national policy formation and local practice. Recognition of the simplifications that characterize these three domains cautions against any idealized contrast between global hegemony and local resistance in critical studies of conservation. Instead, the focus becomes the contestation that is often hidden within such dichotomies. Keywords: Conservation, wildlife, Lao PDR, CITES
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Stuart-Fox, Martin, e Grant Evans. "The Politics of Ritual and Remembrance: Laos since 1975". Pacific Affairs 72, n. 4 (1999): 610. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2672424.

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Suhardiman, Diana, Oulavanh Keovilignavong e Miles Kenney-Lazar. "The territorial politics of land use planning in Laos". Land Use Policy 83 (aprile 2019): 346–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.landusepol.2019.02.017.

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Tesi sul tema "Laos politics"

1

Prakoonheang, Kevin, University of western Sydney e of Arts Education and Social Sciences College. "Political ideologies and development in the Lao people's democratic republic since 1975". THESIS_CAESS_HUM_Prakoonheang_K.xml, 2001. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/823.

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This work is a study in some detail of the political history and development of Laos since 1975. The contents include: Origin of the Lao Modern Political Ideology; Backgrounds of the Lao Communist Party; Development of Lao People's Revolutionary Party (LPRP); The LPRP as a ruling party; New economic policy 'Chintanakarn Mai'; Future directions of the LPRP. Several maps, tables, charts and photographs are included in the research
Master of Arts (Hons)
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Prakoonheang, Kevin. "Political ideologies and development in the Lao people's democratic republic since 1975". Thesis, View thesis View thesis View thesis, 2001. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/823.

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Abstract (sommario):
This work is a study in some detail of the political history and development of Laos since 1975. The contents include: Origin of the Lao Modern Political Ideology; Backgrounds of the Lao Communist Party; Development of Lao People's Revolutionary Party (LPRP); The LPRP as a ruling party; New economic policy 'Chintanakarn Mai'; Future directions of the LPRP. Several maps, tables, charts and photographs are included in the research
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3

Pholsena, Vatthana. "Minorities and the construction of a nation in post-socialist Laos". Thesis, University of Hull, 2001. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:6009.

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In the Introduction [Chapter 1] I first introduce the concept of 'nation' by stressing its 'fuzziness', and by reviewing Western and non-western interpretations of its definition. I then briefly review some pertinent events in Laos' recent history. I next explain the reasons for my choice of a certain terminology. In a third section, I introduce and justify my methodology. In Chapter Two, I introduce and discuss the theoretical framework and studies on Lao nationalism. I first look at the theories of nationalism put forward by Gellner, Anderson and Smith, three of the most influential thinkers on the subject, and note the limits of their theories with respect to my study. I then extend my discussion to theories of nationalism and ethnicity, and I argue that these propose a framework that is too constrained to explain the complexity of my research. I therefore suggest some other conceptual notions that may encompass the multiple outcomes of my study. Finally, I discuss studies that have dealt with the concepts of nation, nationalism and ethnicity in modern Laos, and show how my work may contribute to the fostering of research in this field. In Chapter Three, I review the historical relationships between the non-ethnic Lao people and the political authorities from the pre-modern period up to the proclamation of the Lao PDR in 1975. I focus in particular on three historical periods: pre-modern Laos (until the French colonisation), French rule (1893-1954) and the French and American Wars (1945-1974). Each period corresponds with a specific pattern of relationships between the non-ethnic Lao people and the political authority. Above all, I insist that the French and American Wars changed the role of the non-ethnic Lao populations socially, politically and historically. From the periphery where they were symbolically and administratively confined, the participation of some of their members in the wars exposed these individuals to socialisation and politicisation processes. From that point onwards, the nationalist discourse would have to include multi-ethnicity in its rhetoric. In Chapter Four, I analyse ethnic classifications in contemporary Laos, with a brief review of previous policies. I first look at the ideologies that have influenced the Lao ethnic classification, namely, those of the former Soviet Union, China and Vietnam. Through an analysis of the construction of the latest official census (August 2000), I suggest a close relationship between ethnic categorisation and the nationalist discourse. I conclude with a study of Kaysone Phomvihane's guidelines on the concept of the nation in Laos. In Chapter Five, I question the Majority's ethnicity. I first argue that the constitution of a national identity in post-socialist Laos is being conducted through a dual process of exclusion and inclusion, involving a politics of Minority/Majority representation and a dichotomy between Tradition and Modernity. I extend my discussion to the nationalist discourse's search for particularism, through a politics of cultural discipline and a new approach to the narrative of the national history. At the same time, I suggest that the new form of nation, more centred on a spiritual principle, i.e. Buddhism, also originates in popular will, namely, the ethnic Lao population's. In Chapter Six, I reverse the perspective and disclose the voices of those being represented. I focus my analysis on a few members of ethnic minorities who hold, or have held, a position of authority. More precisely, I analyse their interpretations of the past through their narratives. I point out their pattern, logic and coherence, but also their discontinuities, omissions and exaggerations. All these characteristics are constitutive of these individuals' identity. Experience, however, is never monolithic. Experience structures narratives, which, in turn, structure experience, while all interpretations and expressions are historically, politically and institutionally situated. I therefore show that narratives also can change under new historical and political conditions. In Chapter Seven, I reflect on the issues of ethnicity and identity. I first study the ambiguities of the ethnicities of the individuals discussed in Chapter Six, caught in between the official categorisation, the Majority's ethnicity and their own perception of their ethnic identity. I then analyse what I call the crisis of identity induced by social, economic, political and institutional changes during the post-socialist era. The social and political identity of these educated members of ethnic minority groups is being challenged. Finally, I conclude with a specific case of instrumentalist ethnicity, which might prefigure the awakening of new identities in post-socialist Laos.
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Punya, Supitcha. "Restructuring Domestic Institutions: Democratization and Development in Laos". Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/20594.

