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1

Brenner, Rachel F. "On Becoming a Non-Jewish Holocaust Writer: Yann Martel’s Beatrice and Virgil". Humanities 10, n. 1 (31 dicembre 2020): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h10010012.

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To appraise Martel’s non-Jewish perspective of Holocaust thematic, it is important to assess it in the context of the Jewish relations with the Holocaust. Even though the Jewish claim to the uniqueness of the Holocaust has been disputed since the end of the war especially in Eastern Europe, the Jewish response determined to a large extent the reception of the disaster on the global scene. On a family level, the children of survivors have identified themselves as the legitimate heirs of the unknowable experience of their parents. On a collective level, the decree of Jewish annihilation constructed a Jewish identity that imposed an obligation to keep the Holocaust memory in the consciousness of the world. Martel proposes to supersede the history of the Holocaust with a story which would downplay the Jewish filiation with the Holocaust, elicit an affiliative response to the event of the non-Jewish writer and consequently integrate it into the memory of humanity at large. However, the Holocaust theme of Beatrice and Virgil refuses to assimilate within the general memory of humanity; rather, the consciousness of the event, which pervades the post-Holocaust world, insists on its constant presence. The omnipresence of the Holocaust blurs the distinctions between the filiative (Jewish) and affiliative (non-Jewish) attitudes toward the Jewish tragedy, gripping the writer in its transcendent horror. Disregarding his ethnic or religious origins, the Holocaust takes over the writer’s personal life and determines his story.
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Loeffler, James. "“In Memory of Our Murdered (Jewish) Children”: Hearing the Holocaust in Soviet Jewish Culture". Slavic Review 73, n. 3 (2014): 585–611. http://dx.doi.org/10.5612/slavicreview.73.3.585.

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This article offers the first major investigation of the Holocaust in wartime Soviet music and its connection to questions of Soviet Jewish identity. Moving beyond the consistent focus on Dmitrii Shostakovich's 1962 Symphony no. 13 ﹛Babi Yar),I present an alternative locus for the beginnings of Soviet musical representations of the Nazi genocide in a now forgotten composition by the Soviet Jewish composer Mikhail Gnesin, his 1943 Piano Trio, “In Memory of Our Perished Children.” I trace the genesis of this work in Gnesin's web of experiences before and during the war, examining Gnesin's careful strategy of deliberate aesthetic ambiguity in depicting death—Jewish and Soviet, individual and collective. Recapturing this forgotten cultural genealogy provides a very different kind of European historical soundtrack for the Holocaust. Instead of the categories of survivor and bystander, wartime witness and postwar remembrance,we find a more ambiguous form of early Holocaust memory. The story of how the Holocaust first entered Soviet music challenges our contemporary assumptions about the coherence and legitimacy of Holocaust musicas a category of cultural history and present-day performance.
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Marrus, Michael R. "Jewish Leaders and the Holocaust". French Historical Studies 15, n. 2 (1987): 316. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/286268.

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Bergerxy, Ronald J. "Jewish Americans and the Holocaust". Contexts 9, n. 1 (febbraio 2010): 40–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ctx.2010.9.1.40.

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5

Cohn-Sherbok, Dan. "Jewish Faith and the Holocaust". Religious Studies 26, n. 2 (giugno 1990): 277–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034412500020424.

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Throughout their long history suffering has been the hallmark of the Jewish people. Driven from their homeland, buffeted from country to country and plagued by persecutions, Jews have been rejected, despised and led as a lamb to the slaughter. The Holocaust is the most recent chapter in this tragic record of events. The Third Reich's system of murder squads, concentration camps and killing centres eliminated nearly 6 million Jews; though Jewish communities had previously been decimated, such large scale devastation profoundly affected the Jewish religious consciousness. For many Jews it has seemed impossible to reconcile the concept of a loving, compassionate and merciful God with the terrible events of the Nazi regime. A number of important Jewish thinkers have grappled with traditional beliefs about God in the light of such suffering, but in various ways their responses are inadequate. If the Jewish faith is to survive, Holocaust theology will need to incorporate a belief in the Afterlife in which the righteous of Israel who died in the death camps will receive their due reward.
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Morrus, Michael R. "Jewish Resistance to the Holocaust". Journal of Contemporary History 30, n. 1 (gennaio 1995): 83–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002200949503000104.

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Kaiser, Max. "‘Jewish Culture is Inseparable From the Struggle Against Reaction’: Forging an Australian Jewish Antifascist Culture in the 1940s". Fascism 9, n. 1-2 (21 dicembre 2020): 34–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-09010003.

