Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Lance incendie"

Résumé : Dans les universités béninoises, l’enseignement de l’entrepreneuriat semble être assimilé, de nos jours, à un précieux outil de création d’emplois et un levier important pour faire face au récurrent problème de chômage. Cependant, force est de constater malgré ce dispositif intéressant que nombre d’étudiants, après leur cursus universitaire, ont du mal à se lancer dans les affaires. Le but visé par cet article est de chercher à comprendre si la variable « attrait » fonde un tel comportement de la part des étudiants de l’Institut Universitaire de Technologie de l’Université de Parakou. A cet effet, cette étude s’est appuyée sur la théorie de l’évènement entrepreneurial de Shapero et Sokol (1982) pour estimer une régression logistique binaire. L’objectif visé est d’expliquer l’intention entrepreneuriale de ces étudiants. Les résultats obtenus montrent que si ces étudiants sont encouragés par leur entourage et ont l’aptitude ou la capacité requise pour aller à l’entrepreneuriat, un faible attrait caractérise leur comportement. Une révision du programme de formation en entrepreneuriat par l’introduction de modules professionnels cohérents fondés sur une logique d’incitation à l’entrepreneuriat est alors nécessaire. Mots-clés : Attrait – Intention – Entrepreneuriat – Etudiant – Formation. The propensity to engage in entrepreneurship among IUT/UP students: an analysis using Shapero and Sokol's entrepreneurial event theory. Summary: In Benin's universities, teaching entrepreneurship seems to be seen these days as a valuable job-creation tool and an important lever for tackling the recurring problem of unemployment. However, despite this interesting system, many students find it difficult to start their own business after graduating from university. The aim of this article is to understand whether the "attractiveness" variable underlies such behavior on the part of students at the University Institute of Technology of the University of Parakou. To this end, this study used Shapero and Sokol's (1982) theory of the entrepreneurial event to estimate a binary logistic regression. The aim was to explain the entrepreneurial intention of these students. The results obtained show that, while these students are encouraged by their entourage and have the aptitude or ability required to go into entrepreneurship, a weak attraction characterizes their behavior. It is therefore necessary to revise the entrepreneurship training program by introducing coherent professional modules based on an entrepreneurial incentive logic. Keywords: Attraction – Intention Entrepreneurship – Student – Training JEL Classification : A29 – L26 – I29 – M19.

Problem setting. The article is devoted to detection of the legal nature of the relationships between EU Member States’ domestic law and newly-created system of patent law governance, which comprises the Council Regulations 1257/2012 on implementing enhanced cooperation in the area of the creation of unitary patent protection and № 1260/2012 on implementing enhanced cooperation in the area of the creation of unitary patent protection with regard to the applicable translation arrangements as well as the Agreement on a Unified Patent Court. The subject of this research are the potential challenges the enforcement of the EU law may pose to the Unified Patent Court, along with enforcing Contracting State’s domestic law and international treaties, binding to the Contracting States as well as potential threats that can emerge after the Unified Patent Court becomes operational, especially the threat of legal fragmentation in terms of patent relationships. Profound analysis of the rules, that set the procedure of using different types of legislation while hearing the patent disputes cases has been made. The legal opinions of the Court of Justice of the European Union concerning the autonomous judicial bodies and their influence on the EU law have been presented. Potential threats to the EU legal system’s integrity and possible ways of deterring them have been outlined. Comparisons between recent and previous legal problems concerning the field of the EU law integrity have been made. The main arguments of the Court of Justice of the European Union have been studied and the most durable ones have been stressed as the milestones of the future Unified Patent Court legal practice. Conclusions about the importance of domestic and EU law correlation in light of patent legal sphere have been made. The drawbacks of current EU legislation and the need for the Court of Justice of the European Union to reconsider its positions have been mentioned. Analysis of recent researches and publications. The problems of compiling EU rights and national rights of EU member states in the context of their use by EU institutions, as well as other bodies, in particular the ECHR, as well as the question of fragmentation of patent law, were raised by the following EU researchers: Kristof Krenn, Giuseppe Martinico, Jorg Polakiewicz, Sionaidh Douglas-Scott, Steve Peers, Douwe de Lange, Tatiana Komarova. Purpose of the research is to conduct a profound analysis of the problem concerning the use of EU law and other legal sources by the Unified Patent Court during its future legal practice and to study the bonds between the Court of Justice of the European Union, the Unified Patent Court and Contracting Member States and their role in the creation of the new legal framework. Article’s main body. The analytics of the EU patent law harmonization has been an object of attention of many researchers so far. For instance, Reto M. Hilty and the collective of authors, who studied the problem of enforcement of law, that forms the so-called «patent package», explicitly paid their attention to the question of jurisprudence fragmentation, the point of which is that as soon as the Agreement on a Unified Patent Court comes into force, several judicial bodies will cover the territory of the Contracting Member States with their jurisdiction simultaneously. Apart from the national courts, that will deal with the patents, issued by the domestic authorities, the following bodies will execute their functions: the Unified Patent Court on cases concerning the European patent with unitary effect, the Court of Justice of the European Union by issuing its preliminary opinions on the compatibility of the Unified Patent Court’s actions with the EU law and the Boards of Appeal of the European Patent Office by deciding on the administrative lawsuits. The problem of jurisprudence fragmentation entails a vast amount of problems, the answer to which can only be given by means of judicial practice. If we turn our view towards Article 7 of the Council Regulation № 1257/2012, we will notice that this article gives the European patent with unitary effect the meaning of property, that should be equally recognized throughout all the Contracting Member States. This aspect leads to an important conclusion, that will be discussed later in this paper. Conclusions and prospects for the development. To sum this up, it’s worth noting, that the beginning of the Unified Patent Court’s functioning, as well as the moment when the legislation, created by means of enhanced cooperation mechanism, comes into force, will certainly become a remarkable event both to the EU institutions and the Unified Patent Court, since it has the potential to become a strong incentive to reconsideration of current approaches to the cooperation between the EU and international judicial bodies.

Architectes et techniciens font aujourd’hui face à une double injonction contradictoire. D’une part, ils doivent proposer des alternatives constructives sobres et décarbonées pour se conformer à la nouvelle Réglementation environnementale 2020 et redécouvrent pour cela l’usage de matériaux anciens que l’on dit désormais « naturels », « crus », « biosourcés » ou « géosourcés ». Mais ils doivent d’autre part respecter l’ensemble du cadre réglementaire préexistant qui fixe des exigences en termes de sécurité, de pérennité et de confort, obtenues grâce aux performances remarquables des matériaux modernes et notamment du béton armé. L’urgence de la transition écologique se confronte alors à la lenteur prudente avec laquelle le corpus réglementaire intègre les particularités de la construction bas carbone réalisée avec des matériaux réputés fragiles. Dans un premier temps, cette enquête s’intéressera aux récentes démarches entreprises par des acteurs de la filière bois pour demander la révision de la réglementation incendie et à leur réception par les autorités. Ce processus montre que le cadre réglementaire est le fruit de consensus entre des forces antagonistes d’innovation et de prudence, aux temporalités très différentes et que ce cadre est in fine l’expression juridique du niveau de risques auquel une société consent. Dans un second temps, l’analyse du projet aux objectifs écologiques exemplaires de l’école des Messageries lancé par la ville de Paris, qui fait la part belle aux matériaux biosourcés et géosourcés, montre que l’invention constructive est prise dans les rets du cadre réglementaire et normatif et ne peut être développée qu’en articulation avec lui. Si les études de ce projet témoignent d’un travail important et concluant de recherche d’équivalences en matière de gestion des risques, c’est au prix d’une augmentation des couches de protections au feu et d’une sophistication constructive qui grèvent son bilan carbone. Enfin, en s’attachant exclusivement à la définition des éléments matériels de l’architecture, ce projet reste aveugle aux exigences réglementaires de confort que la modernité nous a permis de fixer et qui pèsent plus lourd dans le bilan carbone de l’édifice que toute sa superstructure. Il est donc urgent d’élargir la réflexion pour questionner les pratiques architecturales courantes dans leur rapport avec les normes sociales relatives aux usages et au confort.

Cancer preventing agent action of asparagus, broccoli and their juices was assessed. Asparagus demonstrated more prominent cell reinforcement movement than broccoli. Asparagus squeeze additionally had more prominent cancer prevention agent action than broccoli juice. Methanol and acetone concentrates of asparagus and broccoli had altogether more prominent cancer prevention agent action than their water extricates. Asparagus and broccoli separates, and in addition their juices, demonstrated no critical contrast in all out phenolics . Be that as it may, asparagus contained a bigger number of flavonoids than broccoli. The cancer prevention agent movement of asparagus and broccoli separates showed a direct association with their flavonoid [1]. Green asparagus that is Asparagus officinalis L., as a solid and perishable vegetable, is handled after collect to limit the decay of its physical and compound quality. In our examination, new asparagus was sanitized utilizing a few strategies, including a microwave-circled water mix warming framework, constrained high temp water warming and steam-warming in an answer. Rutin substance of asparagus handled by these strategies did not demonstrate critical distinction. However, cancer prevention agent action of asparagus after microwave-flowed water blend warming framework treatment was essentially more noteworthy than that handled by different techniques. In spite of the fact that the shear worry of asparagus lances was fundamentally diminished by eight times after disinfection, no critical distinction existed among the surfaces of asparagus handled by these strategies. Asparagus handled by microwave-flowed water blend warming framework demonstrated greener shading with negative esteem and more prominent tinge an incentive than did boiling water-and counter treated asparagus. In this way, asparagus disinfected by microwave-circled water blend warming framework demonstrated more noteworthy cancer prevention agent movement and greener shading than did asparagus handled by the ordinary strategies [2].

