Bibliografie tematiche / Labor unions, ecuador

Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Labor unions, ecuador"

Autore: Grafiati
Pubblicato: 26 luglio 2024

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Articoli di riviste sul tema "Labor unions, ecuador"

1

Salas-Díaz, Ricardo José. "Kemmerer Lives! The Evolution of the Composition of the Central Bank Boards of Five Latin American Countries". Tiempo y economía 10, n. 2 (1 luglio 2023): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.21789/24222704.2049.

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This study examines the evolution of the composition of the boards of the central banks from Bolivia, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru throughout the 20th century. Although the initial boards of those central banks were similar, they included representatives from different institutions, such as labor unions, bankers, business associations, and governments. Over eighty years, governments implemented several reforms that changed the composition of the boards , increasing the weight of business associations, while rapidly decreasing the participation of labor unions and bankers. In the 1960s and 1970s, government representatives took over the boards until the independence reforms of the late 1980s and early 1990s. Despite facing political turmoil and undergoing several restructurings, these five “Kemmerer” central banks evolved in parallel up to the new century.
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2

Silva, Eduardo. "Exchange Rising? Karl Polanyi and Contentious Politics in Contemporary Latin America". Latin American Politics and Society 54, n. 03 (2012): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2012.00163.x.

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AbstractFree-market reforms in the last quarter of the twentieth century weakened the point of production—labor unions—asthesource of effective nonparty political countermovement to liberal capitalism. Has another significant source of societal resistance arisen in association with the resurgence of market economics? Building on the work of Karl Polanyi, this article argues that circuits of exchange—the commodification of labor, land, and money—can be powerful sources of movement against contemporary forms of free-market capitalism. It draws on the cases of Argentina, Bolivia, and Ecuador to explore how Polanyi's exchange-based approach helps to elucidate three phenomena: the great variety of identities behind the myriad movements against free-market capitalism, the emergence of community as a powerful locus for organizing, and the proliferation of new forms of transgressive and highly disruptive direct action to reinforce the debilitated effectiveness of the strike.
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3

Etchemendy, Sebastián. "The Politics of Popular Coalitions: Unions and Territorial Social Movements in Post-Neoliberal Latin America (2000–15)". Journal of Latin American Studies 52, n. 1 (21 ottobre 2019): 157–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x19001007.

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AbstractAt a general level of neoliberal repudiation or expansion of social policies, most post-neoliberal Latin American governments in the 2000s have exhibited similarities. However, coalitions with popular actors have displayed a lot of variation. In order to compare popular-sector coalitions the article constructs a framework with two central dimensions: electoral and organisational/interest; in post-import substitution industrialisation (ISI) Latin America the latter is composed of both unions and territorial social movements (TSMs). It contends that the region witnessed four types of popular coalitions: electoral (Ecuador and Chile), TSM-based (i.e. made up of informal sector-based organisations, Venezuela and Bolivia), dual (i.e. composed of both unions and TSMs, Argentina and Brazil) and union/party-based (Uruguay). The study argues that government–union coalitions are largely accounted for by the relative size of the formal economy, and by the institutional legacies of labour based-parties. Coalitions with informal sector-based organisations are rooted in the political activation of these TSMs during the anti-neoliberal struggles of the 1990s and early 2000s.
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Bronstein, Arturo. "Labour Law in Latin America: Some Recent (and not so Recent) Trends". International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 26, Issue 1 (1 marzo 2010): 17–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2010003.