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Abstract In the immediate postwar period Jewish communities worldwide sought to draw political lessons from the events of the Holocaust, the rise of fascism and the Second World War. A distinctive popular Jewish left antifascist politics developed as a way of memorialising the Holocaust, struggling against antisemitism and developing anti-racist and anti-assimilationist Jewish cultures. This article looks at the trilingual magazine Jewish Youth, published in Melbourne in the 1940s in English, Yiddish and Hebrew, as a prism through which to examine Jewish antifascist culture in Australia. Jewish Youth featured an oppositional political stance against antisemitism and fascism, tied often to Holocaust memorialisation; a conscious political and cultural minoritarianism and resistance to assimilation; and a certain fluctuating multilingualism, tied to its transnational situatedness and plurality of audiences.
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Mahboobi, Sajjad. "Bernard Malamud Revisited: Portrait of the Post-Holocaust Jewish Hero in the Fixer". International Journal of Applied Linguistics and English Literature 8, n. 6 (30 novembre 2019): 34. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.ijalel.v.8n.6p.34.

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The primary focus of this article is concept of Jewish heroism in Bernard Malamud’s most celebrated novel, The Fixer (1966). In light of a truth-oriented historicist approach, my underlying argument is that Malamud’s protagonists are Jewish heroes who befit the post-Holocaust era. They are not schlemiels, unlike what many critics believe, and have three main missions: first, to remind the world of the suffering the Jews have endured throughout history, especially during the alleged Holocaust; second, to revive the qualities of Jewishness and Jewish tradition that no longer existed among the younger Jewish generation of the postwar America; and third, to help the Jews free themselves from their victim mentality, intensified after the Holocaust, through heroic acts of resistance and acceptance of responsibility toward their people. These protagonists neither share America’s postwar upheavals, nor resemble the least to the affluent Wall Street Jew financers. They are typical post-Holocaust Jewish heroes.
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Surovtsev, Oleg. "Bukovynian Jews during the Holocaust: The problem of preserving historical memory". Науковий вісник Чернівецького національного університету імені Юрія Федьковича. Історія 1, n. 49 (30 giugno 2019): 93–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/hj2019.49.93-100.

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In the article, based on archival materials, published memoirs, a retrospective analysis of events and contemporary reflections of the Holocaust on the territory of Bukovina during the Second World War is carried out. During the Soviet, German-Romanian occupation of the region, the Bukovinian Jewish community suffered severe suffering and trials, huge human and material losses, which greatly undermined the social, economic and cultural positions of the Jewish population in Bukovina. In fact, the socio-cultural face of Chernivtsi and the region changed, entire generations of Bukovinian Jews were erased from historical memory, forever disappeared into the darkness of history. From the late 80’s – early 90’s XX century. in the conditions of the collapse of the USSR and the emergence of an independent Ukraine, it became possible to study the events of the Holocaust in the Chernivtsi region, to study the fate of Bukovynian Jews during the Second World War. Despite the mass emigration, in 1990-1995 the Jewish community of Chernivtsi published five collections of memories of Holocaust survivors of the Holocaust in Bukovina, erected a memorial sign at the scene of the shootings in the summer of 1941 and a memorial plaque on the Chernivtsi ghetto (in 2016 the efforts of the Jewish community of Chernivtsi to create a full memorial in the territory of the former ghetto). Since 2010, the Museum of Jewish History and Culture of Bukovina has been established in Chernivtsi, and at the Chernivtsi National University there is a Center of Jewish studies, which is actively engaged in the study and promotion of Bukovina Jewish history, including the topic of the Holocaust. Since 2017, work has begun on the creation of the Holocaust Museum in Chernivtsi in the building of the former memorial synagogue «Beit Kadish» on the territory of a Jewish cemetery, which aims to commemorate the memory of Bukovinian Jews who died during the Second World War. Over the past 30 years, more than 65 monuments (memorials, plaques) have appeared in the Chernivtsi region to commemorate those killed in the Holocaust. However, around the Holocaust events in Bukovina, a memory conflict has arisen – it is about different interpretations of events (Ukrainian, Romanian, Jewish, post-Soviet narratives) and commemorative practices related to it. An example of the post-Soviet memory of the Holocaust is the recently opened memorial in one of the districts of Chernivtsi (Sadgora), on the so-called “Kozak Hill”, in memory of the executed Jews in the summer of 1941. The Soviet term “Great Patriotic War” is used in the inscription on the monument. Keywords: Holocaust, Transnistria, ghetto, «autorization», deportation, primar
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10

Cohn-Sherbok, Dan. "The Challenge of the Holocaust". International Journal of Public Theology 7, n. 2 (2013): 197–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15697320-12341281.

