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Articoli di riviste sul tema "Kurdistan iranien":

1

Lee, Winnie, Ali Akbar Moradi, Reza Askarzadeh, Pierre Bois, Ahmad Djavaheri e Frank Kane. "Kurdistan Iranien: Les Maqam Rituels des Yarsan / Iranian Kurdistan: The Ritual Maqam of the Yarsan". Yearbook for Traditional Music 35 (2003): 231. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4149358.

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2

Mohammadi, Iran. "Regards sur le mouvement ethnique au Kurdistan iranien". CEMOTI 38, n. 1 (2004): 185–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/cemot.2004.1749.

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3

Karimi, Sara Zandi. "History of Ardalānids (1590-1810) by Sharaf al-Dīn bin Shams al-Dīn". Kurdish Studies 5, n. 1 (11 maggio 2017): 56–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v5i1.420.

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This article is a critical translation of the “History of the Ardalānids.” In doing so, it hopes to make available to a wider academic audience this invaluable source on the study of Iranian Kurdistan during the early modern period. While a number of important texts pertaining to the Kurds during this era, most notably the writings of the Ottoman traveler Evliya Chalabi, focus primarily on Ottoman Kurdistan, this piece in contrast puts Iranian Kurdistan in general and the Ardalān dynasty in particular at the center of its historical narrative. Thus it will be of interest not only to scholars of Kurdish history but also to those seeking more generally to research life on the frontiers of empires.Keywords: Ẕayl; Ardalān; Kurdistan; Iran.ABSTRACT IN KURMANJIDîroka Erdelaniyan (1590-1810)Ev gotar wergereke rexneyî ya “Dîroka Erdelaniyan” e. Bi vê yekê, merema xebatê ew e ku vê çavkaniya pir biqîmet a li ser Kurdistana Îranê ya di serdema pêş-modern de ji bo cemawerê akademîk berdest bike. Hejmareke metnên girîng li ser Kurdên wê serdemê, bi taybetî nivîsînên Evliya Çelebî yê seyyahê osmanî, zêdetir berê xwe didine Kurdistana di bin hukmê Osmaniyan de. Lê belê, di navenda vê xebatê de, bi giştî Kurdistana Îranê û bi taybetî jî xanedana Erdelaniyan heye. Wisa jî ew dê ne tenê ji bo lêkolerên dîroka kurdî belku ji bo ewên ku dixwazin bi rengekî berfirehtir derheq jiyana li ser tixûbên împeretoriyan lêkolînan bikin jî dê balkêş be.ABSTRACT IN SORANIMêjûy Erdellan (1590-1810)Em wutare wergêrranêkî rexneyî “Mêjûy Erdellan”e, bew mebestey em serçawe girînge le ser Kurdistanî Êran le seretakanî serdemî nwê bixate berdest cemawerî ekademî. Jimareyek serçawey girîng le ser kurdekan lew serdeme da hen, diyartirînyan nûsînekanî gerîdey ‘Usmanî Ewliya Çelebîye, ke zortir serincyan le ser ‘Kurdistanî ‘Usmanî bûwe. Em berheme be pêçewanewe Kurdistanî Êran be giştî, we emaretî Erdelan be taybetî dexate senterî xwêndinewekewe. Boye nek tenya bo twêjeranî biwarî mêjûy kurdî, belku bo ewaney le ser jiyan le sinûre împiratoriyekan twêjînewe deken, cêgay serinc debêt.
4

Bajalan, Djene Rhys. "On the frontiers of empire: Culture and power in early modern “Iranian” Kurdistan". Kurdish Studies 5, n. 1 (17 maggio 2017): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v5i1.417.