Abstract Background Minimally invasive thoracic surgery (MITS) has been shown to reduce postoperative pain and contribute to better postoperative quality of life as compared to open thoracic surgery (Bendixen et al., Lancet Oncol 17:836–44, 2016). However, it still causes significant post-operative pain. Regional anaesthesia techniques including fascial plane blocks such as the erector spinae plane block (ESP) have been shown to contribute to post-operative pain control after MITS (Finnerty et al., Br J Anaesth 125:802–10, 2020). Case reports relating to ESP catheters have described improved quality of pain relief using programmed intermittent boluses (PIB) instead of continuous infusion (Bendixen et al., Lancet Oncol 17:836–44, 2016). It is suggested that larger, repeated bolus dose may provide superior pain relief, possibly because of improved spread of the local anaesthetic medications (Ilfeld and Gabriel, Reg Anesth Pain Med 44:285–86, 2019). Evidence for improved spread of local anaesthetic may be found in one study which demonstrated that PIB increased the spread of local anaesthetic medication compared to continuous infusions for continuous paravertebral blocks, which are another type of regional anaesthesia technique for the chest wall (Hida et al., Reg Anesth Pain Med 44:326–32, 2019). Similarly, regarding labour epidural analgesia, the weight of evidence is in favour of PIB providing better pain relief compared with continuous infusion (Onuoha, Anesthesiol Clin 35:1–14, 2017). Since fascial plane blocks, such as ESP, rely on the spread of local anaesthetic medication between muscle layers of the chest wall, intermittent boluses may be particularly useful for this group of blocks. However, until recently, pumps capable of providing automated boluses in addition to patient-controlled boluses were not widely available. To best of our knowledge, there are no randomised controlled trials comparing continuous infusion versus intermittent bolus strategies for erector spinae plane block for MITS in terms of patient centred outcomes such as quality of recovery. Methods This trial will be a prospective, double-blinded, randomised controlled superiority trial. A total of 60 eligible patients will be randomly assigned to receive an intermittent bolus regime of local anaesthetic vs a continuous infusion of local anaesthetic. The medication will be delivered via an ultrasound-guided erector spinae plane block catheter which will be inserted by an anaesthesiologist while the patient is under general anaesthetic before their MITS surgery begins. The primary outcome being measured is the Quality of Recovery (QoR-15) score between the two groups 24 h after surgery. Secondary outcomes include respiratory testing of maximal inspiratory volume measured with a calibrated incentive spirometer, area under the curve for Verbal Rating Score for pain at rest and on deep inspiration versus time over 48 h, total opioid consumption over 48 h, QoR-15 score at 48 h and time to first mobilisation. Discussion Despite surgical advancements in thoracic surgery, severe acute post-operative pain following MITS is still prevalent. This study will provide new knowledge and possible recommendations about the efficacy of programmed intermittent bolus regimen of local anaesthetic vs a continuous infusion of local anaesthetic via an ultrasound-guided erector spinae plane catheter for patients undergoing MITS. Trial registration This trial was pre-registered on ClinicalTrials.gov Identifier: NCT05181371. Registered on 6 January 2022. All item from the World Health Organization Trial Registration Data set have been included.

Kangatarianism is the rather inelegant word coined in the first decade of the twenty-first century to describe an omnivorous diet in which the only meat consumed is that of the kangaroo. First published in the media in 2010 (Barone; Zukerman), the term circulated in Australian environmental and academic circles including the Global Animal conference at the University of Wollongong in July 2011 where I first heard it from members of the Think Tank for Kangaroos (THINKK) group. By June 2017, it had gained enough attention to be named the Oxford English Dictionary’s Australian word of the month (following on from May’s “smashed avo,” another Australian food innovation), but it took the Nine Network reality television series Love Island Australia to raise kangatarian to trending status on social media (Oxford UP). During the first episode, aired in late May 2018, Justin, a concreter and fashion model from Melbourne, declared himself to have previously been a kangatarian as he chatted with fellow contestant, Millie. Vet nurse and animal lover Millie appeared to be shocked by his revelation but was tentatively accepting when Justin explained what kangatarian meant, and justified his choice on the grounds that kangaroo are not farmed. In the social media response, it was clear that eating only the meat of kangaroos as an ethical choice was an entirely new concept to many viewers, with one tweet stating “Kangatarian isn’t a thing”, while others variously labelled the diet brutal, intriguing, or quintessentially Australian (see #kangatarian on Twitter).There is a well developed literature around the arguments for and against eating kangaroo, and why settler Australians tend to be so reluctant to do so (see for example, Probyn; Cawthorn and Hoffman). Here, I will concentrate on the role that ethics play in this food choice by examining how the adoption of kangatarianism can be understood as a bargain struck to help to manage grief in the Anthropocene, and the limitations of that bargain. As Lesley Head has argued, we are living in a time of loss and of grieving, when much that has been taken for granted is becoming unstable, and “we must imagine that drastic changes to everyday life are in the offing” (313). Applying the classic (and contested) model of five stages of grief, first proposed by Elisabeth Kübler-Ross in her book On Death and Dying in 1969, much of the population of the western world seems to be now experiencing denial, her first stage of loss, while those in the most vulnerable environments have moved on to anger with developed countries for destructive actions in the past and inaction in the present. The next stages (or states) of grieving—bargaining, depression, and acceptance—are likely to be manifested, although not in any predictable sequence, as the grief over current and future losses continues (Haslam).The great expansion of food restrictive diets in the Anthropocene can be interpreted as part of this bargaining state of grieving as individuals attempt to respond to the imperative to reduce their environmental impact but also to limit the degree of change to their own diet required to do so. Meat has long been identified as a key component of an individual’s environmental footprint. From Frances Moore Lappé’s 1971 Diet for a Small Planet through the United Nations’ Food and Agriculture Organisation’s 2006 report Livestock’s Long Shadow to the 2019 report of the EAT–Lancet Commission on Healthy Diets from Sustainable Food Systems, the advice has been consistent: meat consumption should be minimised in, if not eradicated from, the human diet. The EAT–Lancet Commission Report quantified this to less than 28 grams (just under one ounce) of beef, lamb or pork per day (12, 25). For many this would be keenly felt, in terms of how meals are constructed, the sensory experiences associated with eating meat and perceptions of well-being but meat is offered up as a sacrifice to bring about the return of the beloved healthy planet.Rather than accept the advice to cut out meat entirely, those seeking to bargain with the Anthropocene also find other options. This has given rise to a suite of foodways based around restricting meat intake in volume or type. Reducing the amount of commercially produced beef, lamb and pork eaten is one approach, while substituting a meat the production of which has a smaller environmental footprint, most commonly chicken or fish, is another. For those willing to make deeper changes, the meat of free living animals, especially those which are killed accidentally on the roads or for deliberately for environmental management purposes, is another option. Further along this spectrum are the novel protein sources suggested in the Lancet report, including insects, blue-green algae and laboratory-cultured meats.Kangatarianism is another form of this bargain, and is backed by at least half a century of advocacy. The Australian Conservation Foundation made calls to reduce the numbers of other livestock and begin a sustainable harvest of kangaroo for food in 1970 when the sale of kangaroo meat for human consumption was still illegal across the country (Conservation of Kangaroos). The idea was repeated by biologist Gordon Grigg in the late 1980s (Jackson and Vernes 173), and again in the Garnaut Climate Change Review in 2008 (547–48). Kangaroo meat is high in protein and iron, low in fat, and high in healthy polyunsaturated fatty acids and conjugated linoleic acid, and, as these authors showed, has a smaller environmental footprint than beef, lamb, or pork. Kangaroo require less water than cattle, sheep or pigs, and no land is cleared to grow feed for them or give them space to graze. Their paws cause less erosion and compaction of soil than do the hooves of common livestock. They eat less fodder than ruminants and their digestive processes result in lower emissions of the powerful greenhouse gas methane and less solid waste.As Justin of Love Island was aware, kangaroo are not farmed in the sense of being deliberately bred, fed, confined, or treated with hormones, drugs or chemicals, which also adds to their lighter impact on the environment. However, some pastoralists argue that because they cannot prevent kangaroos from accessing the food, water, shelter, and protection from predators they provide for their livestock, they do effectively farm them, although they receive no income from sales of kangaroo meat. This type of light touch farming of kangaroos has a very long history in Australia going back to the continent’s first peopling some 60,000 years ago. Kangaroos were so important to Aboriginal people that a wide range of environments were manipulated to produce their favoured habitats of open grasslands edged by sheltering trees. As Bill Gammage demonstrated, fire was used as a tool to preserve and extend grassy areas, to encourage regrowth which would attract kangaroos and to drive the animals from one patch to another or towards hunters waiting with spears (passim, for example, 58, 72, 76, 93). Gammage and Bruce Pascoe agree that this was a form of animal husbandry in which the kangaroos were drawn to the areas prepared for them for the young grass or, more forcefully, physically directed using nets, brush fences or stone walls. Burnt ground served to contain the animals in place of fencing, and regular harvesting kept numbers from rising to levels which would place pressure on other species (Gammage 79, 281–86; Pascoe 42–43). Contemporary advocates of eating kangaroo have