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Abstract (sommario):
Die Studie „Restrukturierung nationaler Institutionen: Demokratisierung und Entwicklung in Laos“ untersucht die Auswirkungen von Normensetzung in der internationalen Entwicklungszusammenarbeit, wie „Sustainable Development Goals“ (SDGs), auf Institutionen und Entwicklungspolitik in Laos. Untersucht wird wie die internationalen Entwicklungsnormen die Macht der laotischen Regierung sowie ihre Fähigkeit, Ziele in der Entwicklungspolitik erfolgreich umzusetzen, beeinflussen. Die Ergebnisse zeigen erstens, dass die Umsetzung der SDGs in Laos durch die Zusammenarbeit von internationalen Entwicklungspartnern und der laotischen Regierung in vier verschiedene Dimensionen eingeteilt wird: Wirtschaftliche Entwicklung, ökologische Nachhaltigkeit, soziale Inklusion und „good governance“. Alle haben dazu beigetragen, Institutionen und Entwicklungspolitik in Laos internationalen Standards anzugleichen. Gleichwohl ist es den internationalen Entwicklungspartnern unmöglich, die politische Macht der Partei als Regierung einzuschränken, indem sie die SDGs zur Verbreitung einer eigenen politischen Agenda nutzen. Zweitens: die Partei kann ihre Macht in der Innenpolitik und ihre Kontrolle über die Gesellschaft aufrecht zu erhalten. Diese umfassen Ideologien, die eine Mischung aus marxistisch-leninistischen und nationalistischen Elementen darstellen, die Betonung von Erfolgen in der Entwicklung des Landes sowie die Unterdrückung des revolutionären Potenzials. Dies führt zu einer Konservierung der politischen Struktur, in der sich die Macht der Partei in einer Institution manifestiert. Diese wird durch Parteimitgliedschaft, Regierung, Nationalversammlung und Volksgerichtshof konstituiert - ohne Beteiligung der Bürger. Drittens: trotz der Bemühungen der internationalen Entwicklungszusammenarbeit, die Kapazitäten des Staats im Bereich der Entwicklungspolitik auszubauen, dieser noch Schwierigkeiten in Bezug auf Finanzverwaltung, Personalwesen und institutionelle Leistungsfähigkeit aufweist.
The research titled “Restructuring Domestic Institutions: Democratization and Development in Laos” aims to analyze how international development norms, such as the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), have shaped Laos’ domestic institutions and development policy. It also aims to investigate the influence of international development norms on Lao state power, as well as its capacity to achieve development goals. The research results show that: First, the development partners support the SDGs in Laos through international development assistance to the Lao government in economic development, environmental sustainability, social inclusion and good governance, all of which have helped shape Lao domestic institutions and development policy to meet international standards. However, the development partners cannot curtail the political power of the Lao People’s Revolutionary Party (the Party) or the Lao government in manipulating the SDGs to serve a political purpose. Second, the Party is able to maintain its power in domestic politics and control over Lao society. Second, the Party is able to maintain its power in domestic politics and control over Lao society. These include blending Marxist-Leninist and national ideologies, highlighting development achievements and suppressing the revolutionary potential. Therefore, the political structure in Laos retains the Party’s power in an institution overlapping between the Party member, the Lao government, the National Assembly and the People’s Court without the citizen’s participation. Third, even though the development partners seek to enhance the Lao state’s capacity to achieve the development goals, the Lao government has encountered difficulties in financial management, human resources, and institutional capacities.
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Saechao, Laiseng. "Untold Narratives: Refugee Experiences from Laos to Richmond, California". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/722.