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Abstract Throughout their history, the Jewish people have endured persecution, massacre and murder. They have been driven from their ancient homeland, buffeted from country to country and plagued by persecutions and pogroms. Jews have been despised and led as lambs to the slaughter. In modern times the Holocaust continued this saga of Jewish suffering, destroying six million innocent victims in the most terrible circumstances. This tragedy has posed the most searing questions for contemporary Jewry: where was God at Auschwitz, and where was humankind? This article seeks to respond to these two deeply troubling questions in the light of contemporary Jewish Holocaust theology.
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Wharton, Annabel Jane. "Jewish Art, Jewish art". IMAGES 1, n. 1 (2007): 29–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187180007782347584.

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AbstractAs the Jews have always produced art, the question arises, why is the notion of a Jewish Art so problematic? No effort is made in this paper to review or summarize the arguments for or against "Jewish Art." Rather, it attempts a modest shift in the terms of the debate. The essay addresses the question by considering the historiography of Jewish art in relation to both the End-of-Art debates and the Holocaust industry.This paper offers a provisional answer to the question: Why has Jewish art never managed to become Jewish Art? The End of Art debate conditions the discussion; the institutions of Jewish art provide its substance.
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12

Fasching, Darrell J. "Can Christian Faith Survive Auschwitz?" Horizons 12, n. 1 (1985): 7–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0360966900034290.

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AbstractThis paper argues that, for both Jews and Christians, the Holocaust represents a hermeneutic rupture. After Auschwitz, Jews find their belief in the God of history called into question. And Christians find their past interpretations of the Gospel as good news called into question, when forced by the Holocaust to see that it has been used to justify 2000 years of persecution, expulsion, and pogrom against the Jewish people. For Christians to acknowledge the Holocaust as hermeneutic rupture is to give it the authority of a new hermeneutic criterion for interpreting the Gospel, in which nothing is the word of God which denies the covenantal integrity of the Jewish People. The Holocaust forces a redefinition of the “canon within the canon” in which Paul's letter to the Romans and the Book of Job become central texts. Romans becomes the cornerstone of post-Holocaust theology because it predates the fall of the temple and the emergence of the anti-Judaic myth of Christian supercession and affirms the ongoing election of the Jewish people. And after the Holocaust, the Book of Job takes on new meaning as an allegory, only a desacralized Christianity which demythologizes some of its most sacred traditions in order to affirm human dignity and Jewish integrity can survive Auschwitz with any authenticity.
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13

Cohen, Joshua. "‘Somehow Getting Their Own Back on Hitler’: British Antifascism and the Holocaust, 1960–1967". Fascism 9, n. 1-2 (21 dicembre 2020): 121–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-09010004.

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Abstract This article considers the extent to which the Holocaust galvanized British antifascism in the 1960s. It explores whether the genocide surfaced in Jewish antifascists’ motivations and rhetoric but goes beyond this to assess the Holocaust’s political capital in wider antifascism and anti-racism. The article considers whether political coalitions were negotiated around Holocaust memory, for example, by analysing whether Jewish antifascism intersected with the black and Asian communities of Smethwick and Southall respectively who were targeted by the far right in 1964. Using archival materials and newly-collected oral histories, the article surveys organisations including the Jewish Board of Deputies, the 62 Group, Yellow Star Movement and Searchlight newspaper. It will argue that the Holocaust played a more important role in 1960s’antifascism than has been recognised. Jewish groups fragmented around the lessons of the genocide for their antifascism. The Holocaust influenced race relations legislation and became a metonym for extreme racist violence.
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14

David Engel. "Analyzing Jewish Behavior during the Holocaust". Shofar 36, n. 1 (2018): 183. http://dx.doi.org/10.5703/shofar.36.1.0183.

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Cohen, Richard I. "Writing Jewish History after the Holocaust". Jewish Quarterly Review 102, n. 1 (2012): 96–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jqr.2012.0003.

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Fotinos, Nicoletta I. "Jewish Medical Resistance in the Holocaust". Holocaust Studies 24, n. 1 (18 settembre 2017): 117–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17504902.2017.1361646.

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17

Pimentel, Irene Flunser, e Cláudia Ninhos. "Portugal, Jewish Refugees, and the Holocaust". Dapim: Studies on the Holocaust 29, n. 2 (4 maggio 2015): 101–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23256249.2015.1032118.