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This paper provides a survey of developments in Latin America labour law and industrial relations over the last twenty-five years, while noting that Latin America is far from homogeneous. Whereas the erosion of labour law protection during the neo-liberal market reforms was a significant pattern in countries such as Colombia, Chile (under Pinochet), Peru (under Fujimori) or Argentina (under Menem), a number of other countries, including the Dominican Republic, El Salvador or Venezuela have strengthened labour-friendly law. The paper highlights the fact that the state grip on trade union activity has diminished in countries like Brazil and Chile, but not in Argentina and Mexico. The paper analyses the labour law changes in the transition to democracy in a number of countries, particularly Chile. The author notes that the scope of labour law has narrowed, with an increasing number of workers in non-wage forms of employment without social security, totalling 40% in the region as a whole, with peaks of 80% in Ecuador and Peru. Unionization rates are low, as exemplified in the case of Chile, where despite the return to democracy less than 15% of wage-earning workers are unionized. In most Latin American countries trade unions are enterprise-based with the notable exceptions of Argentina, Brazil and Uruguay. The situation is worse in countries with endemic violence like Colombia or Guatemala, where trade union activists risk assassination by death squads. This explains the high number of complaints lodged with the International Labour Organization (ILO) Committee on Freedom of Association, as workers cannot reasonably expect their trade union rights to be enforced by the local authorities.
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Allen, Summer L., Lenin Alejandro Robayo, Carla D. Martin e José Lopez Ganem. "Productivity, Soil Health, and Tree Diversity in Dynamic Cacao Agroforestry Systems in Ecuador". Land 13, n. 7 (29 giugno 2024): 959. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/land13070959.

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Agroforestry has the potential to support more resilient livelihoods, soil health, and biodiversity, when compared to monocropping. In Ecuador, the Union of Cacao Peasant Organizations (UNOCACE) has been working with producers since 2016 to transition cacao plots to a dynamic agroforestry system that includes timber and fruit species as well as ground cover in addition to cacao. This study evaluates the application of this model and its implications for agricultural production, livelihoods, and soil health through producer surveys and field-based sampling. The program is resulting in significantly more timber and fruit trees on the cacao plots. Despite this, cacao production and income have not decreased in a significant way, once accounting for the number of producing trees on the plots. In addition, while additional labor is utilized on the dynamic agroforestry plots, after utilizing a matching procedure, no significant difference is seen in total crop productivity for each day of labor utilized. Over time, total productivity could increase for the dynamic agroforestry plots as the companion crops and trees mature. As the program is relatively new and has undergone some changes, additional studies are needed to understand the benefits or challenges, especially for soil health, that might be realized further in the lifespan of the program.
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Rosas, Marlen. "“God Save Me from a Civilized Indian”: Labor Union Schools and Contending Visions for Indigenous Education in Ecuador, 1936–1963". Hispanic American Historical Review, 21 marzo 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-11189972.

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Abstract From the 1930s to the 1960s, Indigenous activists in Ecuador unsettled the prevailing paradigm of acculturation, practicing literacies that advanced their capacities for political mobilization around labor and land rights. Leaders on the haciendas of Cayambe allied with the Communist Party of Ecuador to organize their locally grounded politics against an urban-based indigenista movement. Both movements highlighted the need for Indigenous emancipation from the confines of the feudalistic labor system but diverged in their visions of Indigenous agency. Labor activists recognized that landowners relied on education for social control, so they made autonomous schooling a central hallmark of their struggle. Previous scholarship, focused on 1980s state directives for intercultural bilingual education, has not explored the orientation of Cayambe's early schools toward labor rights pedagogy. Analyzing textbooks, periodicals, and oral histories, I argue that Cayambe's teachers pursued notions of national inclusion that fused citizenship rights with socialist ideals and practices of Indigenous autonomy.
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Preusser, Manuel. "The Losing Battle Against Neoliberal Trade Agreements in Latin America: Social Resistance Against the MTA Between Ecuador, Peru, and the European Union". Latin American Politics and Society, 1 novembre 2023, 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lap.2023.32.

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Abstract This article studies the influence of the antineoliberal social movements in Peru and Ecuador in the face of the Multiparty Trade Agreement (MTA) between both countries and the European Union (EU). To identify and analyze this influence, a transdisciplinary theoretical framework was created, integrating debates and concepts from social movement theory and critical international political economy. In Peru, the movement used European allies to establish their demands on the EU’s agenda, which resulted in increased pressure on the government to enforce labor rights and environmental standards. In Ecuador, the movement was able to establish food sovereignty and the rejection of free trade in the national constitution. As a result, the negotiations with the EU were delayed and Ecuador achieved certain exceptions in its adhesion protocol. Nevertheless, both movements were unable to maintain their influence, due to political and socioeconomic dynamics on the domestic and global levels.
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Raynolds, Laura T., e Annabel Ipsen. "Social reproduction in crisis: Gendered labour regimes in agro‐export sectors in Ecuador and Chile". Journal of Agrarian Change, 27 settembre 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/joac.12565.