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Untold Narratives: A Refugee Experience from Laos to Richmond, California is focused on the Mien refugee experience from Laos to Richmond, California. This thesis highlights the ways Cold War politics, the Secret War, and heavy industrialization have impacted Mien communities who have been displaced from their homelands into refugee camps, and again through sponsorship into the United States. This thesis looks at political theories that discuss inequalities that exist, particularly through environmental degradation and negative health impacts that Mien refugees are experiencing in their resettlement into Richmond, California. Due to the limited scholarly articles and documented narratives that are available in regards to Mien experiences, interviews were conducted to highlight the stories and experiences of Mien refugees paired with a historical background of their journey from China, to Laos, and to Richmond. Even in the face of so much struggle and hardship, many Mien people have been resilient and been successful in building community and fighting for justice.
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Wisaijorn, Thanachate. "Riverine border practices : people's everyday lives on the Thai-Lao Mekong border". Thesis, Loughborough University, 2018. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/33733.

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Pluralities of people s crossings of the Mekong Thai-Lao border occur as locals subvert, reject, ignore, and embrace the logic of the national border. From a state-centric point of view, the everyday movements of these people, who rely mainly on a subsistence economy and have their own modes of crossing, are undocumented. I argue that people s mobility co-exists with the practice of sedentary assumption. The aim of this thesis is to promote theory related to the Third Space in Borderland Studies by the presentation and analysis of people s pluralities in border-crossings. The borderland area of Khong Chiam (Thailand)-Sanasomboun (Lao PDR) is the location of an in-between state in which spatial negotiations, temporal negotiations, and negotiations of political subjectivities contribute to the nature of mobility in the Third Space. To achieve the objective of this thesis, ethnographic methodology was used over six months of fieldwork from March to September 2016, and included participant observations, interviews and essay-readings that involved 110 participants in the borderland site. People s movements across the Mekong River border occur daily without formal state approval. From the perspective of the Thai Ban, the river is a lived space in which they catch food and use for transport. However, their interpretation of the Mekong as the state boundary does not completely disappear. This thesis examines the everyday banal pluralities of the Thai Ban s border-crossings by weaving together the three concepts of space, temporality, and negotiations of political subjectivities. The spatial and temporal negotiations involved in the border-crossings shape and are shaped by this other interpretation of the Mekong as a lived space, and different political subjectivities contribute to the pluralities of the crossings. The presentation of these pluralities of border-crossings adds to Borderland Studies specifically and the social sciences in general in the development of an understanding of the Third Space. As this thesis focuses on people s mobility at quasi-state checkpoints and in areas along the Mekong Thai-Lao border with no border checkpoints, it is suggested that future research examines the everyday practices of border-crossings at land borders.
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Lutz, Paul-David. "'Sert Has Gone' - An Ethnographic Account of Khmu Prowess, Village Politics and National Development on a Ridgetop in Laos". Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2021. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/25115.