promoted the idea that they should be deliberately co-produced with other livestock instead of being killed to preserve feed and water for sheep and cattle (Ellicott; Wilson 39). Substituting kangaroo for the meat of more environmentally damaging animals would facilitate a reduction in the numbers of cattle and sheep, lessening the harm they do.Most proponents have assumed that their audience is current meat eaters who would substitute kangaroo for the meat of other more environmentally costly animals, but kangatarianism can also emerge from vegetarianism. Wendy Zukerman, who wrote about kangaroo hunting for New Scientist in 2010, was motivated to conduct the research because she was considering becoming an early adopter of kangatarianism as the least environmentally taxing way to counter the longterm anaemia she had developed as a vegetarian. In 2018, George Wilson, honorary professor in the Australian National University’s Fenner School of Environment and Society called for vegetarians to become kangatarians as a means of boosting overall consumption of kangaroo for environmental and economic benefits to rural Australia (39).Given these persuasive environmental arguments, it might be expected that many people would have perceived eating kangaroo instead of other meat as a favourable bargain and taken up the call to become kangatarian. Certainly, there has been widespread interest in trying kangaroo meat. In 1997, only five years after the sale of kangaroo meat for human consumption had been legalised in most states (South Australia did so in 1980), 51% of 500 people surveyed in five capital cities said they had tried kangaroo. However, it had not become a meat of choice with very few found to eat it more than three times a year (Des Purtell and Associates iv). Just over a decade later, a study by Ampt and Owen found an increase to 58% of 1599 Australians surveyed across the country who had tried kangaroo but just 4.7% eating it at least monthly (14). Bryce Appleby, in his study of kangaroo consumption in the home based on interviews with 28 residents of Wollongong in 2010, specifically noted the absence of kangatarians—then a very new concept. A study of 261 Sydney university students in 2014 found that half had tried kangaroo meat and 10% continued to eat it with any regularity. Only two respondents identified themselves as kangatarian (Grant 14–15). Kangaroo meat advocate Michael Archer declared in 2017 that “there’s an awful lot of very, very smart vegetarians [who] have opted for semi vegetarianism and they’re calling themselves ‘kangatarians’, as they’re quite happy to eat kangaroo meat”, but unless there had been a significant change in a few years, the surveys did not bear out his assertion (154).The ethical calculations around eating kangaroo are complicated by factors beyond the strictly environmental. One Tweeter advised Justin: “‘I’m a kangatarian’ isn’t a pickup line, mate”, and certainly the reception of his declaration could have been very cool, especially as it was delivered to a self declared animal warrior (N’Tash Aha). All of the studies of beliefs and practices around the eating of kangaroo have noted a significant minority of Australians who would not consider eating kangaroo based on issues of animal welfare and animal rights. The 1997 study found that 11% were opposed to the idea of eating kangaroo, while in Grant’s 2014 study, 15% were ethically opposed to eating kangaroo meat (Des Purtell and Associates iv; Grant 14–15). Animal ethics complicate the bargains calculated principally on environmental grounds.These ethical concerns work across several registers. One is around the flesh and blood kangaroo as a charismatic native animal unique to Australia and which Australians have an obligation to respect and nurture. Sheep, cattle and pigs have been subject to longterm propaganda campaigns which entrench the idea that they are unattractive and unintelligent, and veil their transition to meat behind euphemistic language and abattoir walls, making it easier to eat them. Kangaroos are still seen as resourceful and graceful animals, and no linguistic tricks shield consumers from the knowledge that it is a roo on their plate. A proposal in 2009 to market a “coat of arms” emu and kangaroo-flavoured potato chip brought complaints to the Advertising Standards Bureau that this was disrespectful to these native animals, although the flavours were to be simulated and the product vegetarian (Black). Coexisting with this high regard to kangaroos is its antithesis. That is, a valuation of them informed by their designation as a pest in the pastoral industry, and the use of the carcasses of those killed to feed dogs and other companion animals. Appleby identified a visceral, disgust response to the idea of eating kangaroo in many of his informants, including both vegetarians who would not consider eating kangaroo because of their commitment to a plant-based diet, and at least one omnivore who would prefer to give up all meat rather than eat kangaroo. While diametrically opposed, the end point of both positions is that kangaroo meat should not be eaten.A second animal ethics stance relates to the imagined kangaroo, a cultural construct which for most urban Australians is much more present in their lives and likely to shape their actions than the living animals. It is behind the rejection of eating an animal which holds such an iconic place in Australian culture: to the dexter on the 1912 national coat of arms; hopping through the Hundred Acre Wood as Kanga and Roo in A.A. Milne’s Winnie-the-Pooh children’s books from the 1920s and the Disney movies later made from them; as a boy’s best friend as Skippy the Bush Kangaroo in a fondly remembered 1970s television series; and high in the sky on QANTAS planes. The anthropomorphising of kangaroos permitted the spectacle of the boxing kangaroo from the late nineteenth century. By framing natural kangaroo behaviours as boxing, these exhibitions encouraged an ambiguous understanding of kangaroos as human-like, moving them further from the category of food (Golder and Kirkby). Australian government bodies used this idea of the kangaroo to support food exports to Britain, with kangaroos as cooks or diners rather than ingredients. The Kangaroo Kookery Book of 1932 (see fig. 1 below) portrayed kangaroos as a nuclear family in a suburban kitchen and another official campaign supporting sales of Australian produce in Britain in the 1950s featured a Disney-inspired kangaroo eating apples and chops washed down with wine (“Kangaroo to Be ‘Food Salesman’”). This imagining of kangaroos as human-like has persisted, leading to the opinion expressed in a 2008 focus group, that consuming kangaroo amounted to “‘eating an icon’ … Although they are pests they are still human nature … these are native animals, people and I believe that is a form of cannibalism!” (Ampt and Owen 26). Figure 1: Rather than promoting the eating of kangaroos, the portrayal of kangaroos as a modern suburban family in the Kangaroo Kookery Book (1932) made it unthinkable. (Source: Kangaroo Kookery Book, Director of Australian Trade Publicity, Australia House, London, 1932.)The third layer of ethical objection on the ground of animal welfare is more specific, being directed to the method of killing the kangaroos which become food. Kangaroos are perhaps the only native animals for which state governments set quotas for commercial harvest, on the grounds that they compete with livestock for pasturage and water. In most jurisdictions, commercially harvested kangaroo carcasses can be processed for human consumption, and they are the ones which ultimately appear in supermarket display cases.Kangaroos are killed by professional shooters at night using swivelling spotlights mounted on their vehicles to locate and daze the animals. While clean head shots are the ideal and regulations state that animals should be killed when at rest and without causing “undue agonal struggle”, this is not always achieved and some animals do suffer prolonged deaths (NSW Code of Practice for Kangaroo Meat for Human Consumption). By regulation, the young of any female kangaroo must be killed along with her. While averting a slow death by neglect, this is considered cruel and wasteful. The hunt has drawn international criticism, including from Greenpeace which organised campaigns against the sale of kangaroo meat in Europe in the 1980s, and Viva! which was successful in securing the withdrawal of kangaroo from sale in British supermarkets (“Kangaroo Meat Sales Criticised”). These arguments circulate and influence opinion within Australia.A final animal ethics issue is that what is actually behind the push for greater use of kangaroo meat is not concern for the environment or animal welfare but the quest to turn a profit from these animals. The Kangaroo Industries Association of Australia, formed in 1970 to represent those who dealt in the marsupials’ meat, fur and skins, has been a vocal advocate of eating kangaroo and a sponsor of market research into how it can be made more appealing to the market. The Association argued in 1971 that commercial harvest was part of the intelligent conservation of the kangaroo. They sought minimum size regulations to prevent overharvesting and protect their livelihoods (“Assn. Backs Kangaroo Conservation”). The Association’s current website makes the claim that wild harvested “Australian kangaroo meat is among the healthiest, tastiest and most sustainable red meats in the world” (Kangaroo Industries Association of Australia). That this is intended to initiate a new and less controlled branch of the meat industry for the benefit of hunters and processors, rather than foster a shift from sheep or cattle to kangaroos which might serve farmers and the environment, is the opinion of Dr. Louise Boronyak, of the Centre for Compassionate Conservation at the University of Technology Sydney (Boyle 19).Concerns such as these have meant that kangaroo is most consumed where it is least familiar, with most of the meat for human consumption recovered from culled animals being exported to Europe and Asia. Russia has been the largest export market. There, kangaroo meat is made less strange by blending it with other meats and traditional spices to make processed meats, avoiding objections to its appearance and uncertainty around preparation. With only a low profile as a novelty animal in Russia, there are fewer sentimental concerns about consuming kangaroo, although the additional food miles undermine its environmental credentials. The variable acceptability of kangaroo in more distant markets speaks to the role of culture in determining how patterns of eating are formed and can be shifted, or, as Elspeth Probyn phrased it “how natural entities are transformed into commodities within a context of globalisation and local communities”, underlining the impossibility of any straightforward ethics of eating kangaroo (33, 35).Kangatarianism is a neologism which makes the eating of kangaroo meat something it has not been in the past, a voluntary restriction based on environmental ethics. These