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This article will provide a broad (although by no means comprehensive) overview of the development of modern scholarly historical writing pertaining the Middle East’s Kurdish community prior to the end of the First World War. It seeks to highlight some of the important pioneering scholars who shaped the field during its twentieth century as well as more recent flurry of academic activity that has, since the turn of the twenty-first century, resulted in a publication of a number of important works that have greatly expanded our knowledge of Kurdish history. However, it will also endeavour to highlight some of the deficits in the existing historiography, most notably relating to Kurdistan in the early modern period (the early sixteenth to early nineteenth century) and, more specifically, the relatively underdeveloped nature of the literature on “Iranian” Kurdistan during this era. In doing so, it hopes to provide context for the three articles published in this issue of Kurdish Studies, all of which examine issues relating to culture and power in early modern “Iranian” Kurdistan.ABSTRACT IN KURMANJILi ser sînorên împeretoriyê: “Hêmana Îranî” di dîroka pêş-modêrn ya Kurdistanê deEv gotar dê nirxandineke berfireh (lê ne giştgir) a nivîsarên li ser dîroka gelê kurd ê li Rojhilata Navîn yên berî xelasiya Şerê Cîhanî yê Yekem. Ew dê dêneke taybet bide ser çendîn zanyarên serkêş ku di sedsala bîstan de meydana dîroknivîsiya kurdî ava kirine û herwiha berê xwe bide ser berbelavbûna vê dawiyê ya çalakiyên akademîk –ji çerxa sedsala bîst û yekê ve– ku çendîn berhemên girîng jê derçûne û bi vê yekê re zanyariya me ya li ser dîroka kurdan gelek berfirehtir kirine. Lê belê, gotar dê herwiha hewl bide ku hindek valahiyên dîroknivîsiya heyî berçav bike, bi taybetî valahiya xebatên li ser Kurdistana di serdema pêş-modêrn (ji serê sedsala şanzdehan heta serê sedsala hevdehan) de, û, bi rengekî hûrbijêrtir, paşmayîbûna nisbî ya lêkolîn û nivîsarên li ser Kurdistana “Îranî” ya di vê serdemê de. Bi vî awayî, gotar dil dike çarçoveyekê dabîn bike ji bo her sê gotarên di vê hejmara Kurdish Studies de, ku hemû jî berê xwe didine wê mijarê ku em dikarin wek “Hêmana Îranî” di Kurdistana pêş-modêrn de bi nav bikin.ABSTRACT IN SORANILe ser sînorekanî împiratorî: “Hokarî Êranî” le Kurdistanî pêş-modêrn daEm wutare raçawkirdineweke giştîye (bellam nek giştgire) le ser nûsrawekanî sebaret be mêjûy kurdî le Rojhellatî Nawerast ber le axîrî Şerrî Cîhanî Yêkem. Wutareke serincêkî taybet debexşête ser çend zanyarêkî pêşengî ke le sedey bîst da biwarî mêjûnûsî kurdîyan durist kirdûwe, bellam herwa çaw le berfirawanbûnewey em duwayîyey –serî sedey bîst û yekewe– çalakiye akadamîkekan dekat ke çendîn berhemî girîngî lê we derçûwe û bew pêyeş zanyarîyekanman sebaret be mêjûy kurd ziyadtiryan kirdûwe. Wutareke hewllî eweş dedat ke hêndek kêmasiyêkî mêjûnûsîy hawçerxîş destnîşan bikat, be taybetî ewaney le merr Kurdistanî seretakanî serdemî modêrn (le ewelî sedey şanzde ta ewelî sedey hewde), herwa be rengekî deqîqtir çaw le paşmanewey lêkollînewe w nûsrawekanî le babet Kurdistanî “Êranî” lew serdeme da dekat. Bem şêweye, wutareke çarçowêk dabîn dekat bo her sê le wutarî em jimarey Kurdish Studies, ke hemûyan serinc dedene ew babetey ke detwanîn wekû “Hokarî Êranî” le Kurdistanî pêş-modêrn da be naw bikeyn.
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Hassaniyan, Allan, e Mansour Sohrabi. "Colonial Management of Iranian Kurdistan; with Emphasis on Water Resources". Journal of World-Systems Research 28, n. 2 (25 agosto 2022): 320–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2022.1081.