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Key terms: Laos, Khmu, Development, Village Politics, Ethnography, History This thesis draws on twelve months of ethnographic fieldwork, conducted in 'Sanjing' - an ethnic Khmu and Akha hamlet in Phongsali Province, northern Laos. It provides intimate insight into the lived complexity of a hitherto unstudied upland community’s encounter with Laos’ alter-native brand of post-colonial modernity. In their amorphous sum, the ten thesis Chapters show villagers’ eclectically engaging the impacts of development, nation-building and globalization on various aspects of local life - including cosmology, history, memory, intra-village politics, land use practices, healing practices, state relations, market relations, as well as interethnic- and intergenerational dynamics. In particular, this thesis focuses on villagers' efforts to act efficaciously in a rapidly changing world through ritual means – defined here as means that defy the modernist Lao state’s insistence on scientific materialism and exclusively physical causation. The recent encounter between ‘Sert’ – erstwhile spirit lord of Sanjing's mountain ridge – and state-harnessed Chinese (hydro)power is posited as a critical juncture in this endeavour. As a contribution to Lao- and Southeast Asian Studies, this thesis offers ethnographic sustenance to long-standing enquiries into the impact of external forces on upland societies, as well as to questions of prowess, aspirations, resource-driven development, ethnicity, social memory, "animism" and the modern history of Phongsali province. As a contribution to Anthropology, this thesis offers ethnographic sustenance to the discipline's recently burgeoning interest in 'more-than-human lifeworlds', the role of 'the past' in ‘future-making', as well as to medical anthropology's long-standing concern with culturally-diverse approaches to health and well-being.
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Schippers, Lan Katharina. "Aid for trade as contested state building intervention : the cases of Laos and Vietnam". Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2018. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/36698.

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The thesis analyses the provision of "Aid for Trade" as a specific form of state building intervention (SBI) in Laos and Vietnam, two countries that have received trade-related assistance as part of their global economic integration. The thesis uncovers how global economic and institutional reform agendas related to trade integration are accepted or contested within both states, as part of a highly political process characterised by strategic agency and structural selectivities of various actors involved. The thesis employs a theoretical framework to help analyse how global trade governance programmes intervene within targeted states, and how local socio-political contestation shapes the outcomes of such programmes. Drawing on Marxist state theory, SBIs are understood as contested processes which open up strategic opportunities for social forces to shape the transformation process and thereby to stabilise or challenge existing power relations. Special attention is directed towards the state as an arena of conflict in order to understand the specific forms and varying results that these interventions take. This framework allows us to grasp how dominant social forces within the Laotian and Vietnamese forms of state are able to modify or circumvent external reform imperatives, resulting in highly selective changes in trade governance, which often departs from the intention of "Aid for Trade" project managers. The thesis thereby changes conventional technocratic assumptions that believe that aid interventions are a matter of best practice and contributes to a growing research agenda which analyses development interventions within the wider political economy of the targeted state.
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Giovannini, Gabriele. "The impact of Multinational Transboundary Infrastructures (MTIs) on the relational power of small states : a case study of Laos". Thesis, Northumbria University, 2017. http://nrl.northumbria.ac.uk/35655/.

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The International Relations (IR) literature has been dominated by studies on great powers, often neglecting the role of small states. Moreover, the accounts on small states have generally overlooked the role of geography. This thesis proposes an analytical framework to observe the role of geography by observing the impact of Multinational Transboundary Infrastructures (MTIs) on the relational power of small states. The framework is then applied to the case study of Laos observing the impact of two selected MTIs – the Xayaburi dam and the Boten-Vientiane high-speed railway – on Laos’s relational power with respect to Vietnam and China. Data has been collected through a set of 48 semi-structured qualitative elite interviews mainly carried out during a period of fieldwork in Laos in 2015. The data generated by the interviews, triangulated with other primary and secondary sources, enabled a process tracing analysis of the two negotiation processes on the selected MTIs. The findings show that the two observed MTIs positively affected the relational power of Laos despite the asymmetry that shapes its bilateral relationships with both Vietnam and China in terms of capabilities. The case study therefore indicates that a central geographic position could reduce asymmetries of power and that relational power manifest a greater explanatory capacity than power-as-capabilities. This thesis contributes to knowledge adding empirical material on the diplomatic negotiation on the Xayaburi dam; on the Boten–Vientiane high-speed railway; on Laos’s international relations with Vietnam and China; and on China’s High-Speed Railway Diplomacy. The thesis contributes also to the theoretical literature by identifying a geographic gap in small states studies. Analytically, the thesis contributes developing the concept of MTIs and an original analytical framework to study relational power. Finally, methodologically the thesis provides new insights on how to gain access to elites in Laos.
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Prakoonheang, Kevin. "Political ideologies and development in the Lao People's Democratic Republic since 1975 /". View thesis View thesis View thesis, 2001. http://library.uws.edu.au/adt-NUWS/public/adt-NUWS20030506.124709/index.html.