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AbstractThe pandemic lays bare the centrality of social reproduction in upholding global commodity networks. Capitalism's reliance on gendered and racialized systems of social reproduction has deepened structural contradictions and socio‐economic divides across agro‐export sectors and agrarian communities. We analyse how COVID‐19 policies and responses in Ecuador and Chile are reshaping systems of social and labour protection in feminized agro‐export sectors. We integrate labour regime and gender regime frameworks, showing how they are (1) co‐constituted via global forces, national policies, institutional pressures and local practices; (2) intertwined in neoliberal and social‐democratic development models; and (3) forged through control, consent and resistance. We analyse national legal frameworks and policy responses to COVID‐19, as well as industry, union and worker reactions, illustrating how ‘neutral’ policies have gendered outcomes, (re)creating false binaries between production and reproduction and paid and unpaid work. We find that the pandemic has reshaped gendered labour regimes in agro‐exports: in Ecuador, undermining the fragile commitment to a social‐democratic gendered labour regime and in Chile, strengthening social‐democratic supports and promises of a more equitable gendered labour regime. In both cases, states and firms have neglected to include social reproduction in the ‘costs’ of development, thus threatening national development models grounded in the exploitation of cheap female labour in agro‐export sectors.
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Becker, Marc. "Peasant Identity, Worker Identity: Multiple Modes of Rural Consciousness in Highland Ecuador." EIAL - Estudios Interdisciplinarios de América Latina y el Caribe 15, n. 1 (21 gennaio 2004). http://dx.doi.org/10.61490/eial.v15i1.829.

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On December 30, 1930, agricultural workers on the Pesillo hacienda in the canton of Cayambe, in the northern Ecuador highlands, rose up in protest against abuses they faced at the hands of their bosses. Local governmental officials reported that no one was working as the strike spread across the hacienda and threatened to engulf neighboring properties. Pesillo's newly formed peasant union El Inca, as well as Tierra Libre from the neighboring Moyurco hacienda, presented a list of 17 demands which focused almost exclusively on issues of working conditions, indebtedness, and salaries. They demanded that the patrones (bosses) fire mayordomos (overseers) who mistreated workers, raise their daily salary to forty centavos, recognize an eight-hour work day, pay women for their labor, and establish a school for their children.
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Tesi sul tema "Labor unions, ecuador"

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Mol, Wessel Berend. "Non-trade goals in trade policy of the European Union: a case study of the EU-Colombia/Peru/Ecuador FTA". Master's thesis, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/24036.

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Abstract (sommario):
Since the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon, the European Union has started including Trade & Sustainable Development chapters in the Free Trade Agreements it signs. These chapters include provisions on labor rights and environmental protection. Next to these chapters, the EU also includes provisions on human rights and non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. In this thesis, the effectiveness of including these non-trade provisions in FTAs is examined. This is done by way of a case study of the EU-Colombia/Peru/Ecuador agreement, with a specific view to the case of Colombia. Using desk research and a series of interviews, it is found that there is a form of gradual progress in the target country. It is also found that there are widely differing views on whether this is due to the FTA, or if the FTA actually exacerbates problems.
Desde a entrada em vigor do Tratado de Lisboa, a União Europeia começou a incluir capítulos sobre Comércio e Desenvolvimento Sustentável nos Acordos de Comércio Livre por si assinados. Estes capítulos incluem disposições sobre direitos laborais e protecção ambiental. Ao lado destes capítulos, a UE também inclui disposições sobre direitos humanos e não-proliferação de armas de destruição maciça. Nesta tese, é analisada a eficácia da inclusão destas disposições não comerciais nos ACL. Isto é feito através de um estudo de caso do acordo UE-Colômbia/Peru/Equador, com uma visão específica para o caso da Colômbia. Utilizando investigação documental e uma série de entrevistas, constata-se que existe uma forma de progresso gradual no país alvo. Verifica-se também que existem opiniões muito diferentes sobre se isto se deve ao ACL, ou se o ACL agrava realmente os problemas.
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Libri sul tema "Labor unions, ecuador"

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Bolle, Isabel Robalino. El sindicalismo en el Ecuador. 2a ed. Quito: INEDES, 1992.