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18

Engel, David. "Analyzing Jewish Behavior during the Holocaust". Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 36, n. 1 (2018): 183–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.2018.0007.

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19

Lawson, Peter. "Anglo-Jewish women writing the holocaust". Jewish Culture and History 16, n. 3 (16 febbraio 2015): 312–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1462169x.2014.1003444.

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20

Howell, Michael. "Witnesses to the Holocaust: Jewish Responses". Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 39, n. 1 (1 maggio 2014): 38–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.39.1.38-39.

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21

Hoenig, Leonard J. "A Jewish Physician Amidst the Holocaust". Archives of Internal Medicine 160, n. 19 (23 ottobre 2000): 2891. http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/archinte.160.19.2891.

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22

Lassner, Phyllis, e Victoria Aarons. "Post-Holocaust Culture and Jewish Identity". Journal of Jewish Identities 16, n. 1-2 (gennaio 2023): xi—xiv. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jji.2023.a898134.

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23

Malkin, Vitaly. "The Problem of the Jewish Holocaust". God and Horrendous Suffering 1, Second Revised Edition (1 giugno 2024): 52–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.33929/gcrrpress.2024.02.03.

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I assert that believers cannot exonerate god from being responsible for the evil in the world. God has shown conclusively that he is the source of all evil and suffering, and he should therefore answer for the harm caused to humanity in his name. Good intentions do not count. Is it possible that this evil and this suffering were necessary? I would like to focus on horrendous suffering in this chapter with a description of Absolute Evil. It is a sort of evil that casts a shadow over Hebrew, Christian, and Islamic gods. I am talking about the Holocaust.
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Polonsky, Antony. "Polish-Jewish Relations and the Holocaust". Polin: Studies in Polish Jewry 4, n. 1 (gennaio 1989): 226–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/polin.1989.4.226.

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Lazaroms, Ilse Josepha. "Local Faces, Human Crimes—New Histories of the Hungarian Holocaust". East Central Europe 45, n. 1 (30 aprile 2018): 119–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04501006.

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This essay examines the state of the art in Hungarian Holocaust research by way of three studies that appeared recently: Budapest Building Managers and the Holocaust in Hungary, by István Pál Ádám; The Holocaust in Hungary: Seventy Years Later, edited by Randolph L. Braham and András Kovács; and Hungarian Jews in the Age of Genocide: An Intellectual History, 1929–1948, by Ferenc Laczó (all in 2016). It shows how these studies navigate the intentionalist versus functionalist debate in new ways, by zooming in on local, private, and ordinary Jewish Hungarians, as well as non-Jewish Hungarians, and their experiences of and role in the implementation of the Holocaust. Two main questions stand out: how to understand and come to terms with the complicity of non-Jewish Hungarians and the Hungarian state on the level of nationwide history politics, and how to grasp the relationship between the Holocaust and earlier periods in Hungarian Jewish history. In other words, was the catastrophic fate of Hungarian Jewry presaged by a lingering and deep-rooted antisemitism in Hungarian society, or was it an unprecedented and entirely unexpected occurrence that was out of step not just with Jewish life in Hungary, but with Hungarian society as a whole? By approaching the Hungarian Holocaust in the longer durée and from a transnational perspective, these studies succeed in illuminating the ways in which the catastrophe unfolded “on the ground” and how responses to it depended heavily on previous experiences and life stories based on class, gender, and political and emotional socialization.
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Strilchuk, Maryna V. "The Holocaust in Ukraine". Universum Historiae et Archeologiae 1, n. 1-2 (30 dicembre 2019): 128. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/2611815.

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The national historiography of the Holocaust was analyzed in the article. The author described the main forms of representation of the theme in the Ukrainian researchers’ papers. The main trends and stages of Holocaust Studies in Ukraine were determined. The author analyzed the socio-political conditionality of the Holocaust historiography in different stages, from Soviet time till modernity. The author concluded that Ukrainian historians focuses on the key points of the history of the Holocaust in their papers: anti-Semitic propaganda in the occupied territory of Ukraine, the methods and forms of Jewish resistance to the Nazis, Ukrainian-Jewish relations during the Second World War, politics and culture of the memory of the Holocaust.
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Tamir, Ilan. "Generation 3.0: Popularity of the national German team among Israeli soccer fans". International Review for the Sociology of Sport 53, n. 3 (4 luglio 2016): 371–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1012690216654294.