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Thesis (M.A.) (Honours) -- University of Western Sydney, Macarthur, 2001.
A thesis presented to the University of Western Sydney, Macarthur, in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (Honours), September, 2001. Bibliography : leaves 296-309.
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Più fonti

Libri sul tema "Laos politics"

1

Laos: Politics, economics, and society. London: F. Pinter, 1986.

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Manōlas, Takēs. Ho laos stēn exousia. Athēna: Ekdoseis "Dōdōnē", 1992.

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1950-, Savada Andrea Matles, a cura di. Laos: A country study. 3a ed. Washington, DC: Federal Research Division, Library of Congress, 1995.

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Mishra, Patit Paban. The contemporary history of Laos. New Delhi: National Book Organisation, 1999.

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Vatthana Pholsena, editor of compilation e IRASEC, a cura di. Laos: Sociétés et pouvoirs. Bangkok: IRASEC, 2012.

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Laos: Autopsie d'une monarchie assassinée. Paris: L'Harmattan, 2010.

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U.S. Committee for Refugees. Refugees from Laos: In harm's way. Washington, D.C. (815 15th St., NW, Suite 610, Washington 20005): U.S. Committee for Refugees, 1986.

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La libération du Laos, 1945-1946. [Vincennes, France]: Service historique de l'Armée de terre, 1985.

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Gunn, Geoffrey C. Theravadins, colonialists, and commissars in Laos. Bangkok, Thailand: White Lotus Press, 1998.

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Taillard, Christian. Le Laos, stratégies d'un Etat-tampon. Montpellier [France]: Groupement d'intérêt public Reclus, 1989.

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Capitoli di libri sul tema "Laos politics"

1

Kenney-Lazar, Miles. "Everyday climate politics in Laos". In Governing Climate Change in Southeast Asia, 76–90. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429324680-5.

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Croissant, Aurel, e Philip Lorenz. "Laos: The Transformation of Periphery Socialism". In Comparative Politics of Southeast Asia, 113–39. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-68182-5_5.

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Croissant, Aurel. "Laos: The Transformation of Periphery Socialism". In Comparative Politics of Southeast Asia, 121–48. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-05114-2_5.

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Liow, Joseph Chinyong. "Laos, People's Democratic Republic of". In Dictionary of the Modern Politics of Southeast Asia, 21–24. 5a ed. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003121565-5.

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Lyttleton, Chris. "AIDS and Civil Belonging: Disease Management and Political Change in Thailand and Laos". In The Politics of AIDS, 255–73. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230583719_15.

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Bekkevold, Jo Inge. "The International Politics of Economic Reforms in China, Vietnam, and Laos". In The Socialist Market Economy in Asia, 27–68. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-6248-8_2.

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Hatcher, Pascale. "Into the Deep: The World Bank Group and Mining Regimes in Laos, the Philippines and Papua New Guinea". In The Politics of Marketising Asia, 118–44. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137001672_6.

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Lu, Juliet. "Grounding Chinese investment: encounters between Chinese capital and local land politics in Laos". In Beyond the Global Land Grab, 102–20. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003218906-7.

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Barney, K. "Local Vulnerability, Project Risk, and Intractable Debt: The Politics of Smallholder Eucalyptus Promotion in Salavane Province, Southern Laos". In Smallholder Tree Growing for Rural Development and Environmental Services, 263–86. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4020-8261-0_13.

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Kelly, Ashley Scott, e Xiaoxuan Lu. "Locating Discourses and Narratives for Intervention". In Critical Landscape Planning during the Belt and Road Initiative, 57–84. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-4067-4_4.