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Iranian Kurdistan (a region referred to by the Kurds as Rojhelat/East Kurdistan), which possesses a large variety of minerals, oil reserves, dense forests, and massive surface and underground water resources, has for decades supplied the economic, agricultural, and industrial sectors in Iran, mainly benefiting the development of the central parts of the country and bringing significant income to the state. This has occurred while the Kurdish region remains among the most economically underdeveloped and deprived areas of Iran. The Iranian state’s economic and developmental approach to Kurdistan’s natural resources, and the mechanisms of extractions and exploitation of these resources, have resulted in extensive environmental degradation, affecting the public health in the Kurdish region, and not least de-development and further underdevelopment in this region. Taking into account the extent of extraction and use of Kurdistan’s natural resources reveals the Kurdish-state relation as an internal core-peripheral relationship, resulting in the centre’s destruction of the natural environment and exploitation of the natural resources of the periphery. This paper sheds light on the Iranian state’s economic and developmental activities, with a focus on water resources in the Kurdish region and the consequences of their use on the natural environment.
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Khezri, Haidar. "Kurds, Jews, and Kurdistani Jews: Historic Homelands, Perceptions of Parallels in Persecution, and Allies by Analogy". Religions 13, n. 3 (17 marzo 2022): 253. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13030253.

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This article highlights the positive relations between the Jewish and the Kurdish nations, maintained mainly by Kurdistani Jews until their displacement to Israel in the mid-20th century. These positive relations have been transmitted through their oral traditions, documented by both communities and travelers to Kurdistan, and validated by several scholars who studied the Jews of the region, Kurdistan, and Jewish-Kurdish relations. The dearth of historical documentation of both societies has resulted in a ‘negative myth’ used by the enemies of the Kurds and the Jews to dehumanize them before the 20th century, and therefore delegitimizing their right to statehood in modern times. From the 16th century onward, there is more solid evidence about the Kurdistani Jews and their relations with Kurdish neighbors. There are considerable and certain parallels between the two nations in terms of their oral traditions as well as linguistic and literary practices. The historical ties between the Jews and their neighbors in Kurdistan formed a fruitful ground for the relations between the Jewish people of Israel and the Kurds since 1948. Despite the exodus of almost the entire Kurdistani Jewish population to the State of Israel, Kurdistani Jews have largely retained their identity, culture, and traditions and have effectively influenced Israel’s policy towards the Kurds. The often-secret relations between the Kurdish movement in Iraq and Israel since 1960 played an important role in the global security policy of the Jewish nation in the Middle East, and in effect served to keep Baghdad from becoming involved in the Arab-Israeli conflict on one hand, and allowed the Kurdish liberation movement in Southern/Iraqi Kurdistan to survive on the other. These ties were reinforced by the sense of a common fate and struggle for statehood, persecution and genocides, feeling of solidarity, mutual strategic interests, humanitarian and economic dimensions, in post-1988 Halabja Massacre, the operation of the US led coalition against Iraq in 1991, and 2003 Invasion of Iraq. Since the Arab Spring, the military interventions against the self-proclaimed caliphate, Islamic State (IS), and the referendum for an independent Kurdish state in northern Iraq in 2017, this relationship allegedly has extended to include the relationships between Israel and the Kurds in Western/Syrian and Eastern/Iranian Kurdistan as well. Notably, Israel was the only state that publicly supported the creation of an independent Kurdish state. With all the development the Kurdish question has paved in the 21st century, the article concludes that the majority of the Kurds of the 21st century can be described as a ‘pariah people’ in Max Weber’s definition and meditation of the term and Hannah Arendt’s ‘rightless’, who ‘no longer belong to any community’, while describing the different aspects of the political, economic, and cultural calamity of Jews, refugees, and stateless people at the beginning of the 20th century.
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Mobasser, Nilou, e Omid Salehi. "Borderland: Iranian Kurdistan". Index on Censorship 32, n. 1 (gennaio 2003): 64–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064220308537174.

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Star, Snawber Sardar. "The Political Islamic Movement in Eastern Kurdistan (1979-1988), the Qur'an Office and The Khabat Organization, For Example." Journal of University of Raparin 8, n. 3 (29 settembre 2021): 410–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.26750/vol(8).no(3).paper20.

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With the success of the Iranian People's Revolution, the political Islamic movement in eastern Kurdistan has become more and more active. At first, the Qur'an office, which was established by Ahmad Mufti Zada, was only to educate young people on the basis of Islam, but with the success of the Iranian revolution, its direction changed to national work and demand Kurdish rights against the new regime. Later, due to the regime's negative stance on the demands of the Kurdish people, which included self-mayor for Kurdistan within iran, looking at Kurds as non-Muslims in the early 1980s led to the creation of another Islamic organization in Eastern Kurdistan called the Islamic National Struggle Organization of Iranian Kurdistan– Khabat, which, along with other parties in eastern Kurdistan, has begun armed struggles against the regime to achieve the national rights of the Kurdish people in eastern Kurdistan.
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Sahe, Ismael Abdalrahman. "The impact of leftist on political movement of Eastern Kurdistan: JK (1942-1945)". Journal of University of Raparin 7, n. 1 (19 dicembre 2019): 289–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.26750/vol(7).no(1).paper17.