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Alexander, Robert Jackson. A history of organized labor in Peru and Ecuador. Westport, Conn: Praeger, 2007.

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3

Agence latino-américaine d'information (Montréal, Québec) e Communicare (Quito Ecuador), a cura di. Forjando la unidad: El movimiento popular en Ecuador. 2a ed. Quito, Ecuador: Communicare, 1985.

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4

Luiz, Ramalho, a cura di. Lateinamerikanische Gewerkschaften zwischen staatlicher Gängelung und Autonomie: Fallstudien zu Argentinien, Brasilien, Chile, Costa Rica, Ecuador und Guyana. Saarbrücken: Breitenbach, 1985.

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5

Susana, Quiloango, ISCOD (Organization), Unión General de Trabajadores de España., Spain. Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores y Cooperación. e Agencia Española de Cooperación Internacional., a cura di. Memoria, participación sindical en los procesos migratorios: Ecuador, 2005-2008. Quito: ISCOD, 2008.

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6

J, Patricio Martínez. Guayaquil, noviembre de 1922: Política oligárquica e insurrección popular. Quito, Ecuador: CEDIS, 1988.

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7

Enríquez, Marcos Gándara. La semana trágica de Guayaquil, noviembre de 1922: Aproximación a la verdad. Quito, Ecuador: Sociedad Ecuatoriana de Investigaciones Históricas y Geográficas, 1991.

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Enríquez, Marcos Gándara. La semana trágica de Guayaquil, noviembre de 1922: Aproximación a la verdad. Quito, Ecuador: Sociedad Ecuatoriana de Investigaciones Históricas y Geográficas, 1991.

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9

1956-, Wannöffel Manfred, a cura di. Ruptura en las relaciones laborales: Argentina, Brasil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, El Salvador, Estados Unidos, México, Paraguay. México: Fundación Friedrich Ebert, 1995.

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10

Ileana, Almeida, a cura di. Indios: Una reflexión sobre el levantamiento indígena de 1990. Quito: ILDIS, 1991.

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Più fonti

Capitoli di libri sul tema "Labor unions, ecuador"

1

Ramírez Gallegos, Franklin, e Soledad Stoessel. "Transformations of Workers’ Mobilization in Latin America". In The Oxford Handbook of Latin American Social Movements, 303–19. Oxford University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190870362.013.15.

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Abstract This chapter explores the transformations of workers’ mobilization in Latin America from the end of the nineteenth century to the twenty-first century. For that purpose, the link is observed between changing economic connections, state-society relations, and workers’ collective action. The dynamics of mobilization and demobilization are considered from the inter-relationship of three dimensions: forms of organization, repertoires of state–society interaction, and ideological frameworks. The analysis focuses on four periods: 1890–1929: the emergence of workers’ organizations; 1930–1960: the strengthening of labor unions and processes of incorporation; 1970–1990: neoliberalism, democracy, and organizational breakdown; and 1999–2017: the return of the state and the calling into question of neoliberalism, the revitalization of labor unions, and new workers’ movements. In order to provide greater insight, the more industrialized countries (Argentina, Brazil, Mexico, Chile) are compared with others less industrialized (the Andean region and Central American countries such as Bolivia, Ecuador, Venezuela, Nicaragua, El Salvador, and Panama). The chapter concludes with three findings: (1) Latin American workers’ mobilization is not reduced to labor union dynamics nor is its role limited to extending workers’ rights; (2) the complex interactions of class, ethnicity, gender, and territory have produced successive waves of politicization of the “worker question”; and (3) beyond the constraints imposed by economic structures and state control, the political subjectivation of workers has evolved in contradictory ways in the different spheres of relationship with the left, populism, the church, and political institutions, as well as a product of the historical vicissitudes of the struggles.
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