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Overshadowed by the events of WWII and Germany’s responsibility for the Jewish Holocaust, German–Israel relations are both sensitive and complicated. The memories of the Holocaust and Nazi crimes continue to pervade many areas of life in Israel, as these memories are regularly manipulated by multiple stakeholders. The present study examines the recently growing popularity of the German soccer team among Jewish-Israelis and how past events involving Germany affect fans’ support and sentiments. The findings of this study revealed fans’ dissonance: while fans passionately support the style of soccer of the German team and its players, they are nonetheless challenged by Germany’s role in the Holocaust and consequently adopt various cognitive defenses. A portion of the fans consider their support for the German team as an ingress into European culture; support for the German team is considered antithetical to Israeli culture that supposedly represents a type of sloppiness and imperfect performance. For another portion of the fans, support for Germany represents a Jewish victory over the Nazi motivation to annihilate the Jewish people in the Holocaust.
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Kluveld, Amanda. "Uncovering Names and Connections: The “Polish Jew” Periodical as a Second-Tier Record for Holocaust Remembrance and Network Analysis in Jewish Genealogy". Genealogy 8, n. 3 (22 luglio 2024): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy8030093.

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This paper explores the Polish Jew journal as a pivotal second-tier record for advancing Holocaust studies and Jewish genealogy. Traditionally underutilized in academic research, this periodical provides a unique repository of names and narratives of Holocaust victims, filling crucial gaps in primary record collections. The investigation centers on the journal’s potential not only to contribute names to existing databases of Holocaust victims—many of whom are still unrecorded—but also to enhance genealogical methods through the integration of network analysis. By examining Polish Jew, this study illustrates how second-tier records can extend beyond mere supplements to primary data, acting instead as vital tools for reconstructing complex social and familial networks disrupted by the Holocaust. The paper proposes a methodological framework combining traditional genealogical research with modern network analysis techniques to deepen our understanding of Jewish community dynamics during and after World War II. This approach not only aids in identifying individual victims and survivors but also in visualizing the broader interactions within Jewish diaspora communities. This research underscores the significance of Polish Jew in the broader context of Holocaust remembrance. It offers a novel pathway for the future of Jewish genealogical research, advocating for the strategic use of second-tier records in scholarly investigations.
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Oreshina, Yulia. "Useful Sites of Memory: Jewish Museums in Belgrade and Sarajevo". Tirosh. Jewish, Slavic & Oriental Studies 18 (2018): 237–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2658-3380.2018.18.5.2.

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Understanding museum as a tool of mediation, premediation and remediation of cultural memory, I focus in this article on two case studies — the Jewish Museum in Sarajevo and Jewish Historical Museum in Belgrade. While the Jewish Museum in Sarajevo positiones the city of Sarajevo as the first center of Jewish life in Balkans, the Jewish Historical Museum in Belgrade claims to be the only museum in ex-Yugoslavia presenting the history of Jews in the entire region. Both museums, therefore, claim to be the most important museums on this topic in the region, and certainly in a way compete to each other. What are the real stories hidden under these narratives, and which political and historical circumstances influence the fact that these two museums represent such contrasting stories? With the help of content analysis of the museum exhibitions, I detalize the narratives presented in the both case studies. In the focus of my interest is contextualization of Jewish history in the region and juxtaposition of the ways it is presented in the chosen museums. Obviously, Jewish Historical Museum in Belgrade still represents the unifying Yugoslavian narrative, serving as an umbrella museum for the entire region. In case of Sarajevo, close connection between ongoing process of victimization of the recent past of the city and mythologization of preYugoslavian life in Sarajevo, together with idealization of Bosnian-Jewish relations can be observed. Additionally, I look into the way of representation of the topic of the Holocaust. In the both case studies, the way of narration of the Holocaust is closely linked to the dominant historical narrative of the country, and the museum exposition serves as yet another justification of it. In both cases, the narrative of the Holocaust is shadowed by the previously existing historical tradition — in Yugoslavian times, the Holocaust was predominantly connected to the Ustasha regime and was symbolized by Jasenovac. Nevertheless, within current political realities, the Holocaust memory and the memory of Jewish life in Serbia and in Bosnia and Herzegovina undergoes certain changes and becomes instrumentalized in many contexts.
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Geller, Jay Howard. "Theodor Heuss and German-Jewish Reconciliation after 1945". German Politics and Society 24, n. 2 (1 giugno 2006): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503006780681902.