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Leftism ideology came to Kurdistan through different ways like; social democracy movement, Iranian Communist Party, Iranian Tuddeh Party and invasion of Kurdistan by the red army and the support of the Soviet Union for the Kurdistan Republic. Since the leftism idea promoted justice and equality and removal of all kinds of oppression, it was attractive to the Kurdish intellectuals and so they welcomed it: the Kurdistan Revival association as the first nationalist party of Kurdistan (1942). In spite of this, it was a national-religious party, but the effect of left thoughts was clear. In that order they were against to the feudalism system as an socioeconomic regime of Kurdistan, and they tried to destroy tribal system in Kurdistan and at the same time they supported grubber class and specially farmer class. Kurdistan Revival Association to reach its main goal meaning creating a Kurdish Independent Government, was looking for foreign support, hence, its relations with the Soviet Union were very friendly and; even in its declarations, there are sympathize for socioeconomic system of Soviet Union.
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SOFI, DASKO HASAN, e AZAD OTHMAN SALIH. "The Iranian Foreign Policy towards Kurdistan Region–Iraq 2003-2018". Twejer 3, n. 3 (dicembre 2020): 913–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31918/twejer.2033.25.

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After the US invasion of Iraq and the fall of Ba’ath-regime in 2003, the Kurdistan Region-Iraq became one of the main issues in Iranian foreign policy in the region. Although there have been several changes in Iranian foreign policy respecting its relationship with the Kurdistan Regional Government at various times, there has been no change in its strategy towards the region regarding its political independence and the right to self-determination of its people. The significant historical, cultural, and neighbourly relations that exist between Iran and the Kurdistan Region could become the basis for relations between the two parties for the sake of common interests and benefits and to establish peace and stability in the region. The main objective of this research is as follows: to clarify Iranian foreign policy towards the Kurdistan Region-Iraq and to explain the future horizon of the relations between the two parties in light of the current reality and based on the vital interests of the two parties in general. Keywords: Iran, Kurdistan Region, Foreign Policy, Ba’ath Regime, Shi’ism.

Tesi sul tema "Kurdistan iranien":

1

Braud, Jean. "La Suture du Zagros au niveau de Kermanshah (Kurdistan iranien) évolution géodynamique, magmatique et structurale /". Grenoble 2 : ANRT, 1987. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37603422h.

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Kalantari, Sara. "Le rituel chiite de ‘Āshūrā dans la région du Kurdistan iranien : vers un idéal d'unification politique". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 10, 2021. http://www.theses.fr/2021PA100108.