environmental benefits are well founded and eating kangaroo can be understood as an Anthropocenic bargain struck to allow the continuation of the consumption of red meat while reducing one’s environmental footprint. Although superficially attractive, the numbers entering into this bargain remain small because environmental ethics cannot be disentangled from animal ethics. The anthropomorphising of the kangaroo and its use as a national symbol coexist with its categorisation as a pest and use of its meat as food for companion animals. Both understandings of kangaroos made their meat uneatable for many Australians. Paired with concerns over how kangaroos are killed and the commercialisation of a native species, kangaroo meat has a very mixed reception despite decades of advocacy for eating its meat in favour of that of more harmed and more harmful introduced species. Given these constraints, kangatarianism is unlikely to become widespread and indeed it should be viewed as at best a temporary exigency. As the climate warms and rainfall becomes more erratic, even animals which have evolved to suit Australian conditions will come under increasing pressure, and humans will need to reach Kübler-Ross’ final state of grief: acceptance. In this case, this would mean acceptance that our needs cannot be placed ahead of those of other animals.ReferencesAmpt, Peter, and Kate Owen. Consumer Attitudes to Kangaroo Meat Products. Canberra: Rural Industries Research and Development Corporation, 2008.Appleby, Bryce. “Skippy the ‘Green’ Kangaroo: Identifying Resistances to Eating Kangaroo in the Home in a Context of Climate Change.” BSc Hons, U of Wollongong, 2010 <http://ro.uow.edu.au/thsci/103>.Archer, Michael. “Zoology on the Table: Plenary Session 4.” Australian Zoologist 39, 1 (2017): 154–60.“Assn. Backs Kangaroo Conservation.” The Beverley Times 26 Feb. 1971: 3. 22 Feb. 2019 <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article202738733>.Barone, Tayissa. “Kangatarians Jump the Divide.” Sydney Morning Herald 9 Feb. 2010. 13 Apr. 2019 <https://www.smh.com.au/lifestyle/kangatarians-jump-the-divide-20100209-gdtvd8.html>.Black, Rosemary. “Some Australians Angry over Idea for Kangaroo and Emu-Flavored Potato Chips.” New York Daily News 4 Dec. 2009. 5 Feb. 2019 <https://www.nydailynews.com/life-style/eats/australians-angry-idea-kangaroo-emu-flavored-potato-chips-article-1.431865>.Boyle, Rhianna. “Eating Skippy.” Big Issue Australia 578 11-24 Jan. 2019: 16–19.Cawthorn, Donna-Mareè, and Louwrens C. Hoffman. “Controversial Cuisine: A Global Account of the Demand, Supply and Acceptance of ‘Unconventional’ and ‘Exotic’ Meats.” Meat Science 120 (2016): 26–7.Conservation of Kangaroos. Melbourne: Australian Conservation Foundation, 1970.Des Purtell and Associates. Improving Consumer Perceptions of Kangaroo Products: A Survey and Report. Canberra: Rural Industries Research and Development Corporation, 1997.Ellicott, John. “Little Pay Incentive for Shooters to Join Kangaroo Meat Industry.” The Land 15 Mar. 2018. 28 Mar. 2019 <https://www.theland.com.au/story/5285265/top-roo-shooter-says-harvesting-is-a-low-paid-job/>.Garnaut, Ross. Garnaut Climate Change Review. 2008. 26 Feb. 2019 <http://www.garnautreview.org.au/index.htm>.Gammage, Bill. The Biggest Estate on Earth: How Aborigines Made Australia. Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 2012.Golder, Hilary, and Diane Kirkby. “Mrs. Mayne and Her Boxing Kangaroo: A Married Woman Tests Her Property Rights in Colonial New South Wales.” Law and History Review 21.3 (2003): 585–605.Grant, Elisabeth. “Sustainable Kangaroo Harvesting: Perceptions and Consumption of Kangaroo Meat among University Students in New South Wales.” Independent Study Project (ISP). U of NSW, 2014. <https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/isp_collection/1755>.Haslam, Nick. “The Five Stages of Grief Don’t Come in Fixed Steps – Everyone Feels Differently.” The Conversation 22 Oct. 2018. 28 Mar. 2019 <https://theconversation.com/the-five-stages-of-grief-dont-come-in-fixed-steps-everyone-feels-differently-96111>.Head, Lesley. “The Anthropoceans.” Geographical Research 53.3 (2015): 313–20.Kangaroo Industries Association of Australia. Kangaroo Meat. 26 Feb. 2019 <http://www.kangarooindustry.com/products/meat/>.“Kangaroo Meat Sales Criticised.” The Canberra Times 13 Sep. 1984: 14. 22 Feb 2019 <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article136915919>.“Kangaroo to Be Food ‘Salesman.’” Newcastle Morning Herald and Miners’ Advocate, 2 Dec. 1954. 22 Feb 2019 <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article134089767>.Kübler-Ross, Elisabeth. On Death and Dying: What the Dying Have to Teach Doctors, Nurses, Clergy, and their own Families. New York: Touchstone, 1997.Jackson, Stephen, and Karl Vernes. Kangaroo: Portrait of an Extraordinary Marsupial. Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 2010.Lappé, Frances Moore. Diet for a Small Planet. New York: Ballantine Books, 1971.N’Tash Aha (@Nsvasey). “‘I’m a Kangatarian’ isn’t a Pickup Line, Mate. #LoveIslandAU.” Twitter post. 27 May 2018. 5 Apr. 2019 <https://twitter.com/Nsvasey/status/1000697124122644480>.“NSW Code of Practice for Kangaroo Meat for Human Consumption.” Government Gazette of the State of New South Wales 24 Mar. 1993. 22 Feb. 2019 <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-page14638033>.Oxford University Press, Australia and New Zealand. Word of the Month. June 2017. <https://www.oup.com.au/dictionaries/word-of-the-month>.Pascoe, Bruce. Dark Emu, Black Seeds: Agriculture or Accident? Broome: Magabala Books, 2014.Probyn, Elspeth. “Eating Roo: Of Things That Become Food.” New Formations 74.1 (2011): 33–45.Steinfeld, Henning, Pierre Gerber, Tom Wassenaar, Vicent Castel, Mauricio Rosales, and Cees d Haan. Livestock’s Long Shadow: Environmental Issues and Options. Rome: Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations, 2006.Trust Nature. Essence of Kangaroo Capsules. 26 Feb. 2019 <http://ncpro.com.au/products/all-products/item/88139-essence-of-kangaroo-35000>.Victoria Department of Environment, Land, Water and Planning. Kangaroo Pet Food Trial. 28 Mar. 2019 <https://www.wildlife.vic.gov.au/managing-wildlife/wildlife-management-and-control-authorisations/kangaroo-pet-food-trial>.Willett, Walter, et al. “Food in the Anthropocene: The EAT–Lancet Commission on Healthy Diets from Sustainable Food Systems.” The Lancet 16 Jan. 2019. 26 Feb. 2019 <https://www.thelancet.com/commissions/EAT>.Wilson, George. “Kangaroos Can Be an Asset Rather than a Pest.” Australasian Science 39.1 (2018): 39.Zukerman, Wendy. “Eating Skippy: The Future of Kangaroo Meat.” New Scientist 208.2781 (2010): 42–5.

Photo by Mufid Majnun on Unsplash INTRODUCTION In 2007, the Nuffield Council of Bioethics introduced the “Intervention ladder” as a guiding framework[1] to evaluate the impact on individual liberty of various public health measures. One criticism of the ladder is that it reflects a narrow view of liberty, yet other researchers adapted the intervention ladder to incorporate a more autonomy-based view. Recently, academics and public health officials have used intervention ladders as guides in framing policies, particularly COVID-19 pandemic policies.[2] Analyzing the Indian COVID-19 vaccination drive under these two ladders can illuminate the concepts of liberty underlying those ladders and help determine the best framework on a philosophical basis. ANALYSIS l. Case Study: The Indian COVID-19 Vaccination Drive On January 16, 2021, India attempted a public vaccination drive.[3] The drug regulatory body Central Drugs Standards Control Organization (CDSCO) approved two vaccines, Covishield and Covaxin, for emergency use.[4] The approval was granted despite a clear lack of phase 3 clinical trial data for both of these vaccines.[5] Covishield, produced by the Serum Institute of India, is the Indian variant of the Astra-Zeneca vaccine that has shown an average efficiency of 70.4 percent after trials in the UK.[6] Covaxin, manufactured by Bharat Biotech in collaboration with the Indian Council of Medical Research (ICMR) National Institute of Virology, was developed and manufactured in India. [7] Covishield relied on the safety and efficacy data from large trials conducted in Brazil, South Africa, and the UK with 24,000 participants and a small cohort for the Indian study. Covaxin was given approval based only on phase-1 trial data. [8] An article published in The Lancet called for further efficacy data from the Covaxin study.[9] The officials associated with Bharat Biotech, as well as the Indian Council of Medical Research, maintained that fast production of the vaccine does not indicate a compromise in safety, even though they had little data to produce.[10] However, transparency is key to vaccination policy, which requires public participation. The media reported that the Covaxin clinical trials compromised research integrity by providing a monetary incentive of around 7 euros, to research subjects. People’s University, a private medical college, and hospital, recruited survivors of the Bhopal Gas tragedy for the Covaxin study. The participants were told that they were being provided a vaccine against COVID-19 without clarifying that data was being collected for their clinical study. There was no record of informed consent from these participants for the Covaxin study.[11] The media reported the death of a 42-year-old individual who received his first dose on December 23, 2020. [12] Although it was reported that the cause of death was not linked to the vaccine, the death added to vaccine hesitancy. The vaccines were provided for free to the frontline healthcare workers with no choice on which vaccine the recipients would receive.[13] Similarly, in the US, some people do not have a choice between Pfizer or Moderna. In the UK and the US, data from phase 3 trials are known with a periodic follow-up after the administration of the second dose.[14] The WHO developed a tracking system for COVID-19 vaccine recipients which was updated on March 19, 2021, to reflect the results of Covaxin phase 3 trials.[15] India eliminated choice although the two vaccines approved for emergency use did not have the depth of research that those used elsewhere had. The intervention ladder, discussed below, which uses proportionality and the harm principle to justify the lack of choice between the vaccines in the UK and the US, should not be applied to India’s vaccination policy. ll. The Nuffield Intervention Ladder The foundational principle underlying the Nuffield Intervention Ladder is Mill’s conception of individual liberty from the prominent work, On Liberty.[16] However, the Council recognizes that the intervention ladder is conceived on a broader interpretation of Mill’s liberty, using the principle of proportionality as a tool for justification i.e., the desired effect from the intervention is proportional to the loss incurred in liberty.