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AbstractThis chapter, Locating discourses and narratives for intervention, argues that planners and designers engaging in “critical” landscape planning need a proactive, rigorous and reflective approach to assembling the discourses in their projects. Drawing from a selection of articles on the recent political economy and ecology of Laos from post-development theory, cultural anthropology, sociology, political science, political geography, and political ecology, we survey four areas that function as conceptual drivers of the strategic planning proposals featured in Part Two of this book. These areas are (1) The politics of land-use planning and its deployment in the state’s territorial strategies; (2) A brief recounting of origins, since the 1980s, of the paradigm of sustainable development as it was imposed on regulatory institutions of the Global South; (3) The ways large-scale resource extraction is reproduced at capitalism’s frontiers via complex and overlapping patchworks of relations between large-scale infrastructures, state land concessions, and their administration at various scales; and (4) Discourse on “infrastructure” as a concept and our capacity to plan and assess it. These sections are held together by their constructivist and critical theory approaches, focus on the means and ends of neoliberalism, and undercurrents of authority, expertise and the politics of intervention.
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Atti di convegni sul tema "Laos politics"

1

Padron, J. L. "Politica Y Legislacion Petrolera". In 2nd Simposio Bolivariano - Exploracion Petrolera en las Cuencas Subandinas. European Association of Geoscientists & Engineers, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.3997/2214-4609-pdb.113.033.

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López, Alexandra, Sonnia Armas, Angélica Sánchez e Leonardo Ballesteros. "Bibliometric analysis mobile marketing in politics 2.0". In 1er Congreso Universal de las Ciencias y la Investigación Medwave 2022;. Medwave Estudios Limitada, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5867/medwave.2022.s2.uta104.

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Marichelar, Gabriela. "Politicas habitacionales y politicas urbanas, una relacion conflictiva". In Seminario Internacional de Investigación en Urbanismo. Barcelona: Facultad de Arquitectura. Universidad de la República, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/siiu.6208.

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Las políticas habitacionales construyen parte de la ciudad, materializando un hecho urbano. En base a la experiencia transitada en la implementación del Plan Federal de Construcción de Viviendas en la Provincia de Buenos Aires podemos leer efectos dispares en las ciudades y en la vida de las personas. La localización de las viviendas y el suelo utilizado fueron insumos utilizados para verificar si, en tanto política social, la política habitacional actúa redistribuyendo renta urbana, mejorando la localización de la población en la estructura urbana. En este trabajo nos proponemos problematizar a la política habitacional, como parte de la política urbana, analizando tensiones y relaciones. Apoyados en la mediación que nos propone el PFCV, indagamos en la implementación de la política en la Provincia de Buenos Aires. Algunos municipios han llevado adelante algunas estrategias novedosas saldando experiencias y aportando un camino en pos de implementación de políticas habitacionales enmarcadas en políticas urbanas integrales. Housing policies are part of the city, an urban fact materialize. Based on the busy experience in implementing the Federal Housing Construction Plan in Provincia of Buenos Aires we read different effects in cities and in the lives of people. The location of houses and land used were used to verify whether, as social policy, housing policy inputs urban acts redistributing income, better localization of the population in the urban structure. In this paper we propose to problematize the housing policy, as part of urban policy, analyzing tensions and relationships. Supported in mediation is proposed in the PFCV, we investigate the implementation of the policy in the Province of Buenos Aires. Some locals governments have carried out some new strategies settling experiences and providing a path towards implementation of housing policies framed in comprehensive urban policy.
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Mejía, Vinicio, César Guerrero, Howard Fabian Chavez Yepez e Leonardo Ballesteros. "Scientific mapping of politics 2.0 in post-pandemic times". In 1er Congreso Universal de las Ciencias y la Investigación Medwave 2022;. Medwave Estudios Limitada, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5867/medwave.2022.s2.uta129.

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Oliveira, Lucas Santos de, e Pedro Olmo Stancioli Vaz de Melo. "Large-Scale And Long-Term Characterization Of Political Communications On Social Media". In Simpósio Brasileiro de Sistemas Multimídia e Web. Sociedade Brasileira de Computação - SBC, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5753/webmedia_estendido.2022.225803.