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Cette thèse est centrée sur l’étude du rituel chiite de ‘Āshūrā dans la région du Kurdistan iranien. Chaque année, au mois de muḥarram, les chiites du monde entier dont l’Iran commémorent le martyre de leur troisième imam, Ḥusayn, par une série de rituels qui se déroulent pendant dix jours. Les cérémonies de ‘Āshūrā, peuvent être étudiées en deux catégories principales : les processions de rue ; les réunions d’espace fermé. Ces cérémonies sont organisés par des groupes coordonnés d’hommes et de femmes réunis dans les hay’at. Un hay’at est en effet une organisation non lucrative fondée par un ou plusieurs individus pour faciliter le regroupement d’un nombre de fidèles lors des cérémonies religieuses comme celles de ‘Āshūrā. Par une ethnographie détaillée de nombreux hay’at dans deux villes kurdes iraniens, Sanandaj et Kermanchah, j’ai étudié l’organisation et le déroulement des cérémonies de ‘Āshūrā dans ces deux capitales régionales. Une approche comparative m’a permis d’établir une typologie générale des hay’at les classant en trois catégories : traditionnels, révolutionnaires et néo-révolutionnaires. À travers une étude ethnomusicologique des chants religieux de nawḥah, j’ai porté une attention particulière aux enjeux sociopolitiques qui sont mis en avant dans les cérémonies des hay’at révolutionnaires et néo-révolutionnaires. Je démontre ainsi comment les nawḥah sont mobilisés au sein de ces hay’at afin de réaliser une unification politique au-delà des diversités ethnolinguistiques et confessionnelles
This thesis focuses on the study of the Shiite ritual of ‘Āshūrā in the region of Iranian Kurdistan. Every year in the month of Muḥarram, Shiites around the world, including Iran, commemorate the martyrdom of their third Imam, Ḥusayn, with a series of rituals that take place over ten days. The ‘Āshūrā ceremonies can be studied in two main categories: street processions; closed space meetings. These ceremonies are organized by coordinated groups of men and women gathered in the hay’at. A hay’at is indeed a non-profit organization founded by one or more individuals to facilitate the gathering of a number of faithful during religious ceremonies such as those of ‘Āshūrā.Through a detailed ethnography of numerous hay’ats in two Iranian Kurdish towns, Sanandaj and Kermanshah, I studied the organization and conduct of ‘Āshūrā ceremonies in these two regional capitals. A comparative approach allowed me to establish a general typology of hay'ats classifying them into three categories: traditional, revolutionary and neo-revolutionary. Through an ethnomusicological study of the religious chants of nawḥah, I paid particular attention to the socio-political issues that are put forward in the ceremonies of revolutionary and neo-revolutionary hay'ats. I thus demonstrate how the nawḥahs are mobilized within these hay’ats in order to achieve political unification beyond ethnolinguistic and confessional diversity
3

Braud, Jean. "La Suture du Zagros au niveau de Kermanshah (Kurdistan iranien) : reconstitution paléogéographique : évolution géodynamique, magmatique et structurale". Paris 11, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987PA112506.