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Since 1949, the Federal of Republic of Germany's titular head of state, the Federal President (Bundespräsident), has set the tone for discussion of the Nazi era and remembrance of the Holocaust. This precedent was established by the first Bundespräsident, Theodor Heuss. Through his speeches, writings, and actions after 1949, Heuss consistently worked for German-Jewish reconciliation, including open dialogue with German Jews and reparations to victims of the Holocaust. He was also the German Jewish community's strongest ally within the West German state administration. However, his work on behalf of the Jewish community was more than a matter of moral leadership. Heuss was both predisposed towards the Jewish community and assisted behind-the-scenes in his efforts. Before 1933, Heuss, an academic, journalist, and liberal politician, had strong ties to the German Jewish bourgeoisie. After 1949, he developed a close working relationship with Karl Marx, publisher of the Jewish community's principal newspaper. Marx assisted Heuss in handling the sensitive topic of Holocaust memory; and through Marx, Jewish notables and groups were able to gain unusually easy access to the West German head of state.
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Weiss, Amy. "“Making the desert blossom as the rose”: The American Christian Palestine Committee’s “Children’s Memorial Forest” and Postwar Land Acquisition in Palestine". Holocaust and Genocide Studies 33, n. 2 (2019): 244–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/dcz029.

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Abstract The American Christian Palestine Committee believed that Palestine, and not Europe or any other location, should memorialize the European Jewish victims of the Holocaust. Founded in 1946, the ACPC partnered with the Jewish National Fund to establish the Children’s Memorial Forest, a memorial to the more than 1 million Jewish children who perished in the Nazi genocide. Its fundraising campaign sought to plant saplings in the Ein Hashofet region, constituting an early form of Holocaust education among American Sunday school children. It solicited theologically liberal, or mainline, American Protestants’ participation in a land reclamation project aimed at advancing Jewish statehood.
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Houtepen, Anton. "Holocaust and theology". Exchange 33, n. 3 (2004): 207–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157254304774249880.

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AbstractHolocaust Theology, first developed by Jewish scholars, has had a definite impact on the Christian attitude with regard to Judaism. It made Christianity aware of its Anti-Judaist thinking and acting in the past, one of the root causes of Anti-Semitism and one of the factors that led to the Holocaust in Nazi-Germany during World War II. Similar forms of industrial killing and genocide did happen, however, elsewhere in the world as well. Most important of all was the ' metamorphosis ' of the Christian concept of God: no longer did God's almighty power and benevolent will for his chosen people dominate the theological discourse, but God's compassion for those who suffer and and the Gospel of Peace and human rights. Mission to the Jews was gradually replaced by Christian-Jewish dialogue. Both in mission studies, ecumenism and intercultural theology, theologians seem to have received the fundamental truth of the early patristic saying: There is no violence in God. This makes a new alliance of theology with the humanities possible on the level of academia and enables a critical stand of theology against the political power play causing the actual clash of civilisations.
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Vito, Caitlin. "Gustav Meyrink’s 'Golem' and Leo Perutz’s 'Nachts unter der steinernen Brücke': A literary expression of the Jewish experience during the twentieth century". SURG Journal 6, n. 2 (9 luglio 2013): 40–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.21083/surg.v6i2.2182.

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Gustav Meyrink’s novel Der Golem [The Golem], published in 1915, and Leo Perutz’s 1953 novel Nachts unter der steinernen Brücke [By Night under the Stone Bridge] communicate the authors’ image of the Jewish experience and treatment during the period of the twentieth century. Uncanny and fantastical elements are used throughout both texts to help portray the Jewish condition. Meyrink conveys the animosity between nationalistic Jews and middle-class assimilated Jews and highlights the rising anti-Semitism among Gentiles by associating Jews with the decay and corruption of modernity. At the same time, however, Jews are also depicted as a model of higher spirituality. Nachts unter der steinernen Brücke places the Holocaust within the greater context of Jewish history and conveys Perutz’s assessment that the tragedy of the Holocaust is one in a series of devastating events which have plagued the Jewish people. Moreover, the text casts doubt on the benevolence of Jewish and non-Jewish authority figures and even the mercifulness of God. The doubt raised in the novel regarding central Jewish beliefs mirrors the Jewish experience of disorientation and confusion following the horrors of the Holocaust. Perutz also conveys the need for Jewish history to be passed down to future generations as it is their past which helps form their Jewish identity. Keywords: Der Golem [The Golem] (Meyrink, Gustav); Nachts unter der steinernen Brücke [By Night under the Stone Bridge] (Perutz, Leo); Jewish experience (portrayal of); twentieth century; uncanny and fantastical literature; literary interpretation
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34

Stola, Dariusz. "There Is a Polish-Jewish History beyond the Holocaust". Polish Review 66, n. 4 (1 dicembre 2021): 13–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/polishreview.66.4.0013.