[17] As shown in Table 1, an ideal intervention that is least infringing would then be no intervention at all. An intervention that would be more difficult to justify would be one that significantly restricts individual liberty. Intuitively, eliminating occupies the topmost rung on the ladder. The metaphor of the ladder suggests that as one climbs up the rungs of the ladder, stronger justifications would be required. Table 1: Examples of interventions at each level of the intervention ladder adapted and improvised from the Nuffield Council of Bioethics Report, 2007. A voluntary vaccination policy is one public health intervention that is acceptable and justifiable in terms of the principle of proportionality as well as Mill’s Harm Principle, with emphasis on diminishing individual liberties when actions might result in harm to others.[18] Although a vaccination policy in the context of a global pandemic seems justifiable through the lens of the intervention ladder, the Indian modus operandi is unique because of inherent problems with the original conception of the intervention ladder. By pausing to elaborate and reflect on the Indian context as a case study, we can demonstrate that individual liberty should not be the sole variable in framing justifiability. lll. Critiquing the Nuffield Intervention Ladder & Adding a Precautionary Approach In his paper, ‘Snakes and Ladders: State Interventions and the Place of Liberty in Public Health Policy’, Angus Dawson criticizes the intervention ladder’s focus on individual liberty,.[19] and its inability to account for the different treatment of incentives and disincentives and the role of information. Public health institutions require public participation to restrict the infectious spread of COVID-19. The lack of transparency and minimal information surrounding the vaccines have been a major hurdle in increasing public participation. It is contradictory to think that the public does not require information about interventions and have the ability of self-determination to guide them, when in fact self-determination presupposes possession of relevant information. A voluntary vaccination policy can be seen as sitting on either the lowest rung (providing information) or the rung of enabling choice, as a vaccination campaign does both. However, in India, the precautionary principle should also be applied as providing the choice should not permit ‘harm’. The precautionary principle holds that anything that poses a risk to human health or the environment should be avoided or accompanied by precautionary measures. In India, because the clinical trials were smaller and there is less proof of safety and efficacy, a vaccination requirement, or a public health campaign to encourage vaccination violates the principle. The proportionality principle governing the intervention ladder only requires that the benefits of the intervention justify the restrictions on liberty. The intervention ladder should prevent requiring healthcare worker vaccination without a choice of vaccine because a free choice requires transparency and more information than is available from the small early-stage clinical trials. Actions surrounding the vaccines in India do not reflect proper precaution or a proportionate and thus acceptable restriction on liberty. If there is no ability to choose between the two possible vaccines, then they should not be mandatory for healthcare workers. The Indian government and its officials have urged healthcare worker compliance by invoking the seriousness of the pandemic and the alarming rates of mortality rather than providing transparent data pursuant to the regulatory mechanisms of the vaccine clinical trial. For a healthcare worker, the duty to provide service and a stronger obligation to do so in the time of a pandemic already imposes certain restrictions on their liberty. The lack of choice in opting for a preferred vaccine puts it on a higher rung on the intervention ladder and thus requires stronger justifications. This case study reveals how the same public health intervention falls on different rungs of the intervention ladder depending on the target group in consideration. Or to put this simply, choice is contextual. Table 2: The ethical values at stake when it comes to “choice” lV. An Autonomy-Based Intervention Ladder Liberty and autonomy differ slightly: liberty revolves around the constraints on the ability to act, whereas autonomy stresses on the independence and the authenticity of the willingness to act.[20] It is thus possible for an individual to be autonomous but unfree, as can be seen from the inability to opt for a preferred vaccine.[21] Figure 1 shows an adapted schematic of an autonomy-based intervention ladder as proposed by Griffiths et al. Figure 1: An adapted schematic of the autonomy-based intervention ladder proposed by Griffiths, P.E and West, C. In comparing the original intervention ladder with their proposal, we see that the autonomy-based model allows for a negative scale in terms of its effects on autonomy. Thus, on this ladder, actions can be autonomy-enhancing or autonomy-diminishing. Such a model challenges the one-directional view of the ladder and rearranges interventions on a scale that ranges from negative to positive. A few interventions that were shown to have restrictive effects on liberty now have reinforcing effects when viewed through the lens of autonomy. Thus, providing information and educating can be seen as positive reinforcements for autonomous choice rather than infringing on individual liberty. The autonomy-based intervention ladder requires the State to implement interventions and design policies in a manner that reinforces autonomy. Information and education allow individuals to be free and equal participants in public health discourses. As seen in the original intervention ladder restricting choice, as well as eliminating it, still fall in the negative, autonomy-infringing side of the ladder. Thus, requiring stronger justifications for their implementation. The only difference between the two is the manner in which the new model ensures the availability of a choice when the precautionary, as well as the proportionality principle, have not been met to a sufficient extent. Ensuring choice and exercising it becomes much more relevant in making people autonomous. The frontline worker thus can opt for a vaccine they prefer. Thereby, helping them navigate the moral conundrum of opting to get vaccinated, easing their moral burden. It also places strict vigilance over regulatory mechanisms that are involved in clinical trials since the burden of proof now involves providing information as a clear operational motive. This ameliorates public tendencies of hesitancy can be alleviated in this respect. An autonomy-based intervention ladder is not in conflict with Mill’s conception of liberty since Mill himself does not automatically assume a cost to liberty when the State seems to employ public education campaigns to inform the public.[22] CONCLUSION The original intervention ladder was conceived to remedy the hurdles that a traditional liberal landscape brings in implementing a public health intervention and to protect individual liberties. The intervention ladder assumes an inverse relationship between public health and freedom. Rethinking the intervention ladder from a different perspective allows a proper role of the dissemination of information, recognizing that consent relies on information. An autonomy ladder acts as a starting point for rethinking public health and how it can foster autonomy as well as impede it. By focusing on autonomy, the benefits that can be gained from educational and informational campaigns are viewed as reinforcing autonomy. Autonomy is vital to liberty. COVID-19 has brought a unique set of ethical issues that have questioned conventionally accepted frameworks and calls for a substantive, alternative approach to public health ethics. [1] Nuffield Council on Bioethics, “Public Health: Ethical Issues.” Nuffieldbioethics.org, Nov 13, 2007. www.nuffieldbioethics.org/publications/public-health. Accessed 9 May 2021. [2] Giubilini A, The Ethics of Vaccination [Internet]. Cham (CH): Palgrave Pivot; 2019. Chapter 3, “Vaccination Policies and the Principle of Least Restrictive Alternative: An Intervention Ladder.” 2018 Dec 29, 2018. www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK538385/. [3] Dash, Sachinta. “India Begins Its COVID-19 Vaccination Drive — Here’s a Look at How the World’s Largest Vaccine Rollout Is Set to Take Place.” Business Insider India, January 16, 2021, www.businessinsider.in/india/news/india-will-begin-its-covid-19-vaccination-drive-tomorrow-heres-everything-you-need-to-know/articleshow/80281740.cms. Accessed 9 May 2021. ‌ [4] Special Correspondent, “Coronavirus | India Approves COVID-19 Vaccines Covishield and Covaxin for Emergency Use,” The Hindu, January 3, 2021, www.thehindu.com/news/national/drug-controller-general-approves-covishield-and-covaxin-in-india-for-emergency-use/article33485539.ece. Accessed 9 May 2021. ‌ [5] Thiagarajan, Kamala, “Covid-19: India Is at Centre of Global Vaccine Manufacturing, but Opacity Threatens Public Trust.” BMJ, January 28, 2021. www.bmj.com/content/372/bmj.n196, 10.1136/bmj.n196. [6] Thiagarajan, Kamala. [7] Bharat Biotech, “COVAXIN - India’s First Indigenous Covid-19 Vaccine | Bharat Biotech.” www.bharatbiotech.com/covaxin.html. [8] Prasad, R. “Coronavirus | Vaccine Dilemma — to Take or Not to Take Covaxin.” The Hindu, January 15, 2021, www.thehindu.com/sci-tech/health/vaccine-dilemma-to-take-or-not-to-take-covaxin/article33577223.ece. [9] Ella, Raches, et al. “Safety and Immunogenicity of an Inactivated SARS-CoV-2 Vaccine, BBV152: A Double-Blind, Randomised, Phase 1 Trial.” The Lancet Infectious Diseases, vol. 21, no. 5, January 21, 2021, pp. 637–646, www.thelancet.com/journals/laninf/article/PIIS1473-3099(20)30942-7/fulltext, 10.1016/S1473-3099(20)30942-7. [10] Thiagarajan, Kamala. [11] Thiagarajan, Kamala. ‌ [12] Nichenametla, Prasad. “Bhopal Volunteer’s Death Unrelated to Covaxin, Says Bharat Biotech.” Deccan Herald, 9 Jan. 2021, www.deccanherald.com/national/bhopal-volunteers-death-unrelated-to-covaxin-says-bharat-biotech-937199.html. [13] Thiagarajan, Kamala. ‌ [14] Thiagarajan, Kamala. ‌ [15] World Health Organization, “Draft Landscape of COVID-19 Candidate Vaccines.” www.who.int/publications/m/item/draft-landscape-of-covid-19-candidate-vaccines. Accessed 9 May 2021. ‌ [16] John Stuart Mill. On Liberty. 1859. S.L., Arcturus Publishing Ltd, 1859. [17] Nuffield. “Public Health: Ethical Issues.” [18] John Stuart Mill. On Liberty. p 13. [19] Dawson, Angus J. “Snakes and Ladders: State Interventions and the Place of Liberty in Public Health Policy.” Journal of Medical Ethics, vol. 42, no. 8, May 23, 2016, pp. 510–513, 10.1136/medethics-2016-103502. [20] Griffiths, P.E., and C. West. “A Balanced Intervention Ladder: Promoting Autonomy through Public Health Action.” Public Health, vol. 129, no. 8, August 2015, pp. 1092–1098, pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/26330372/, 10.1016/j.puhe.2015.08.007 [21] Thaler, Richard H, and Cass R Sunstein. Nudge: Improving Decisions about Health, Wealth, and Happiness. London, Penguin Books, 2008. ‌ [22] Griffiths, P.E., and C. West.