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La chaine du Zagros, de direction NY-SE sur une longueur de près de 2 000 kilomètres, occupe toute la partie sud-ouest de l'Iran. Représentant la façade nord-est de la plaque arabique entre l'Oman et la Turquie orientale, elle renferme tous les éléments du domaine téthysien qui, au cours du Mésozoïque et du Tertiaire, séparait le continent arabo-africain du bloc eurasiatique. Le secteur de Kermanshah (Kurdistan iranien) a été choisi en raison de ses affleurements d'ophiolites et de radiolarites. Dans son ensemble, la chaine est constituée de 3 parties : 1- au SW, le Zagros externe ou Folded Belt, caractérisé par ses séries sédimentaires continues et concordantes depuis le Paléozoïque jusqu'au Néogène et par sa structure en plis réguliers formés au Plia-Quaternaire; 2- dans l'axe, une zone très tectonisée (Crushed Zone) avec des unités à radiolarites et ophiolites; 3- au NE, un domaine complexe à formations métamorphiques et où sont exprimés plusieurs cycles orogéniques: le domaine métamorphique du Zagros ou zone de Sanadaj-Sirjan qui chevauche en direction du SW les domaines précédents le long d'un accident majeur: le Zagros Main Thrust. C'est donc cette Crushed Zone et son encadrement immédiat qui ont été étudiés dans la région de Kermanshah, où, sur une transversale de 150 kilomètres environ, on recoupe du SW vers le NE (de l'extérieur vers l'intérieur de la chaine) les unités suivantes: - bordure nord-est du Zagros externe ou Autochtone, - unité des radiolarites de Kermanshah, - unité des calcaires de Bisitoun, - unité des ophiolites de Sahneh - Harsin, - écailles tertiaires (écailles de la Gaveh Rud), - domaine métamorphique du Zagros (nappe du Kuh-e-Garun). Les radiolarites de Kermanshah constituent une unité à sédimentation siliceuse prédominante, allant du Trias supérieur au Crétacé moyen, comportant à la base des intercalations calcaires (Trias, Lias, Dogger) et au sommet des niveaux détritiques bréchiques. Cette unité chevauche le Crétacé supérieur autochtone (Maestrichtien) qui se termine localement par un olistostrome à éléments de radiolarites. Les calcaires de Bisitoun débutent au Trias supérieur (calcaires récifaux surmontant des niveaux de radiolarites associées à des laves) et montent jusqu'au Cénomanien. La série, épaisse de 2000 à 3000 mètres est intégralement calcaire et le plus souvent avec faciès de plateforme. Le sommet montre localement (Crétacé supérieur des faciès siliceux (radiolarites de Karazank). Cette unité de calcaires chevauche en direction du SW les radiolarites de Kermanshah. Les ophiolites de Sahneh-Harsin surmontent tectoniquement les calcaires de Bisitoun et débordent localement (région d'Harsin) jusque sur les radiolarites. Elles comportent les termes habituels des cortèges ophiolitiques (tectonites, cumulats ultrabasiques, gabbros, cortège filonien), mais les laves ont disparu par érosion ante­ miocène. Des datations attribuent un Age crétacé supérieur (80 Ma) aux produits différenciés et aux roches filoniennes; mais quelques indices sont en faveur d'un Age plus ancien (au moins pour une partie de ces ophiolites): blocs de calcaires triasiques dans les serpentines d'Harsin, couverture de calcaires jurassiques (Malm des unités de Sarmaj). Ces unités sont toutes allochtones (charriages en direction du SW) et représentent des séries mésozoïques particulières. Leur mise en place est rapportée à une phase tectonique fini-crétacée: olistostrome terminal de l'Autochtone, cachetage des contacts anormaux par l'Eocène du massif du Kuh-e-Surkheh, alimentation des formations conglomératiques éocènes. Les radiolarites de Kermanshah ne sont pas directement liées aux ophiolites
The Zagros Range extends along the NE border of the Arabian plate for a distance of about 2 000 km, where it results from the convergence of the Arabian and Eurasiatic plates, the latter represented by Central Iran. Studies in the Kermanshah area (Iranian Kurdistan) reveals the presence of a suture zone between the two main blocks: an Outer Zagros or Folded Belt (area of oil production) forms the SW edge of the suture and constitutes the margin of the Arabian plate. The second block, the Zagros metamorphic domain or Sanandaj -Sirjan zone, constitutes the NE edge of the suture. Within the suture zone itself, strongly crushed units represent the remnants of oceanic crust formed during the Upper Triassic. Outliers of this domain are represented by ophiolites of the Sahneh-Harsin unit and radiolaritic of the Kermanshah unit formed during the Mesozoic within a narrow trough oriented parallel to the Arabian plate margin and separated from the oceanic crust by a continental barrier comprising carbonates (Bisitoun limestones). At the end of the Cretaceous, the NE drift of the Arabian plate induced a contraction of the domain and it’s partial over thrusting upon the margin of the Arabian plate (ophiolite obduction and Cretaceous nappes). However, during Eocene time,a narrow trough (Gaveh Rud domain) with oceanic basement remained (called the "Residual Tethys"). It was marked by magmatic activity and by flysch-type sediments. At the end of the Eocene this domain was again crushed and the Tethys Ocean disappeared permantly. Since the Oligo-Miocene the two continental blocks have been in perpetual collision with large continental thrusting associated with major lateral displacement along the Main Zagros Thrust, these movements causing modern seismic instability
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Farzad, Mohammad Reza. "The Islamic republic and ethnic self-determination : the case of Iranian Kurdistan". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.324670.

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5

Khalili, Mostafa. "Everyday ethnicity of Kurmanji speaking Kurds in Iran : a case in political anthropology". Thesis, https://doors.doshisha.ac.jp/opac/opac_link/bibid/BB13135798/?lang=0, 2020. https://doors.doshisha.ac.jp/opac/opac_link/bibid/BB13135798/?lang=0.

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This dissertation is an attempt to pose a challenge to the reified image of Kurdishness and Kurdayeti (awakening Kurdish nationalism), from an ethnographical perspective. The focus group is the comparatively understudied Kurmanji-speaking Kurds of Urmia county in Iran, both in rural and urban contexts. The questions is why do the Kurds of this study, in particular, and Kurds all over the Middle East, in general, have a high potential for mobilization during politically charged moments?
博士(グローバル社会研究)
Doctor of Philosophy in Global Society Studies
同志社大学
Doshisha University
6

Farhang, M. Muhamad. "Kurdish literature and literary culture in Iranian Kurdistan 1946-1979". Praca doktorska, 2010. http://ruj.uj.edu.pl/xmlui/handle/item/41545.

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7

Jahani, Asl Mohammad Nasser. "Identity, politics, organization: a historical sociology of the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan and the Kurdish Nationalist Movement". Thesis, 2017. https://dspace.library.uvic.ca//handle/1828/8524.