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Social media play an important role in shaping political discourse, creating a public sphere that enables discussions, debates, and deliberations. Aware of this importance, politicians use social media for self-promotion and as a means of influencing people and votes. As an example of this assertion, in 2018, Brazilians democratically elected for president the far-right candidate Jair Bolsonaro. One of the most surprising feats of this outcome is that his party, PSL, had almost no television time. His victory was only possible because of his supporters’ engagement and activism on social media platforms, such as Twitter, Facebook, and WhatsApp. In this context, politicians need to decide how to communicate with their voters to build their reputations. While some politicians only share professional communications about their political agenda and activities, others prefer a more non-political and informal approach, sharing communications about the most varied subjects, such as religion, sports, and their families. Others, however, misuse platforms by spreading political messages that violate policies and circumvent electoral laws. Aware of these problems, I propose the LOCPOC a methodology to characterize the communication of Brazilian politicians over years in terms of the amount of political and non-political messages they post. The methodology is robust to concept drifts over time, requiring few new labeled messages each year. From the classified messages, I was able to characterize the communication of politicians over time and identified new findings: (i) Brazilian congresspeople changed their communication behavior over time; (ii) concept drifts occurred during important events in Brazilian politics; (iii) the explosive rise of the right seen just before the 2018 elections; (iv) a broader and more evenly distributed right-wing participation than the left-wing, and, finally, (v) the increase of public engagement over time.
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Hamah Saeed, Tahseen. "Assumptions and legal and political intellectual principles of positive discrimination of women and their application to the laws in force in the Kurdistan region". In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp149-170.

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"This research enters into the field of philosophy of law. He investigated it about the positive differentiation of women in legal thought. After defining the assumptions of the concept, such as the necessity to distinguish between formal equality, and real equality, because positive differentiation is a privilege given to the disadvantaged as if it appears to create inequality, and it is formed until it compensates them with the forbidden, which was practiced before and is now practiced. And that positive differentiation is not only concerned with women but also with all other disadvantaged groups, such as minorities, children and the elderly, even if the female component is more visible. So it entered into the global legislative policy, whether in international law or in national law, so would hold international agreements, hold conferences and establish international organizations for that. Positive differentiation is considered a subsidiary legal principle and complementary to the principle of equality and fairness, and for this existence is related to the existence of that principle, and it is known that the principle are not often written in legislation, but the legislator must take them into account when setting legal rules. Positive the positive differentiation as a legal principle that is observed in global legislation, and the legislator in the Kurdistan region of Iraq tried to observe the principle at a time when the federal legislator did not pay much attention to the principle, and this legislative policy in the region is more in line with the global legislative policy, and this is why the Kurdistan legislator tried to repeal or amend federal law Or legislate new laws in implementation of the principle that fall within its powers, so the anti-family violence law is a perfect example of this, which has no parallel in Iraq so far."
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Oyaque, Silvia, Mario Siguenza, Alexandra López e Howard Chávez. "Advertising campaigns in political marketing and the recruitment of followers in political parties: Ambato case study". In 1er Congreso Universal de las Ciencias y la Investigación Medwave 2022;. Medwave Estudios Limitada, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5867/medwave.2022.s2.uta107.

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Sahin, Syeda Sakira. "Woman. Law and Inheritance in the Context of Customary Laws of North East India". In 2nd Annual International Conference on Political Science, Sociology and International Relations. Global Science Technology Forum, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.5176/2251-2403_pssir12.51.

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Chis, Sabin S. "RESEARCH REGARDING THE ROLE OF PUBLIC-PRIVATE PARTNERSHIP IN RURAL DEVELOPMENT THROUGH LAGS". In SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on POLITICAL SCIENCES, LAW, FINANCE, ECONOMICS AND TOURISM. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b24/s7.074.

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Bozzolo, A. "La Politica de Los Hidrocarburos en la America Latina Y Su Problematica en el Me-Diano Plazo". In 2nd Simposio Bolivariano - Exploracion Petrolera en las Cuencas Subandinas. European Association of Geoscientists & Engineers, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.3997/2214-4609-pdb.113.034.

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Rapporti di organizzazioni sul tema "Laos politics"

1

Collins, William. The Political Economy of Fair Housing Laws Prior to 1968. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, luglio 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w10610.

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Lamoreaux, Naomi, e John Joseph Wallis. Economic Crisis, General Laws, and the Mid-Nineteenth-Century Transformation of American Political Economy. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, giugno 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w27400.

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3

Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail e Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies, gennaio 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/5jchdy.

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Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail e Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), gennaio 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0001.

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Abstract (sommario):
Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
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Feigenbaum, James, Alexander Hertel-Fernandez e Vanessa Williamson. From the Bargaining Table to the Ballot Box: Political Effects of Right to Work Laws. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, gennaio 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w24259.

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Benmelech, Efraim, e Tobias Moskowitz. The Political Economy of Financial Regulation: Evidence from U.S. State Usury Laws in the 19th Century. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, gennaio 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w12851.