Photo by Agni B on Unsplash ABSTRACT The number of scientific articles published per year has been steadily increasing; so have the instances of misconduct in medical research. While increasing scientific knowledge is beneficial, it is imperative that research be authentic and bias-free. This article explores why fraud and other misconduct occur, presents the consequences of the phenomenon, and proposes measures to eliminate unethical practices in medical research. The main reason scientists engage in unethical practices is the pressure to publish which is directly related to their academic advancement and career development. Additional factors include the pressure to get research funds, the pressure from funding sources on researchers to deliver results, how scientific publishing has evolved over the years, and the over-publication of research in general. Fraud in medical research damages trust and reliability in science and potentially harms individuals. INTRODUCTION Since the introduction of Evidence-Based Medicine (EBM) in the early 1990s, scientific articles published per year have increased steadily. No one knows the exact number of scientific articles published per year, but several estimates point to around 2,000,000.[1] EBM aims to integrate the clinical experience and the best available scientific knowledge in managing individual patients.[2] The EBM model is based on the accumulation of as much clinical and research data as possible, which has propelled a significant rise in research. Unfortunately, its incentive structure has also led to a rise in research misconduct. “Fraud in science has a long history.”[3] Cases of misconduct began to surface in the late 1980s and increased during the 1990s. Experts suggest that today fraud is “endemic in many scientific disciplines and in most countries.”[4] In recent reporting, the majority of cases of scientific fraud involved falsification and fabrication of the data, while plagiarism was much less frequent. 8 percent of scientists and 10 percent of medical and life-sciences researchers admitted to falsifying data at least once between 2017 and 2021 in a Dutch study of 6,813 researchers, while more than half engaged in at least one questionable research practice.[5] Questionable research practices include research design flaws or unfairness in decisions surrounding publication or grants.[6] In an older study, closer to 2 percent of those surveyed reported having engaged in falsification or fabrication,[7] while in a more recent survey of 3,000 scientists with NIH grants in the United States, 0.3 percent of the scientists responding admitted fabricating research data and 1.4 percent of them admitted plagiarizing.[8] These numbers are almost certainly not reflective of the true incidence of fraud as many scientists admitted that they engaged in a range of behaviors beyond fabrication, falsification, and plagiarism that undermine the integrity of science, such as changing the results of a study under pressure from a funding source or failing to present data that contradicts one’s previous research. It is also unclear whether surveys are the best method to investigate misconduct because a scientist answering the survey may be unsure of anonymity and may not be truthful. This article explores why misconduct occurs, presents the consequences, and proposes measures to eliminate unethical practices in medical research. In the 1999 Joint Consensus Conference on Misconduct in Biomedical Research, “scientific fraud” was defined as any “behavior by a researcher, intentional or not, that falls short of good ethical and scientific standards.”[9] ANALYSIS l. The Scientific Publishing Landscape There are several reasons scientists may commit misconduct and engage in unethical practices. There is an increasing pressure to publish, which the motto "publish or perish reflects.”[10] The number of scientific papers published by a researcher is directly related to their academic advancement and career development. Similarly, academic institutions rely on scientific publications to gain prestige and access research grants. Pressure to get research grants may create environments that make it challenging to research integrity. Researchers are often tempted to alter their data to fulfill the desired results, separately report the results of one research in multiple end publications, commonly referred to as “salami publication,” or even simultaneously submit their scientific articles to more than one journal. This creates a vicious cycle in which the need for funding leads to scientific misconduct, which in turn secures more research funding. Meanwhile, the pressure from the funding sources cannot be overlooked either. Although researchers must report the role of the funding sources, selection and publication bias often may advantage articles that support the interests of the financial sponsor. Disclosure does not alter the conflict of interest. The growing number of scientific articles published per year has practically overwhelmed the peer-review system. Manuscript submissions are often reviewed superficially or assigned to inexperienced reviewers; therefore, misconduct cases may go unnoticed. The rise of “predatory” journals that charge authors publication fees and do not review work for authenticity and the dissemination of information through preprints has worsened the situation. The way that profits influence scientific publishing has very likely contributed to the phenomenon of misconduct. The publishing industry is a highly profitable business.[11] The increased reliance on funding from sources that expect the research to appear in prestigious, open-access journals often creates conflicts of interest and funding bias. On the other hand, high-impact journals have not given space to navigate through negative results and previous failures. Nonsignificant findings commonly remain unpublished, a phenomenon known as “the file drawer problem.” Scientists often manipulate their data to fit their initial hypothesis or change their hypothesis to fit their results, leading to outcome-reporting bias. ll. Misconduct Concerning the Reporting and Publishing Data The types of misconduct vary and have different implications for the scientist’s career and those relying on the research. For example, plagiarism is generally not punished by law currently unless it violates the original author’s copyright. Nevertheless, publishers who detect plagiarism implement penalties such as rejection of the submitted article and expulsion of the author. While plagiarism can be either accidental or deliberate, in either case, it is a serious violation of academic integrity as it involves passing off someone else’s “work or ideas” as one’s own.[12] Plagiarism can be “verbatim” (copying sentences or paragraphs from previously published work without using quotation marks or referencing the source) or rephrasing someone’s work or ideas without citing them. In “mosaic” plagiarism, the work plagiarized comes from various sources. “Self-plagiarism” is defined as an author’s reproduction of their previous publications or ideas in the same or altered words. According to most scientific journals, all authors of an article in part must have contributed to the conception and design of the study, drafted the article, revised it critically, or approved of its final version.[13] The use of a ghost author (usually a professional writer who is not named an author) is generally not ethical, as it undermines the requirement that the listed authors created the article. Moreover, wasteful publication is another practice that contributes to misconduct. Wasteful publication includes dividing the results of one single study into multiple end publications (“salami slicing”), republishing the same results in one or more articles, or extending a previously published article by adding new data without reaching new conclusions. Wasteful publication not only skews the scientific databases, but also wastes the time of the readers, the editors, and the reviewers. It is considered unethical because it unreasonably increases the authors’ citation records. Authors caught engaging in such behaviors may be banned from submitting articles for years while the submitted article is automatically rejected. Wasteful publication is an example of how the pressure to publish more articles leads to dishonest behavior, making it look like a researcher has conducted more studies and has more experience. Conflicts of interest are not strictly prohibited in medicine but require disclosure. Although disclosure of financial interests is a critical step, it does not guarantee the absence of bias. Researchers with financial ties to a pharmaceutical company funding their research are more likely to report results that favor the sponsor, which eventually undermines the integrity of research.[14] Financial sponsors should not be allowed to influence publication; rather authors need to publish their results based on their own decisions and findings. lll. Misconduct in Carrying Out Scientific Research Studies Common forms of fabrication include concealing negative results, changing the results to fit the initial hypothesis or selective reporting of the outcomes. Falsification is the manipulation of experimental data that leads to inaccurate presentation of the research results. Falsified data includes deliberately manipulating images, omitting, or adding data points, and removing outliers in a dataset for the sake of manipulating the outcome. In contrast to plagiarism, this type of misconduct is very difficult to detect. Scientists who fabricate or falsify their data may be banned from receiving funding grants or terminated from their institutions. Falsification and fabrication are dangerous to the public as they can result in people giving and receiving incorrect medical advice. Relying on falsified data can lead to death or injury or lead patients to take a drug, treatment, or use a medical device that is less effective than perceived. Thus, some members of the scientific community support the criminalization of this type of misconduct.[15] Research involving human participants requires respect for persons, beneficence, justice, voluntary consent, respect for autonomy, and confidentiality. Violating those principles constitutes unethical human experimentation. The Declaration of Helsinki is a statement of ethical principles for biomedical research involving human subjects, including research on identifiable human material and data. Similarly, research in which animals are subjects is also regulated. The first set of limits on the practice of animal experimentation was the Cruelty to Animals Act passed in 1876 by the Parliament of the United Kingdom. Currently, all animal experiments in the EU should be carried out in accordance with the European Directive (2010/63/EU),[16] and in the US, there are many state and federal laws governing research involving animals. The incentives to compromise the ethical responsibilities surrounding human and animal practices may differ from the pressure to publish, yet some are in the same vein. They may generally include taking shortcuts, rushing to get necessary approvals, or using duress to get more research subjects, all actions that reflect a sense of urgency. lV. Consequences of Scientific Misconduct Fraud in medical research damages science by creating data that other researchers will be urged to follow or reproduce that wastes time, effort, and funds. Scientific misconduct undermines the trust among researchers and the public’s trust in science. Meanwhile, fraud in medical trials may lead to the release of ineffective or unsafe drugs or processes that could potentially harm individuals. Most recently, a study conducted by Surgisphere Corporation supported the efficacy of hydroxychloroquine for the treatment of COVID-19 disease.[17] The scientific article that presented the results of the study was retracted shortly after its release due to concerns raised over the validity of the data. Scientific misconduct is associated with reputational and financial costs, including wasted funds for research that is practically useless, costs of an investigation into the fraudulent research, and costs to settle litigation connected with the misconduct. The retraction of scientific articles for misconduct between 1992 and 2002 accounted for $58 million in lost funding by the NIH (which is the primary source of public funds for biomedical research in the US).[18] Of retracted articles, over half are retracted due to “fabrication, falsification, and plagiarism.”[19] Yet it is likely that many articles that contain falsified research are never retracted. A study revealed that of 12,000 journals reviewed, most of the journals had never retracted an article. The same study suggests that some journals have improved oversight, but many do not.[20] V. Oversight and Public Interest Organizations The Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE) was founded in 1997 and established practices and policies for journals and publishers to achieve the highest standards in publication ethics.[21] The Office of Research Integrity (ORI) is an organization created in the US to do the same. In 1996, the International Conference of Harmonization (ICH) adopted the international Good Clinical Practice (GCP) guidelines.[22] Finally, in 2017 the Parliamentary Office of Science and Technology (POST) initiated a formal inquiry into the trends and developments on fraud and misconduct in research and the publication of research results.