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Abstract (sommario):
The struggle of the Kurdish nation in Iran entered a new phase of modern nationalist movement since World War II, especially since the establishment of the Society for the Revival of Kurdistan (J.K.) in 1942. The J.K. was then transformed into the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), which later changed its name to the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan (PDKI) in 1945. This dissertation addresses a major gap in the existing research about the study of Iranian Kurdish nationalism spearheaded by the PDKI. Offering a historical sociology, the dissertation argues that this movement should be understood within the context of the state-building process in Iran and nationalist and national liberation movements in the world. It offers, for the first time and in any language, the most extensively researched and detailed history of the PDKI, its struggles for Kurdish national rights, its programs, organizational structure, political strategies, achievements, internal conflicts, numerous splits and unifications, women’s status within it, and its relations with other parties. It critically analyzes the strengths and weaknesses of the PDKI. The methodological components include: literature review, discourse analysis, content analysis, snowball sampling, in-depth, open-ended interviews with 29 high-ranking activists, archival research, fieldwork conducted in the Iraqi Kurdistan and in Europe, Internet research, and statistical data. Sources used were in English, Persian, Kurdish, and Turkish. While the PDKI has championed a democratic Kurdish nationalist movement, it has heavily undermined the democratic principles within and outside the party and underestimated women’s potential within the movement. In order for the PDKI to re-emerge as a party in sync with our times, it needs to undergo a radical reform and democratize its internal and external relations.
Graduate
2020-08-21

Libri sul tema "Kurdistan iranien":

1

Ezzatyar, Ali. The Last Mufti of Iranian Kurdistan. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-56324-8.

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2

1960-, Astare Kemal, a cura di. Volksmärchen aus Kurdistan: Hauptsächlich aus Dersim. Winterthur: Ararat, 1995.

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3

al-Malikī, Ḥasan Salīmī ʻAbd. Pīshīnah-ʼi ʻAbd al-Malikīʹhā dar Māzandarān va Kurdistān. 8a ed. Bihshahr: Shilfīn, 2002.

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4

Ḥasan, Maḥmūdī, e Sulaymānī Ibrāhīm, a cura di. Jilvahʹhā-yī az hunar-i inqilāb: Majmūʻah-ʼi yakum-i manāṭiq-i jangī, Kurdistān, Bākhtarān, Īlām, Khūzistān. Qum: Bakhsh-i Farhangī-i Hunarī, Daftar-i Tablīghāt-i Islāmī-i Ḥawzah-ʼi ʻIlmīyah, 1985.

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5

Blau, Joyce. Les Kurdes et le Kurdistan: Bibliographie critique, 1977-1986 : extraits revus et complétés, d'Abstracta Iranica vol. I à X avec introduction et index. Téhéran: Institut français de recherche en Iran, 1989.

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6

Cohen, Binyamin. Be-śimḥat penekhem: Saḳiz-Nes-Harim : yaldut, ʻaliyah, hityashvut, sheliḥut tsiburit : sipur ishi = Be-simchat pneikhem : in the joy of your countenance : from Iranian Kurdistan to Nes-Harim, Israel. [Jerusalem]: Hotsaʼat ha-Sifriyah ha-Tsiyonit, ha-hotsaʼat le-or shel ha-Histadrut ha-Tsiyonit ha-ʻolamit, 2014.

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7

Hardi, Choman. Gendered Experiences of Genocide: Anfal Survivors in Kurdistan-Iraq. Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.

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8

Hardi, Choman. Gendered Experiences of Genocide: Anfal Survivors in Kurdistan-Iraq. Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.

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9

Hardi, Choman. Gendered Experiences of Genocide: Anfal Survivors in Kurdistan-Iraq. Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.

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10

CASAGRANDE, Gundogdu. Kurdistan Plus 100. Comma Poetry, 2021.

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Capitoli di libri sul tema "Kurdistan iranien":

1

Ezzatyar, Ali. "Revolution, Kurdistan, and the Maktab Quran Movement". In The Last Mufti of Iranian Kurdistan, 119–58. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-56324-8_5.

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2

Ezzatyar, Ali. "Introduction". In The Last Mufti of Iranian Kurdistan, 3–7. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-56324-8_1.