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Abstract Responding to the provocative question whether there is Polish history beyond the Holocaust, this article gives several reasons for an affirmative answer. First, if there is a history of Polish Jews beyond the Holocaust, and there is a lot, there is at least as much of a general history of Poland, of which the history of Polish Jews makes an integral part. Second, the history of the Holocaust, at least a good such history, requires the pre-Holocaust history of Jews and of their non-Jewish neighbors: we cannot understand their wartime choices without their prior experiences. Third, by the sheer numbers of Jews who had lived and were killed in Poland, often in sight of their non-Jewish neighbors, the Holocaust is part of the history of Poland more than of other countries. This observation aims not only to strengthen the second argument above, but to point at various consequences of the centuries-long geographic concentration of Jews in Poland and of its abrupt and horrible end.
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35

Adler, Eliyana R. "Translating Trauma: The Afterlife of Holocaust Memorial Books". Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 23, n. 2 (1 settembre 2023): 200–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.23.2.2023.07.01.

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This article examines the contemporary phenomenon of online translations of post-Holocaust Polish Jewish memorial books. The memorial books, written primary in Hebrew and Yiddish in the decades after the war, each focus on Jewish life and death in a particular prewar Jewish community. Written originally by and for people from those communities, the books are now being translated and posted online by Jewish genealogists, and, most recently, by Polish non-Jews interested in the histories of their own towns. The paper explores what is lost and gained in the process of translating these inward facing, post-genocidal diasporic volumes for entirely new communities of readers.
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36

Sanders, Theresa. "“Holy Thursday After the Holocaust”". Horizons 32, n. 02 (2005): 235–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s036096690000253x.

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ABSTRACTThe Holy Thursday Evening Mass of the Lord's Supper relies heavily on language and imagery borrowed from the Jewish festival of Passover. This borrowing has become increasingly problematic after the Holocaust. It leads to supersessionism, and it does not take account of how the meaning of Passover has changed since the time of Jesus, sometimes as the direct result of Christian persecution. This article examines the three readings from the Mass of the Lord's Supper as well as the responsorial psalm in order to show how Catholic interpretations of Passover differ from Jewish ones. It suggests that the difference both can be harmful and is unnecessary.
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37

De Vries, Brian, Peter Suedfeld, Robert Krell, John A. Blando e Patricia Southard. "The Holocaust as a Context for Telling Life Stories". International Journal of Aging and Human Development 60, n. 3 (aprile 2005): 213–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/tfha-d5k5-kqkk-8de4.

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Using a narrative approach, this study explores the role of the Holocaust in the life stories of Survivors, contrasted with two comparison groups (one Jewish and one non-Jewish) whose direct experiences did not include surviving the Holocaust. Using the technique of the life line and measures such as number and type of life events identified, as well as the events marking the beginning and ending of the life story, several differences were found between the three groups. Survivors identified an average of 10 life events, fewer than the non-Jewish comparison group (18) but more than the Jewish comparison group (7). Most of these events were positive, although less so for the Jewish comparison group, with very few future events identified by any of the groups.
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38

Sinn, Andrea A. "Despite the Holocaust: Rebuilding Jewish Life in Germany after 1945*". Leo Baeck Institute Year Book 64, n. 1 (2019): 143–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/leobaeck/ybz001.

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Abstract In 1945, the return of Jewish life to Germany was by no means a foregone conclusion. Aiming to understand the developments that laid the groundwork for a long-term continuation of Jewish life in post-Holocaust Germany, this paper discusses the difficult process of rebuilding Jewish institutions in ‘the land of the perpetrators’ during the first two decades after the Second World War. Particularly significant are the essential contributions of two high-profile representatives of this minority to the process of renewing Jewish life in Germany following the Holocaust. By creating a sense of unity among the different Jewish groups and securing financial and practical support essential to the revival of Jewish life in the Federal Republic, the first General Secretary of the Zentralrat der Juden in Deutschland (Central Council of Jews in Germany), Dr Hendrik G. van Dam, and the journalist and chief editor of the German-Jewish newspaper known today as Jüdische Allgemeine, Karl Marx, played a key role in establishing Jewish institutions. These helped to convey a sense of permanency—a central factor for ensuring a continuation of Jewish life in the years and decades to come.
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39

Langer, Lawrence L. "BEYOND THEODICY: JEWISH VICTIMS AND THE HOLOCAUST". Religious Education 84, n. 1 (gennaio 1989): 48–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0034408890840106.

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40

Garbarini, Alexandra. "Reflections on the Holocaust and Jewish History". Jewish Quarterly Review 102, n. 1 (2012): 81–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jqr.2012.0000.