[23] Despite the increasing efforts of regulatory organizations, scientific misconduct remains a major issue. To eliminate unethical practices in medical research, we must get to the root of the problem: the pressures put on scientists to increase output at the expense of quality. In the absence of altered incentives, criminalization is a possibility. However, several less severe remedies for reducing the prevalence of scientific misconduct exist. Institutions first need to foster open and frank discussion and promote collegiality. Reducing high-stakes competition for career advancement would also help realign incentives to compromise research ethics. In career advancement, emphasis should be given to the quality rather than the quantity of scientific publications. The significance of mentorship by senior, experienced researchers over lab assistants can bolster ethical training. Adopting certain codes of conduct and close supervision of research practices in the lab and beyond should also be formalized. The publication system plays a critical role in preserving research integrity. Computer-assisted tools that detect plagiarism and other types of misconduct need to be developed or upgraded. To improve transparency, scientific journals should establish clear authorship criteria and require that the data supporting the findings of a study be made available, a movement that is underway. Preprint repositories also might help with transparency, but they could lead to people acting on data that has not been peer-reviewed. Finally, publishing negative results is necessary so that the totality of research is not skewed or tainted by informative studies but does not produce the results researchers hoped. Consistently publishing negative results may create a new industry standard and help researchers see that all data is important. CONCLUSION Any medical trial, research project, or scientific publication must be conducted to develop science and improve medicine and public health. 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Introduction This article argues in favour of same-sex marriage, but only under certain conditions. Same-sex marriage ought to be introduced in the Australian context in order to remedy the formal inequalities between lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) citizens and their heterosexual/cisgendered counterparts. One common method of justifying the introduction of formal same-sex relationship recognition has been via the promotion of LGBT “normalcy.” This article explores such a trend by analysing popular media and advertising, since media representations and coverage have been shown to affect the way the general public “learns, understands, and thinks about an issue” (Li and Lui 73). This article finds that the promotion of normalcy can, in fact, perpetuate hetero-norms, and only offer LGBT people an imaginary social equality. Such normalisation, it is suggested, is detrimental to a wider goal of gaining respect for LGBT people regardless, not in spite of, their identity and relationships. Yet, this article maintains that such imaginary equality can be avoided, so long as a plurality of possibilities for one’s intimate and familial life are actively legitimated and promoted. Australian Same-Sex Relationship Recognition The Relationships Act 2003 (Tas) was the first piece of Australian legislation to formally recognise same-sex relationships. This act allowed Tasmanian residents to register a partnership, although these unions were not recognised in any other Australian State. However, despite this State-based movement, as well as other examples of same-sex unions gaining increasing recognition in the West, not all legal changes have been positive for LGBT people. One example of this was the Howard Government’s 2004 reformation of the Marriage Act 1961 (Cwlth), which made explicit that marriage could only take place between one man and one woman to the exclusion of all others, and also refused to acknowledge same-sex marriages performed legally overseas. Furthermore, 2012 saw the failure of several Bills which sought the introduction of same-sex marriage at both the State and Federal level. Thus, same-sex marriage is still illegal in Australia to-date. But, despite these major setbacks, other progress towards same-sex relationship recognition has continued. At the Federal level, different-sex and same-sex de facto relationship recognition became formally equal over the period of 2008-9. Furthermore, it is both official Greens and Australian Labor Party policy to support equal marriage rights. At the State level, the example of recognising same-sex civil unions/registered partnerships has been followed by Victoria, the Australian Capital Territory, New South Wales, and Queensland. There are several reasons why same-sex couples may desire the right to marry. Some reasons are practical; in any given Nation-State where same-sex couples are without the right to marry, then same-sex partners are unable to claim the same benefits and undertake the same obligations as heterosexual married couples. They are formally unequal. On the basis of their empirical research Jowett and Peel argue that formal equality is a motivating factor for the same-sex marriage movement, noting that a likely incentive to engage in these unions would be security, since LGBT people have heretofore lived and continue to live with a very real threat of discrimination. This is largely why the option of civil unions was created in the West. The measure was first introduced by Denmark in 1989, and its purpose was to be a marriage-like institution, existing solely for the recognition of same-sex couples (Broberg 149). Although civil unions should theoretically offer same-sex couples the same legal benefits and obligations that heterosexual married couples receive, this is widely believed to be false in practice. The Netherlands has almost achieved full equality, at 96%; however, countries such as Belgium rate poorly, at 48% (Waaldijk 9). As such, it has been argued that civil unions are not sufficient alternatives to marriage. Amitai Etzioni claims, “many gay people feel strongly that unless they are entitled to exactly the same marriages as heterosexuals, their basic individual rights are violated, which they (and many liberals) hold as semisacred” (qtd. in Shanley 65). This opinion demonstrates that formal equality is a key concern of the same-sex marriage debate. However, it is not the only concern. The organisation Australian Marriage Equality (AME), which has been at the forefront of the fight for same-sex marriage since its establishment in 2004, claims that “Civil unions are not as widely understood or respected as marriage and creating a separate name for same-sex relationships entrenches a different, discriminatory, second-class status for these relationships” (Greenwich, The Case for Same-Sex Marriage 3). They claim further that, if recognition continues to be refused, it maintains the message that same-sex partners are not capable of the level of love and commitment associated with marriage (Greenwich, The Case for Same-Sex Marriage). Thus, AME claim that not only do the legal entitlements of civil unions frequently fail to be formally equivalent, but even the difference in name contributes to the ongoing discrimination of LGBT people. Although neither marriage nor civil unions are federally available to same-sex couples in Australia, AME argue that marriage must be primarily endorsed, then (Greenwich, A Failed Experiment 1). The argument is, if Australia were to introduce civil unions, but not marriage, civil unions would reify the second-class status of homosexuals, and would present same-sex relationships and homosexuality as inferior to different-sex relationships and heterosexuality. Thus, the title “marriage” is significant, and one strategy for demonstrating that LGBT people are fit for this title has been by promoting representations of sameness to the heterosexual mainstream. To achieve the status that goes along with the ability to marry, same-sex couples have typically tried to get their relationships publicly recognised and legally regulated in two ways. They have sought to (a) demonstrate that LGBT people do structure their relationships and familial lives according to the heteropatriarchal normative stereotypes of traditional family values, and/or (b) they emphasise the “born this way” aspect of LGBT sexuality/gender identity, refusing to situate it as a choice. This latter aspect is significant, since arguments based on natural “facts” often claim that what is true by nature cannot be changed, and/or what is true by nature is good (Antony 12). These two strategies thus seek to contribute to a shift in the public perception of homosexuals, homosexuality, and same-sex relationships. The idea, in other words, is to promote the LGBT subject as being a “normal” and “good” citizen (Jowett and Peel 206). Media Representations of Normal Gays In Australia, the normalcy of same-sex relationships has been advocated perhaps most obviously in television adverting. One such advertisement is run by Get Up! Action for Australia, an independent, grass-roots advocacy organisation. This ad is shot from a first-person perspective, where the camera is the eyes of the subject. It follows the blossoming of a relationship: from meeting a man on a boat, to exchanging phone numbers, dating, attending social events with friends, sharing special occasions, meeting each other’s families, sharing a home, caring for sick family members, and so forth, finally culminating in a proposal for marriage. Upon the proposal it is revealed that the couple consists of two young-adult, white, middle-class men. The purpose of this advertisement is to surprise the audience member, as the gay couple’s relationship follows the same trajectory of what is typically expected in a heterosexual relationship. The effect, in turn, is to shock the audience member into recognising that same-sex couples are just like different-sex couples. Hopefully, this will also serve to justify to the audience member that LGBT people deserve the same legal treatment as heterosexuals. The couple in this advertisement appear to be monogamous, their relationship seems to have blossomed over a length of time, they support each other’s families, and the couple comes to share a home. Projecting images like these suggests that such aspects are the relevant features of marriage, which LGBT people mimic. The second Australian advertisement from AME, features a young-adult, interracial, gay couple, who also appear to be middle-class. In this advertisement the families of the two partners, Ivan and Chris, comment on the illegal status of same-sex marriage in Australia. The ad opens with Ivan’s parents, and notes the length of their marriage—45 years. Ivan later claims that he wants to get married because he wants to be with Chris for life. These signals remind the viewer that marriage is supposed to be a life-long commitment, despite the prevalence of divorce. The advertisement also focuses on Chris’s parents, who claim that thanks to their son’s relationship their family has now expanded. The ad cuts between segments of spoken opinion and shots of family time spent at dinner, or in a park, and so on. At one point Ivan states, “We’re not activists; we’re just people who want to get married, like everyone else.” This reiterates the “normalcy” of the desire to marry in general, which is confirmed by Chris’s statement when he says, “It means that everyone would accept it. It’s sort of like a normal... A sense of normalcy.” This implies that to be seen as normal is both desirable and good; but more to the point, the ad positions LGBT people as if they are all already normal, and simply await recognition. It does not challenge the perception of what “normalcy” is. Finally, the advertisement closes with the written statement: “Marriage: It’s about family. Everyone’s family.” This advertisement thus draws connections between the legal institution of marriage and socially shared normative conceptions of married family life. While these two advertisements are not the only Australian television ads which support this particular vision of same-sex marriage, they are typical. What is interesting is that this particular image of homosexuality and same-sex relationships is becoming increasingly common in popular media also. For example, American sitcom Modern Family features a gay couple who share a house, have an adopted daughter, and maintain a fairly traditional lifestyle where one works full time as a lawyer, while the other remains at home and is the primary care-giver for their daughter. Their relationship is also monogamous and long-term. The couple is white, and they appear to have a middle-class status. Another American sitcom, The New Normal, features a white gay couple (one is Jewish) who also share a home, are in a long-term monogamous relationship, and who both have careers. This sitcom centres on this couple’s decision to have a child and the life of the woman who decides to act as their surrogate. This couple are also financially well off. Both of these sitcoms have prime Australian television slots. Although the status of the couples’ relationships in the aforementioned sitcoms is not primarily focussed on, they each participate in a relationship which is traditionally marriage-like in structure. This includes long-term commitment, monogamy, sharing a home and economic arrangements, starting and raising a family, and so on. And it is the very marriage-like aspects of same-sex relationships which Australian equal marriage advocates have used to justify why same-sex marriage should be legal. The depiction of on-screen homosexual couples (who are gay, rather than lesbian, bisexual, or trans) and the public debate in favour of same-sex marriage both largely promote and depend upon the perception of these relationships as effectively "the same" as heterosexual relationships in terms of structure, goals, commitment, life plans, lifestyle, and so on. A comment should be made on the particular representations in the examples above. The repetition of images of the LGBT community as primarily male, white, young-adult, middle-class, straight-looking, monogamous, and so on, comes at the expense of distancing even further those who do not conform to this model (Borgerson et. al. 959; Fejes 