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3

Ezzatyar, Ali. "Sunni, Shia, and Kurd: A Brief History of Islamism in Kurdistan". In The Last Mufti of Iranian Kurdistan, 9–45. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-56324-8_2.

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4

Ezzatyar, Ali. "The Muftis of Iranian Kurdistan and the Dawning of an Activist". In The Last Mufti of Iranian Kurdistan, 49–78. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-56324-8_3.

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5

Ezzatyar, Ali. "Prison Under the Pahlavi Regime, and the Lead Up to 1979". In The Last Mufti of Iranian Kurdistan, 79–117. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-56324-8_4.

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6

Ezzatyar, Ali. "Letters from Prison: The Legacy of a Progressive Islam of Nonviolence". In The Last Mufti of Iranian Kurdistan, 159–203. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-56324-8_6.

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7

Ezzatyar, Ali. "Ethnic and Religious Implications in the Greater Middle East". In The Last Mufti of Iranian Kurdistan, 207–31. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-56324-8_7.

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8

Vali, Abbas. "The Formation and Structure of the Komalay Shoreshgeri Zahmatkeshani Kurdistani Iran (The Revolutionary Association of the Toilers of Iranian Kurdistan)". In The Forgotten Years of Kurdish Nationalism in Iran, 147–68. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-16069-2_7.

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9

Vali, Abbas. "Introduction: Modernity and the Emergence of Popular Politics in Iranian Kurdistan (Rojhelat)". In The Forgotten Years of Kurdish Nationalism in Iran, 1–9. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-16069-2_1.

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10

Ahmedi, Idris. "The Stateless and Why Some Gain and Others not: The Case of Iranian Kurdistan". In Comparative Kurdish Politics in the Middle East, 201–25. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-53715-3_9.

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Atti di convegni sul tema "Kurdistan iranien":

1

ابراهيم عزيز حسين, لمى. "Genocide in Halabja". In Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicpgp/8.

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Abstract (sommario):
"Halabja: It is an Iraqi city located in the Kurdistan region of Iraq, near the Iranian border, about 8-10 miles away, 150 miles away from Baghdad and located in the southeast of the city of Sulaymaniyah. It is one of the important cities that contains many mosques, shrines and shrines. In 1985, this city was subjected to the former regime's aerial bombardment, where more than 450 Kurdish villages were bombed, 300 citizens executed within one month, and internationally prohibited chemical weapons were used. The Iraqi regime’s violations of human rights continued to reach their climax in 1988, which was known as the Halabja events, which will be the subject of our research, the Halabja massacre, which took place at the end of the first Gulf War or what is known as the Iran-Iraq war from 16-17 March 1988, the killing of Kurdish civilians and the use of chemical weapons against them and the effects of a war The first Gulf and the breach of the international treaty through the use of chemical weapons that are banned internationally, as well as international reports on human rights violations in Halabja, which left about 5,000 martyrs, most of whom are residents of the region, and we will also clarify who is responsible for the events of Halabja, and the truth can be highlighted through documents and evidence The editorial in the Halabja case, where these documents included information about chemical weapons in handwriting and not in a printer to evade responsibility. The document talks about the production and accumulation of chemical agents by the former regime and the intention of the former regime to strike them when necessary, in addition to other documents that we will address through the research, There is also an appendix with the names of a number of companies involved in supplying the government at that time with unconventional weapons, including missile weapons and other weapons Chemical materials and advanced technology, and this is very clear in the violation of human rights by extremely barbaric repressive methods and means, and northern Iraq has become the scene of these crimes that have been circulated between international press agencies and television screens, articles, photos and documentaries expressing the horror of the calamity and the magnitude of the tragedy. Well-known international documents and documents and what Halabja has been exposed to are classified within the concept of genocide wars. This type of war is not attended by all international laws and segments only, but also the simplest rules of behavior and human and civilized interaction between people belonging to the human race. We will also show the issue of Halabja in the corridors of the Iraqi Parliament, which was during the session on 7/3/2011 of the second electoral cycle, the first legislative year, the second legislative term in the Iraqi Council of Representatives, held in Baghdad, by submitting a proposal to the Council of Representatives regarding the position of the House of Representatives regarding the crime of bombing Halabja with chemical weapons. In conclusion, I hope you will like this summary."

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