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Yilmaz, Ihsan, e Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism and Vigilantism: The Case of the Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), gennaio 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0001.

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Religious populism and radicalism are hardly new to Pakistan. Since its birth in 1947, the country has suffered through an ongoing identity crisis. Under turbulent political conditions, religion has served as a surrogate identity for Pakistan, masking the country’s evident plurality, and over the years has come to dominate politics. Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) is the latest face of religious extremism merged with populist politics. Nevertheless, its sporadic rise from a national movement defending Pakistan’s notorious blasphemy laws to a “pious” party is little understood. This paper draws on a collection of primary and secondary sources to piece together an account of the party’s evolution that sheds light on its appeal to “the people” and its marginalization and targeting of the “other.” The analysis reveals that the TLP has evolved from a proxy backed by the establishment against the mainstream parties to a full-fledged political force in its own right. Its ability to relate to voters via its pious narrative hinges on exploiting the emotional insecurities of the largely disenfranchised masses. With violence legitimized under the guise of religion, “the people” are afforded a new sense of empowerment. Moreover, the party’s rhetoric has given rise to a vigilante-style mob culture so much so that individuals inspired by this narrative have killed in plain sight without remorse. To make matters worse, the incumbent government of Imran Khan — itself a champion of Islamist rhetoric — has made repeated concessions and efforts to appease the TLP that have only emboldened the party. Today, the TLP poses serious challenges to Pakistan’s long-standing, if fragile, pluralistic social norms and risks tipping the country into an even deadlier cycle of political radicalization.
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Mazurkiewicz, Marek. ECMI Minorities Blog. German minority as hostage and victim of populist politics in Poland. European Centre for Minority Issues, febbraio 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.53779/fhta5489.

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On 4 February 2022, the Polish Journal of Laws published a new ordinance of the Minister of Education and Science, implementing cuts in the funding of education of German as a minority language. Consequently, the hourly length of such lessons will be significantly reduced. This regulation applies exclusively to the German minority, and the official motive for introducing discriminatory measures is to improve the situation of Polish diaspora in Germany. This is the first time after 1989 when the Polish state authorities introduce a law limiting the rights of Poland’s citizens belonging to a national minority (in this situation children), as a retaliation for the alleged situation of a kin-community elsewhere. Importantly, the adopted regulations are not only discriminatory towards one of the minorities; their implementation may in fact contribute to the dysfunctionality of the entire minority education system in Poland. This is also an obvious violation of the constitutional principle of equality before the law, the right of minorities to ‘maintain and develop their own language’, international standards of minority rights protection, as well as a threat to the very functioning of human rights protection mechanisms in the country.
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Boston, Clarinèr. An Historical Perspective of Oregon's and Portland's Political and Social Atmosphere in Relation to the Legal Justice System as it Pertained to Minorities: With Specific Reference to State Laws, City Ordinances, and Arrest and Court Records During the Period -- 1840-1895. Portland State University Library, gennaio 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.6868.

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Elnour Abdelkarim, Zeinab. Assessing Sudan's Electoral Legal Framework. International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, maggio 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31752/idea.2022.18.

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Assessing Sudanʼs Electoral Legal Framework provides an in-depth insight and analysis of Sudanʼs current legal framework for elections. It measures Sudanʼs legal electoral framework against a common international understanding of the principles, norms and obligations that define credible and democratic elections. The objective of this analysis is not to criticize or pass judgement on the countryʼs existing electoral processes; instead, it offers an unbiased assessment of how Sudanʼs existing electoral laws and country context create an enabling or disabling environment for free and fair elections. It provides comprehensive and constructive recommendations to strengthen existing legislation and improve fairness, uniformity, reliability, consistency and professionalism in Sudanʼs future elections. This Report also assesses the status of core democratic principles and freedoms that provide the foundation for credible elections and highlights any restrictions on these fundamental rights and liberties that could interfere with the countryʼs upcoming elections or delay its political transition. It calls upon the transitional government to protect citizensʼ rights and liberties and prevent abuses that may influence public trust, fairness, and openness of electoral and other transitional processes. Lastly, this Report discusses political, socio-economic, and legal issues impacting Sudanʼs roadmap to democratic transition before the October 2021 military coup.
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