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41

Timoshkina, Alissa. "Phantom Holocaust: Soviet cinema and Jewish catastrophe". Studies in Russian and Soviet Cinema 8, n. 3 (2 settembre 2014): 239–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17503132.2014.969921.

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42

Lawson, Tom. "Jewish Histories of the Holocaust: Transnational Approaches". German History 34, n. 1 (12 ottobre 2015): 176–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghv117.

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43

Schwartzman, Roy. "Sutured Identities in Jewish Holocaust Survivor Testimonies". Journal of Social Issues 71, n. 2 (giugno 2015): 279–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/josi.12110.

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44

Reiss, Bob. "Jewish Thought about God after the Holocaust". Theology 109, n. 850 (luglio 2006): 262–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x0610900404.

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45

Sax, Benjamin E. "Aesthetics, Jewish Philosophy, and Post-Holocaust Theology". Journal of Jewish Thought and Philosophy 22, n. 1 (24 gennaio 2014): 80–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1477285x-12341252.

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46

Brothers, Eric. "ON TEACHING THE HOLOCAUST AND JEWISH RESISTANCE". Jewish Education 59, n. 3 (dicembre 1992): 29–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15244119208548210.

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47

Adams, Kathryn B., Ellen Steinberg Mann, Rebecca Weintraub Prigal, Adele Fein, Trisha L. Sounders e Barbara Sookman Gerber. "Holocaust Survivors in a Jewish Nursing Home". Clinical Gerontologist 14, n. 3 (17 maggio 1994): 99–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j018v14n03_10.

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48

Beer, Max. "The Montreal Jewish Community and the Holocaust". Current Psychology 26, n. 3-4 (19 ottobre 2007): 191–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12144-007-9017-3.

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49

Webber, Jonathan. "Exhibiting Galicia: Problems of Interpretation and Other Reflections on the Permanent Exhibition at the Galicia Jewish Museum in Kraków". Scripta Judaica Cracoviensia 18 (2021): 105–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20843925sj.20.008.13876.

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Abstract (sommario):
The purpose of this article is to offer a critical comment on the permanent exhibition of the Galicia Jewish Museum in Kraków. The exhibition is innovative in museological terms. It is not about the Jewish history of Galicia, nor is it arranged using conventional chronology, nor is it comprehensive. Rather it is divided into five sections, based on a five-part set of ideas, simple ideas intended to help visitors make sense of the complex realities surrounding the present-day situation of the Jewish heritage seventy-five years after the Holocaust. Let me now briefly outline how these five ideas are represented museologically, the five sections in which the exhibition is organized. The opening section directly presents the popular Jewish stereotype that post-Holocaust Poland is nothing but a vast Jewish graveyard. So this section of the exhibition consists entirely of the raw, shocking sight of desolation – for example, photos of ruined synagogues or ruined Jewish cemeteries. The 23 photos on show in this section include the appalling condition of the synagogue in Stary Dzików (a small town near the Ukrainian border) as it looked in the 1990s and of the devastated Jewish cemetery in Czarny Dunajec (a small town near the Slovak border) at that time. Emphasizing what has been lost by showing the Jewish past of Poland in ruins, and how in that sense the effects of the Holocaust on the built Jewish heritage are still visible, even today, is certainly a powerful and provocative way to begin an exhibition in a Jewish museum.
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50

Nagy, Péter Tibor. "Jewish population of Budapest in 1941 and 1945". Opuscula Theologica et Scientifica 1, n. 1 (8 maggio 2023): 85–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.59531/ots.2023.1.1.85-95.

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Abstract (sommario):
One of the most important issues in the debate about the Holocaust is whether it is a historical or non-historical tragedy. Unexpected natural disasters, such as earthquakes and meteor strikes, are events outside human history - an important common feature is that their survival is only slightly related to people's social position. The more analogous the Holocaust is to this, the more extra-historical the Holocaust is. An important socio-historical feature of historically integrated ethnical, religious, class –based persecutions, on the other hand, is that people become less victims than other members of the persecuted group because of their wealth or their capital of connections with the persecutors, connections to the non-persecuted groups. Comparing the Jewish population of 1941 with the Jewish population of 1945 - based on specific housing registers - the study clearly concludes that the Budapest Holocaust is embedded in history: those with non-Jewish family members, the wealthier and those in occupations where the likelihood of being acquainted with the public sector and Christian colleagues is higher are much more likely to survive. This also implies that more active participation by non-Jews could have increased the number of survivors to a statistically significant extent.
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