221). These images represent what Darren Rosenblum calls “but-for queers,” meaning that but-for their sexual orientation, these people would be just the same as “normal” heterosexuals. Rosenblum has commented on the increased juridical visibility of but-for queers and the legal gains they have won; however, he criticises that these people have been unable to adequately challenge heterosexism since their acceptance is predicated on being as much like normative heterosexuals as possible (84-5). Heterosexism and heteronormativity refer to the ways in which localised practices and centralised institutions legitimise and privilege heterosexuality, seeing it as fundamental, natural, and normal (Cole and Avery 47). If the only queers who gain visibility thanks to these sitcoms and advertisements are but-for queers, the likelihood that heterosexism will be challenged with the legal recognition of same-sex marriage drastically decreases. Appeals to sameness and normalcy typically refuse to critically examine heteronormative standards of acceptability. This results in the continued promotion of the “sexually involved couple,” realised according to particular normative standards, as the appropriate, best, or even natural trajectory for one’s intimate life. Thus, a key reason that some LGBT people have rejected marriage as an appropriate goal is because assimilative inclusion does not offer a legitimately respected social identity to LGBT people as a whole. When legal changes promoting the equality of LGBT people are predicated on their assimilation to heteronormative relationship criteria, this can only achieve “imaginary” equality and the illusion of progress, while real instances of homophobia, discrimination, marginalisation and hostility towards LGBT people continue (Richardson 394). Thus, given the highly specified representations of “normal” LGBT people, it is fair to conclude that there is a biased representation of same-sex relationships on-screen in terms of sex, race, ability, wealth, monogamy, and so on. The assimilationist strategy of publicising particularly gay identity and relationships as just like heterosexuality appears to depoliticise queerness and render lesbians, bisexuals, and transgender people more or less invisible. This can be problematic insofar as the subversive role that queer identity could play in bringing about social change regarding acceptability of other sexual and intimate relationships is lessened (Richardson 395-6). The question that emerges at this point, then, is whether same-sex marriage is doomed to perpetuate hetero-norms and designate all other non-conformists as socially, morally, and/or legally inferior. Pluralisation Ironically, while some activists reject civil unions, their introduction may be crucial to support a “pluralisation strategy.” AME is, in fact, not opposed to civil unions, so long as they do not pretend to be marriage (Greenwich, A Failed Experiment 1). However, AME’s main focus is still on achieving marriage equality, rather than promoting a diverse array of relationship recognition. A pluralisation strategy, though, would seek to question the very normative and hierarchical status of marriage, given the strategy’s key aim of greater options for legally regulated relationship recognition. Regarding polyamorous relationships specifically, Elizabeth Emens has argued that,The existence of some number of people choosing to live polyamorous lives should prompt us all to [...] think about our own choices and about the ways that our norms and laws urge upon us one model rather than pressing us to make informed, affirmative choices about what might best suit our needs and desires.” (in Shanley 79) While non-monogamous relationships have frequently been rejected, even by same-sex marriage activists, since they too threaten traditional forms of marriage, the above statement clearly articulates the purpose of the pluralisation strategy: to challenge people to think about the way norms and laws press one model upon people, and to challenge that model by engaging in and demanding recognition for other models of intimate and familial relationships. When a variety of formal options for legalising various types of relationships is legislated for, this allows people greater choice in how they can conceive and structure their relationships. It also creates a political space where norms can be publicly assessed, criticised, and re-evaluated. Thus, the goal to be achieved is the representation of multiple relationship/family structures as being of equal worth, rather than fixing them in a relationship hierarchy where traditional marriage is the ideal. There exist many examples of people who “do relationships differently”—whether they are homosexual, polyamorous, asexual, step-families, and so on—and the existence of these must come to be reflected as equally valuable and viable options in the dominant social imaginary. Representations in popular media are one avenue, for example, which advocates of this pluralisation strategy might employ in order to achieve such a shift. Another avenue is advocacy. If advocacy on the importance of formally recognising multiple types of relationships increased, this may balance the legitimacy of these relationships with marriage. Furthermore, it may prevent the perpetuation of hetero-norms and increase respect for LGBT identity, since they would be less likely to be pressured into assimilation. Thus, same-sex marriage activists could, in fact, gain from taking up the cause of refusing one single model for relationship-recognition (Calhoun 1037). In this sense, then, the emergence of civil union schemes as an alternative to marriage in the West has potentially yielded something very valuable in the way of increasing options regarding one’s intimate life, especially in the Australian context where diverse recognition has already begun. Interestingly, Australia has come some way towards pluralisation at the State level; however, it is hardly actively promoted. The civil union schemes of both Tasmania and Victoria have a provision entitling “caring couples” to register their relationships. A “caring couple” involves two people who are not involved in a sexual relationship, who may or may not be related, and who provide mutual or one-sided care to the other. The caring couple are entitled to the same legal benefits as those romantic couples who register their relationships. One can infer then, that not only sexual relationships, but those of the caring couple as in Tasmania and Victoria, or possibly even those of a relationship like one “between three single mothers who are not lovers but who have thrown in their lot together as a family,” could be realised and respected if other alternatives were available and promoted alongside marriage (Cornell, in Shanley 84). While Australia would have quite some way to go to achieve these goals, the examples of Tasmania and Victoria are a promising start in the right direction. Conclusion This paper has argued that marriage is a goal that LGBT people should be wary of. Promoting limited representations of same-sex oriented individuals and couples can perpetuate the primacy of hetero-norms, and fail to deliver respect for all LGBT people. However, despite the growing trend of justifying marriage and homosexuality thanks to “normalcy”, promotion of another strategy—a pluralisation strategy—might result in more beneficial outcomes. It may result in a more balanced weight of normative worth between institutions and types of recognition, which may then result in citizens feeling less compelled to enter marriage. Creating formal equality while pursuing the promotion of other alternatives as legitimate will result in a greater acceptance of queer identity than will the endorsement of same-sex marriage justified by LGBT normalcy. While the latter may result in speedier access to legal benefits for some, the cost of such a strategy should be underscored. 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Cette thèse s'inscrit dans un ensemble de travaux ayant pour objectif d'étudier les matériels des sapeurs-pompiers et l'effet de leurs actions de lance sur leur environnement. Ce domaine d'étude est encore nouveau avec une première étape essentielle pour les travaux présentés dans ce manuscrit effectué en 2016 avec l'approche performantielle. Nous proposons dans les trois premiers chapitres une étude comparative entre un nouveau matériel de lutte contre l'incendie, la lance diphasique, et les lances utilisées actuellement. Des expérimentations ont permis de déterminer les caractéristiques géométriques mais également l'évolution en fonction de la distance de la taille et de la vitesse des gouttes constituant le jet. Les deux derniers chapitres complètent cette approche par une étude à échelle intermédiaire des phénomènes d'interaction entre un spray et une couche de fumée en utilisant une approche couplée expérimentation/modélisation. Les essais en maquette servent à vérifier la pertinence des simulations numériques du logiciel Fire Dynamics Simulator. L'approche numérique permet de quantifier les échanges thermiques entre le jet et le milieu environnant. Une perspective de ses travaux est l'utilisation des bilans énergétiques, qui ont été établi, pour chercher à optimiser le mode d'action des sapeurs-pompiers
This thesis is part of work that aims to study firefighters' equipment and the effect of their fire hose actions on their environment. This field of study is still new with a first essential step for the work presented in this manuscript carried out in 2016 with the performantial approach. In the first three chapters, we propose a comparative study between a new firefighting equipment, the twin-fluid hose, and the currently used hoses. Experiments have made it possible to determine the geometric characteristics and also the evolution of the size and speed of the drops making up the jet as a function of distance. The last two chapters complete this approach with an intermediate-scale study of the interaction phenomena between a spray and a smoke layer using a coupled experimental/modelling approach. The model tests will be used to verify the relevance of the numerical simulations of the Fire Dynamics Simulator software. The numerical approach makes it possible to quantify the heat exchange between the spray and the surrounding environment. One perspective of this work is the use of energy balances, which have been established, to seek to optimise the mode of action of firefighters

Lange galt Venture Capital als „kleine“ Form des PE-Investments. „Unicorns“, auch in der Schweiz, technologische Entwicklungen sowie der globale Wettbewerb setzten Venture Capital und die Förderung von Unternehmertum wieder mit Wucht auf die Agenden von Wirtschaft und Politik. Die Themen und Instrumente haben sich erneuert und gewandelt. Diese Neuerungen standen im Fokus der Referate anlässlich der 7. Tagung des Europa Institut an der Universität Zürich, welche in diesem Band schriftlich und mit wissenschaftlicher Akribie aufgearbeitet sind. Zu den Themen gehören Investitionsformen wie Tokens oder „KISS“-Loans, Technologietransfer von Universitäten, Wachstum und Insolvenzgefahr, Corporate Governance Fragen wie auch neuste steuerliche Entwicklungen bei Incentive-Strukturen. Die durch die Covid 19-Misere noch geschärfte Aktualität dieser Beiträge macht die Lektüre zum Muss und Genuss.

Abstract Although I have been an enthusiastic museum visitor for some forty years, a personal episode that occurred more than twenty years ago memorably altered my thinking about such places and left me with the inescapable feeling that museums must be very much in the eye of the beholder.* In March of 1969 my wife and I and our two young sons made a long-planned, much discussed weekend trip to Manhattan in order to see close friends and visit such places as the American Museum of Natural History. The museum was frequently mentioned in table talk as an incentive to pique the enthusiasm (and perhaps the good behavior) of our younger son, then a little more than three years old. When the great day came, a crisp but clear Saturday morning, six of us descended into the subway to catch a train for Central Park West and This essay was first presented on October 28, 1990, in Princeton, New Jersey, as the keynote address at the annual conference of the Mid-Atlantic Association of Museums.

Abstract There is, it seems, a wide consensus to the effect that the institutions of contract law are largely marginal to the processes of business contracting. Following Macaulay (1963), most socio-legal scholars would maintain that business parties make little use of contract as a planning or incentive mechanism in long-term business relationships, and that they value flexibility more highly than strict adherence to contract terms. Transaction cost economics has echoed this theme, suggesting that in the case of ‘bilateral governance’, specialized governance structures can operate to maintain the relationship without the need for external legal support (Williamson 1985). In this chapter we report evidence which casts doubt on both these contentions, and which, we would suggest, requires a reassessment of the role of contract law in shaping contractual co-operation. The evidence is derived from a comparative survey of inter-firm relations in Britain, Germany, and Italy. Both inter-firm contracts, in the sense of formal agreements, and the wider system of contract law are found to have an important role to play in fostering trust, in the sense of ‘a mechanism by which actors reduce the internal complexity of their interaction system and which enables the actors to mutually establish specific expectations about their future behaviour’ (Lane and Bachmann 1996: 367). The influence of the legal system needs to be understood in the context of other institutional factors, in particular the activities of industry-level trade associations and of standard-setting organizations.